Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
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GUIDE to CIVIL SOCIETY in NAMIBIA 3Rd Edition
GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA GUIDE TO 3Rd Edition 3Rd Compiled by Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono and Naita Marowa PJ Rejoice Compiled by GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA 3rd Edition AN OVERVIEW OF THE MANDATE AND ACTIVITIES OF CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS IN NAMIBIA Compiled by Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA COMPILED BY: Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono PUBLISHED BY: Namibia Institute for Democracy FUNDED BY: Hanns Seidel Foundation Namibia COPYRIGHT: 2018 Namibia Institute for Democracy. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means electronical or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without the permission of the publisher. DESIGN AND LAYOUT: K22 Communications/Afterschool PRINTED BY : John Meinert Printing ISBN: 978-99916-865-5-4 PHYSICAL ADDRESS House of Democracy 70-72 Dr. Frans Indongo Street Windhoek West P.O. Box 11956, Klein Windhoek Windhoek, Namibia EMAIL: [email protected] WEBSITE: www.nid.org.na You may forward the completed questionnaire at the end of this guide to NID or contact NID for inclusion in possible future editions of this guide Foreword A vibrant civil society is the cornerstone of educated, safe, clean, involved and spiritually each community and of our Democracy. uplifted. Namibia’s constitution gives us, the citizens and inhabitants, the freedom and mandate CSOs spearheaded Namibia’s Independence to get involved in our governing process. process. As watchdogs we hold our elected The 3rd Edition of the Guide to Civil Society representatives accountable. -
Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
THE ELECTORAL PROCESS and DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE in LESOTHO Lessons for the Democratic Republic of the Congo
VOLUME 2 NO 1 77 THE ELECTORAL PROCESS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN LESOTHO Lessons for the Democratic Republic of the Congo By Khabele Matlosa Dr Khabele Matlosa is Director of the Research and Policy Studies Programme of the Southern African Political Economy Series (SAPES) Trust, 4 Deary Avenue, Belgravia, Harare, Zimbabwe Tel: +263 4252962; Fax: +263 4252964; e-mail: [email protected] INTRODUCTION After long years of authoritarian rule, marked, in the main, by either civilian or military dictatorship, all the member states of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have embraced multi-party democratic governance. Although much progress has been made in a majority of the regional states towards nurturing and consolidating democratic governance, fairly slow progress is still manifest in the case of three SADC member-states, namely Angola, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Swaziland. It is not difficult to understand and explain the rather disappointing record of democratisation in these three states. The main problem in both Angola and the DRC is largely the protracted violent conflict that has characterised them, although it appears now that the prospect of successfully settling these intra-state disputes is fairly bright. Swaziland is steeped in a traditionalism that has entrenched a dynastic form of governance in which the King, as an executive monarch, is central to the running of national affairs. This constitutes a critical democratic deficit for the country. One important ingredient of democratic consolidation in the SADC region is the holding of regular multi-party elections. It should, however, be noted right from the start that an election does not amount to democracy. -
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
Election Update 2004 Namibia No 1
ELECTION UPDATE 2004 NAMIBIA number 1 5 November 2004 contents Pre-election political and policy settings 1 Political Parties 3 The Presidential Elections 5 General Elections 6 Manifestos 6 Regional Elections 9 Civil Society Participation 10 Framework for Election Conflict Prevention and Management 11 Compiled by Phaneul Kaapama EISA Editorial Team Jackie Kalley, Khabele Matlosa, Denis Kadima Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA Pre-election Political and dictates that the election of the Hence, in a few weeks time Policy Settings President should be by direct, Namibians will be going to the universal and equal suffrage. polls to participate in the third Introduction presidential and general Moreover, the same Article elections that are scheduled for At independence in 1990, the stipulates that no person shall November 15 and 16, 2004. Republic of Namibia, through be elected as President unless these will be followed by the its Constitution, embraced the he/she has received more than third Regional Council principles of democracy based fifty per cent (50%) of the votes elections that will be taking on electoral choice and cast and the necessary number place on November 29 and 30, multipartism. Hence, in line of ballots shall be cast until 2004. with these principles, the such result is reached. Article constitution as the formal 46(1)(a) of the constitution The raison d'etre of this source for the understanding of deals with the elections of the briefing paper is to examine the the political and governance members of the National political setting for the processes in the country lays Assembly. -
Safe Road to Prosperity Talking Points by the Chief
1 SAFE ROAD TO PROSPERITY TALKING POINTS BY THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, MR CONRAD M. LUTOMBI, ON THE OCCASION OF THE MEDIA BRIEFING FOR THE COMPLETION OF SECTION 3 OF THE WINDHOEK –OKAHANDJA ROAD UPGRADE PROJECT WINDHOEK –19 APRIL 2017 Members of the RA Management and Staff; Representatives from the Consultant and Contractor; Members of the Media, Good morning to you all, I wish to take this opportunity to welcome and thank you for taking time out of your busy schedules to be here this morning for the briefing of the completed section 3 of the Windhoek-Okahandja road upgrade to a dual carriageway. Section 3 covers the road from Brakwater to the Dobra River and was upgraded to a dual carriage way. This section is approximately 10 kilometres long and it is located in the Khomas Region. 1 2 Two new interchanges for access to the freeway system at Döbra South and Döbra North Interchanges were constructed. Each Interchange consists of a freeway underpass leading to the adjacent municipal arterial network, and two road-over-road bridges with four on and off ramps to connect the freeway to the underpass service road crossing split-level below the dual carriageway. Section 3 also includes the construction of a 5 kilometre service road along the eastern side of the new freeway, between the Döbra South Interchange and the Döbra North interchange. The project commenced in January 2014 and was completed in December 2016. This project was funded by the Road Fund Administration through the German funding agency KfW loan. Section 3 was completed to the tune of N$ 335 million. -
Privacy and Personal Data Protection in Africa; a Rights-Based Survey Of
Privacy and personal data protection in Africa A rights-based survey of legislation in eight countries 1 Privacy and personal data protection in Africa: A rights-based survey of legislation in eight countries Coordination team Koliwe Majama (APC) Janny Montinat (APC) Anriette Esterhuysen (APC) Compiled by Hlengiwe Dube, University of Pretoria, Centre for Human Rights Avani Singh, ALT Advisory Copy editing and proofreading Lynne Stuart (Idea in a Forest) Lori Nordstrom (APC) Lynn Welburn Publication production and support Cathy Chen (APC) Graphic design Monocromo Published by the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms Coalition https://africaninternetrights.org May 2021 Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 ISBN 978-92-95113-39-8 APC-202103-CIPP-T-EN-DIGITAL-329 Supported by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit GmbH Table of contents Introduction and overview 5 Alan Finlay Introduction et vue d’ensemble 15 Alan Finlay Ethiopia 26 Dr. Kinfe Micheal Yilma Addis Ababa University Law School Kenya 78 Sigi Waigumo Mwanzia Namibia 115 Pria Chetty and Alon Alkalay EndCode Nigeria 180 Fola Odufuwa South Africa 212 Gabriella Razzano Tanzania 268 Rebecca Ryakitimbo Togo 304 Emmanuel Agbenonwossi Executive director, Afrotribune Uganda 340 Paul Kimumwe Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) Abbreviations and acronyms ACHPR African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights AfCTFA African Continental Free Trade Area -
The Impact of Political Parties and Party Politics On
EXPLORING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEMS ON DEMOCRACY IN LESOTHO by MPHO RAKHARE Student number: 2009083300 Submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the Magister Degree in Governance and Political Transformation in the Programme of Governance and Political Transformation at the University of Free State Bloemfontein February 2019 Supervisor: Dr Tania Coetzee TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages DECLARATION .................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................................... 5 List of abbreviations and acronyms ................................................................................................... 6 LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................................... 9 Introduction to research ....................................................................................................................... 9 1.1 Motivation ........................................................................................................................................ 9 1.2 Problem statement ..................................................................................................................... -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). -
Namibia Presidential and National Assembly Elections
Namibia Presidential and National Assembly Elections 27 November 2019 MAP OF NAMIBIA ii CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................. V EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................... IX CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 INVITATION .................................................................................. 1 TERMS OF REFERENCE ....................................................................... 1 ACTIVITIES .................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER 2 – POLITICAL BACKGROUND............................................................................................................ 3 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................. 3 BRIEF POLITICAL HISTORY ................................................................... 3 POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE 2019 ELECTIONS ................................................ 4 POLITICAL PARTIES AND PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES CONTESTING THE 2019 ELECTIONS ....... 5 CHAPTER 3 – THE ELECTORAL FRAMEWORK AND ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ............................................... 6 THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ELECTIONS ..................................................... 6 THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION -
Ready for 50/50? He Importance of Equal And/Or Fair Repre- Are Slim
Election Watch Produced by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) Issue No. 4 2013 READY FOR 50/50? he importance of equal and/or fair repre- are slim. With many of the opposition parties Tsentation for democracy-building cannot winning only one or two seats in parliament, be understated. The International Institute as is evident in the current National Assem- for Democracy and Electoral Assistance bly, these seats almost always go to men. (International IDEA) notes that “the develop- This essentially means that the ‘ruling party’ ment of any political agenda that does not and the main opposition parties should ulti- include the perspectives, views and experi- mately take the lead in pressing for a more ences of those who will be affected is not equal gender representation. If Swapo and credible.” The Institute further states that the the RDP, for example, implemented the inclusion of women in governance is a key zebra system – all things being equal – gen- element of any democracy, as “the essential der representation of voting MPs would be at tenet of any democratic framework is the 43 percent instead of the current 24 per principal of human rights, including the grant- cent. ing and exercise of the political rights of both Against this background, proponents of men and women.” equal women’s representation agree that in Photo: RodgerPhoto: Busch /AFP/Getty Image Theoretically, Namibia has been very order to ensure that political parties come to good at stating its support for women’s Although the Ministry of Gender Equality The only level at which the representa- the party in realising 50/50 representation, equality in governance, through the various and Child Welfare (MGECW) is optimistic tion of women has been promising is within reforms to the electoral act that stipulate pieces of legislation and regional/interna- that Namibia will meet the Protocol’s 2015 the local authorities, where the Local Author- specific quotas and regulations need to be tional instruments it has signed.