Election Watch Produced by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) Issue No. 4 2013 Ready for 50/50? he importance of equal and/or fair repre- are slim. With many of the opposition parties Tsentation for democracy-building cannot winning only one or two seats in parliament, be understated. The International Institute as is evident in the current National Assem- for Democracy and Electoral Assistance bly, these seats almost always go to men. (International IDEA) notes that “the develop- This essentially means that the ‘ruling party’ ment of any political agenda that does not and the main opposition parties should ulti- include the perspectives, views and experi- mately take the lead in pressing for a more ences of those who will be affected is not equal gender representation. If Swapo and credible.” The Institute further states that the the RDP, for example, implemented the inclusion of women in governance is a key zebra system – all things being equal – gen- element of any democracy, as “the essential der representation of voting MPs would be at tenet of any democratic framework is the 43 percent instead of the current 24 per principal of human rights, including the grant- cent. ing and exercise of the political rights of both Against this background, proponents of men and women.” equal women’s representation agree that in Photo: RodgerPhoto: Busch /AFP/Getty Image Theoretically, has been very order to ensure that political parties come to good at stating its support for women’s Although the Ministry of Gender Equality The only level at which the representa- the party in realising 50/50 representation, equality in governance, through the various and Child Welfare (MGECW) is optimistic tion of women has been promising is within reforms to the electoral act that stipulate pieces of legislation and regional/interna- that Namibia will meet the Protocol’s 2015 the local authorities, where the Local Author- specific quotas and regulations need to be tional instruments it has signed. Practically, deadline, aside from efforts made at the ities Act stipulates that “where there are 12 made, to bring about the necessary change. however, Namibian women continue to be Local Authority level to increase women’s councillors, at least 5 should be women, and The African Union Commission and its part- represented predominantly by men – be it in representation, there is little indication that where there are 7 councillors, 3 should be ners, for example, note that “affirmative the traditional, local, or national councils and Namibia is prepped to meet the target. women.” This quota essentially ensures 42 actions and explicit constitutional provisions in the National Assembly. At the National Council and National per cent women’s representation at the local for dealing with gender-based discrimination In 2008, Namibia ratified the SADC Pro- Assembly levels, Namibia’s gender perform- government level. have advanced women’s positions in Ethio- tocol on Gender and Development which pia, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, sets a 2015 deadline for the achievement of Tanzania and Uganda.” However, they also Women Office Holders at various levels of public office in Namibia equal representation of women in govern- agree that these measures are only a means ance and decision-making positions. With Members/ Number of Percentage OFFICE to achieving gender equality, not an end. the deadline looming, the 2014 elections will Councillors Women of women Beyond raising the numbers of women in essentially define how well Namibia fares in Cabinet 26 5 19% Parliament, capacitating both men and coming closer to 50/50 representation. National Assembly MPs 78 19 24% women to be more able representatives of The SADC Protocol combines a number the Namibian people, ensuring gender sen- National Council MPs 26 7 27% of existing gender-related instruments to sitisation amongst men and women elected which its member states (including Namibia) Regional Council 107 13 12% to office, mainstreaming gender, and engag- are signatory, including the Beijing Declara- Regional Governors 13 3 23% ing in cross-party discourse through the acti- tion and Platform for Action (BPFA); The Local Authority 323 135 42% vation of Women’s Parliamentary Caucuses Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Mayors 30 8 27% are all important elements to ensuring qual- discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, ity governance in the context of equal Source: Gender Links, 2011 1997) and its Optional Protocol; and The Mil- representation. lennium Development Goals (MDGs). With In assessing Namibia’s readiness to respect to governance, Article 12 of the Pro- ance leaves much to be desired. Despite a To a large extent, Namibia’s ability to meet the 2015 SADC protocol deadline, it is tocol calls for “at least 50 percent of deci- national gender distribution of 51% females meet the targets set by the Protocol will clear that without prescriptive mechanisms sion-making positions in the public and pri- and 49% males, and policies that set an depend on how well the various political par- to ensure that the electoral law and other vate sectors are held by women” , including example for other countries in the region and ties embody the ideals set out in the Proto- pieces of legislation guide political parties the use of affirmative action measures as the world at large, Namibia still has not sur- col. To date, only two parties (Congress of towards becoming engendered, Namibia will provided for in Article 5”. It also urges Mem- passed the 30 per cent mark at the National Democrats and the National Democratic not reach the 50% women’s representation ber states to make Constitutional and legis- Assembly or at the National Council levels. Party of Namibia) use a zebra list to ensure target. To this end, in its recommendations lative provisions to ensure compliance In fact, it has been disconcerting that Namibia equal gender representation. However, their for reforms to the Electoral Act, the Law (including within electoral systems and at the has slipped in its representation of women. impact on the national scale has been limited Reform and Development Commission party level), and calls for these measures to Currently, only 22 per cent of voting MPs in due to their poor performances in the 2009 (LRDC) in the Tötemeyer Report, urges con- be accompanied by public awareness cam- the National Assembly are women – down elections (CoD only won one seat, while sideration of the 50/50 Bill commission by paigns that “demonstrate the vital link from 30 per cent in the 3rd and 4th National NDPN did not win any). In other parties, even the Namibian Women’s Manifesto Network, between the equal representation and par- Assemblies. In the National Council, only 7 where women form a relatively high percent- the legalisation of the ‘zebra’ method of nom- ticipation of women in decision making posi- of the 26 (i.e. 27%) Regional Councillors are age of the party list, these women are often ination on party lists, and abiding by the tions, and democracy, good governance and female; and in Cabinet, only 5 of the 26 (19%) found lower down on the list – where their terms of the SADC Protocol on Gender and citizen participation.” members of Cabinet are female. chances of entering governance positions Development.

About Election Watch Election Watch is a bulletin containing electoral analysis and voter education, which will appear regularly in the run up to the 2014 National Assembly and Presidential Elections. It is produced as a PDF download and as a printed newspaper insert. Election Watch is a project of the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR). It is produced with the support of the Canadian Fund for Local Initiatives (CFLI) and The Namibian newspaper. The content of this edition of Election Watch was written and compiled by IPPR Research Associate Nangula Shejavali. The content of Election Watch is the sole responsibility of the IPPR. Comments and feedback should be sent to the IPPR, PO Box 6566, , Namibia. Tel: (061) 240514; fax: (061) 240516; email: [email protected]. For more on Election Watch check http://www.electionwatch.org.na Election Watch Issue No. 4 2013

LAW REFORM AND DEVELOMENT COMMISSION RECOMMENDATIONS. Ready or Not? • “Gender equity should be pursued in all positions relating to electoral he numbers show that Namibia still has some way to go to achieving 50 per cent women’s representation in governance. tasks, from the lowest to the high- IPPR caught up with various political leaders and civil society activists to get their assessments and views on Namibia’s est level” and in all contexts. Treadiness to meet the SADC Protocol’s 2015 deadline for gender parity in governance and decision-making bodies. • Consideration by the Ministry of Regional and Local Government, our fellow men at the leadership level are the that ‘Out of a list of 72, I have put 36’, but all of Housing and Rural of the 50/50 Bill ROSALIA only ones active, and they leave their spouses them you’ve put behind where your party could proposal related to Regional Gov- NGHIDINWA at home, outside of politics. Everything starts at not achieve. In the four top positions of the ernment, National Council and Minister of home. If we can educate them, women will party you need strong women’s representation. Local Authority representation, as Gender Equality come up and participate politically. You find And not lip service. There are women who this is outside the scope of the and Child Welfare women only active at the grassroots level, but have skills, that could even be leaders of par- we want them to come up to bring about ties, that are being deliberately left behind. Electoral Act. stronger women’s representation in political There is a definite need to see more women in “Namibia – through • Consideration of the 50/50 Bill parties and in the country as a whole. the National Executive – the top jobs of the the Ministry of Gen- commissioned by the Namibian In RDP, we (the women’s league) are trying to party, using a zebra listing.” der Equality and Women’s Manifesto Network and put it to our leadership to make people aware of Child Welfare, and either implementing a zebra system or 50/50 compiled by the Legal Assistance other stakeholders in Namibia – is preparing representation, but this is still in the pipeline. At Centre for possible implementa- itself to meet the 2015 SADC Protocol deadline. MARGARET the moment, we have eight people in parlia- Even though there are some challenges along tion when it relates to particular ment, of which only one is a woman. We don’t MENSAH-WILLIAMS our roadmap. The MGECW is preparing a sub- issues as contained in the Elec- want this to happen anymore. At least if it’s Vice-Chairperson mission to Cabinet for open discussion on how toral Act. eight people in parliament, it should be four – National Council we are going to go about this preparation. At men and four women. And this is what we want • Legalisation of the ‘zebra’ method this point in time, we are consulting with line to be incorporated into our Constitution – to say of nomination when candidates are ministries such as MRGLDH, which are the “I think we have made that it should reflect what the Protocol – as our nominated for elections at national custodians of the election legislation – such as good strides. I was very Government is signatory to this – is saying.” disappointed that we and local level – wherein if the first the election of regional councillors, elections of town councillors, management, and so forth. dropped from 32 per cent candidate on the list is a male per- We’ve made proposals of how we want women to come down to 24 per cent. But I also know son, then the next candidate to participate in the election. For example, the IGNATIUS that we are going to have – at least in the ruling should be a female person and regional councillors of one region has maybe SHIXWAMENI party – an Extraordinary Congress. And during vice versa. nine or twelve regional councillors, we want to All People’s Party this Extraordinary Congress [in June 2013], we are going to do constitutional amendments. • Abide “by the SADC Protocol on prescribe how many of these councillors should (APP) And those amendments are really focusing on Gender and Development, article be women; as with town councillors, manage- ment in the councils, and all along the chain. At gender issues. You can actually say the whole 12, which emphasises fair gender “I’m sure you know educational institutions, for example, if the Extraordinary Congress is about the Swapo representation in all electoral bod- that we will not be Constitution and gender equality, because we chairperson is a male, then the deputy should able to [meet the ies and the goal of achieving a be a female, or vice versa. That is the type of have made proposals for 50 per cent. We SADC deadline for believe that if we start currently with the ruling 50/50 per cent representation by consultation that is ongoing. 50 per cent women representation]. It would be party, I think the ruling party is not really ready. the year 2015,” with quality being Along that line, we are also thinking that we a very big miracle, unless legislation is passed can’t just pull women into decision-making bod- The leadership of the ruling party is ready – the the first criterion in the selection of which would force political parties to do a zebra ies without coaching them or empowering President, the Vice President, the Secretary candidates. list for the National Assembly. There have been General, the Deputy SG, and a few members of them. But in line with the SADC Protocol, we consultations of course with the former Minister • Compel political parties to fair gen- the Central Committee who are not female. also have important steps to take in terms of of Gender Equality and Child Welfare, but I der representation as an obligation women’s empowerment beyond governance. Very few! But the majority, in my opinion, if I don’t know at this particular stage as to how far gauge them, they are not really ready. But I upon Namibia, given its signing The MGECW believes that during the course of the legal drafters have gone in terms of prepar- don’t think they will have a choice when the and ratification of regional and the next two years, we need to make sure that ing that piece of legislation. But most of the par- gender budgeting and gender mainstreaming party’s constitution changes, and they accept. international instruments on gen- ties that were consulted were in favour – includ- Because I could hear the undertones of rivalry should be implemented in the government line ing ourselves. Actually, we have made it part of der representation, as per Article when those proposals were made. It’s a con- ministries and other organisations, to see the our political programme and our manifesto. It is 144 of the Namibian Constitution. impact of the budget on women – what percent- cern for their own positions, and then also the also articulated as one of the objectives that we traditional and cultural values of a woman’s ages of women are benefitting before 2015; so need to attain as a party – that 50/50 should not that we can make sure that by 2015, those who place; but I think they will not have a choice be compromised. We should all aim and move because fortunately in the Swapo Party Consti- are capable to stand are already empowered. towards attaining it.” We also want to start consulting with the Minis- tution, you have to go with the majority deci- try of Finance and Cabinet colleagues to sensi- sion. And I believe that in the Extraordinary tise them on gender budgeting and main- McHENRY Congress, having people from all regions, we Margaret Mensah-Williams’ 6 streaming. For example, we want to hear that VENAANI will get the majority decision from there. Because I think, overarchingly in the country, steps for meeting the SADC the Ministry of Land has certain percentage of Democratic Turnhalle land being allocated to women; or that the Min- more people are ready. It’s only some of those Gender Protocol’s 2015 Alliance (DTA) who are in positions, who fear for their posi- deadline istry of Fisheries has a certain percentage of fishing quotas allocated to women – and with tions. …But I think the President, being the “I think the country can- 1. To amend the Constitution of the other ministries – Mines and Energy, Agricul- head of the institution, has set the pace and the not reach its target on Swapo Party; ture, Trade and Industry, and so forth. We tone, and he is even the one who at previous time. But I think there will 2. To amend the electoral law; would also like to see directorates within minis- occasions has set it publicly … So we are be a significant improve- 3. To have civil society organisations tries ensure the implementation of this type of happy that at least the right person in the right ment because a lot of political discourse in involved in building the capacity empowerment. Importantly, through these position is for this and is ready for this. political parties now is to really make sure that of women throughout the country, efforts, alongside the initiative of women them- Once we get the Swapo Party Constitution we reach the target. You need to bring in candi- including religious institutions; selves, this overall empowerment of women will ready, then we need to get the Electoral Act dates that are going to deliver a service to peo- 4. To create employment and more eventually lead women to grow into decision- ready. Because currently its only the Local ple, and there is a need to really train people. Authorities Act that makes provision [for wom- funding for women to be making bodies.” financially independent and build But it does not diminish the fact that we also en’s representation]. So once the Electoral Act their capacity so that they will be have men – and I must be very bold and candid is going to be amended – and I know the previ- able to start participating and the SELMA – we also have men that have no training, but ous Minister of Gender was struggling to get legal framework will be ready, and SHILONGO that are standing as Regional Councillors. So I political parties to commit themselves – but I they themselves will be ready; Rally for think from my party’s perspective, we might not also know she informed us unofficially that the reach the 50/50 percent at 2015, but I think I 5. To give women opportunities to Democracy and President is going to call the presidents of the would give a personal effort to reach at least 46 opposition parties and negotiate with them so exhibit their leadership skills so Progress – that they may become known. To per cent as a target. I always contend in my that they can agree on the amendment in the Women’s League market them, so to speak; and party that even if you put six women out of ten Electoral Act. And then, you know, sometimes, 6. To entice young women. We in the party, and you put them at the last num- even though you don’t want to, you have to should make politics and “At the national level, bers, and they don’t make the seats in parlia- force or coerce people into making it obligatory leadership positions attractive for in order to meet the ment, then you have not addressed the prob- for them to implement what we have committed younger people, by changing our SADC Protocol’s 2015 deadline, first we have lem. Because you must make sure that gender ourselves to. Because as the Head of State, the methods also. to educate women as well as men to under- representation means actual representation – President also has the responsibility because stand the political situation and the important not nomination processes. Political parties we have committed ourselves in SADC.” role of women in politics. We sometimes see comply with the nomination process saying

2 Election Watch Issue No. 4 2013

syndrome - the ‘Pull Her Down’ syndrome – want to and will see that at least on our party NGAMANE VERONICA DE and it’s been there for generations, and still we list, there will be 50/50. There are 72 members, KARUAIHE-UPI KLERK have not really improved on that. So I think as so there will be at least 36 women on that list. Gender Equality Founder & Director, soon as women stop this thing of being jealous At the moment we have about 30 women on the Practitioner Women’s Action for of each other and pulling each other down, then list. (In terms of how this list is structured), I Development(WAD) we will get better representation in all levels of don’t believe in the zebra list … but at least in “Based on topical evi- government. We have to vote for each other. the first ten, because the President in our (RP) Economist And we must believe in one another. And we Constitution, has the right to nominate the first dence and what is “In terms of reaching the must stand together as a united force and act ten.” reported in the media, as SADC 2015 deadline, like a majority, and not like a minority that begs well as from what we saw in the 2009 and the first of all, I think that when our President signs for favours all the time.” interim elections, even with Swapo’s congress these protocols, he must come back and make ROSA NAMISES in November (that touched on gender equality), it known. We have to know what protocols Founder & Director, Namibia is not close to being ready to imple- have been signed, and not a year later. We Women’s Solidarity ment the Protocol. The message for gender need to know even before he goes, what is he CLARA Namibia equality is still not internalised, or embraced. going to do there, and what responsibility does GOWASES Africa in general, and Namibia in particular, are that give to the Namibians to work towards hon- MP, Republican Party “We are not on track to lip-servicing gender equality. To please donors, ouring those protocols that he’s signed. I said

Confidénte meet the 2015 SADC the government went out of its way to say yes to already that we are not working together. We Protocol deadline, gender equality and to participating in meeting “Every political party had don’t trust one another’s abilities as women, although the President has signed (and rati- these objectives. But the reality on the ground a visit in November last and that needs to change dramatically. fied) it. The reason that we are not on track is says ‘no’. Namibia, South Africa, and other year by the SADC Currently, Namibia’s performance in terms the silence. I don’t see any systems in place to countries a few years ago had higher numbers regional women’s Parlia- of gender representation is disappointing. You implement or educate those women and men (of women in governance), but these numbers mentary Forum. And at that workshop, we were know, in 2009 when we had the national elec- about it. I am afraid that the time will come, and have gone down. Gender equality is still looked really educated on the importance of imple- tions, we dropped from 32 per cent to 22 per Namibia will try to rush it, and then we won’t get at as if including women to appease them, and menting the SADC Protocol, because our cent, or by about 10 per cent. It’s very very dis- the necessary results because the political par- not looking at the quality and role in taking the President, His Excellency President Hifikepu- appointing because men vote for men and ties will not be ready to implement the Protocol. country forward. Namibia and other countries nye Pohamba, already signed it, and the state women vote for men. And women still have this The representation of women in the National are still window-dressing gender equality, and party shall make sure that at least 50 per cent idea that women can’t do it as well as men can Assembly is already going down, and this will there is no real effort to implement. Namibia is of decision-making positions in the public and do it. And I think that’s not fair because I have a decline further because aside from the num- still far from meeting and embracing the private sectors are held by women, including lot of confidence in women’s skills and their bers, the voices of women are also declining, requirements of the SADC Protocol on Gender, through the use of affirmative action measures. ability to multitask. I think that what needs to and nobody is raising the issues for women. If and from meeting the deadline.” So I think our party, the Republican Party of happen is that women should stop pulling other we don’t start now, the numbers (of women in women down. You know, there is this PHD Namibia, is very serious about that and we governance) will continue to dwindle.” CHANGE STARTS AT THE PARTY LEVEL: An assessment of political party track records on gender equality

ith the 2014 National Assembly and Presidential Elections just around the corner, the way in which political parties deal with gender issues within their structures and in their manifestos will play a determining role in whether Namibia meets the SADC Protocol’s 2015 deadline for equal women’s representation. Many of the Wpolitical parties are in the process of redefining their goals, leadership structures, manifestos, and so forth, but their track records in line with how they dealt with gender issues in 2009 and to date, may shed some light on what we can expect from the various parties:

Swapo RDP The ‘ruling party’ has had the most potential to equalise the months later, there was much talk about bringing about 50/50 Beyond Swapo and the CoD, the remaining parties gender structure of parliament, given the party’s sheer size representation in the party’s structures, but the actual discus- have failed to contribute much toward equality in and scope within the National Assembly. It is important to sion and implementation of such was postponed to an the National Assembly. The Rally for Democracy note Swapo has contributed the largest number of women to Extraordinary Congress set for June 2013, despite former and Progress, which won eight seats in the last the overall National Assembly list. Of the 20 women currently President Sam Nujoma’s urging that “the Swapo party gov- election, only has one female MP in the post - 2010 in parliament, 19 hail from Swapo, and the party has held the ernment must implement the 2002 and 2007 Swapo party National Assembly, and further, has only 15 women greatest proportion of females in parliament since independ- congress resolutions for equal representation of women in (20.8 percent) in its 72-member Central Commit- ence. However, in all, the percentage of MPs representing influential positions.” (Windhoek Observer, 29-12-2012) tee, and four women (19 percent) in its 21-member Swapo who are female, has always lingered between 8.5 per- In terms of reaching the national 50/50 goal, it is essentially National Executive Committee. This is despite the cent (1990-1995) and 30.6 percent (2010-2015). As with the the Swapo party that is best positioned to bring about the party manifesto’s declaration under the subhead- remaining parties, given the national goal to have 50 percent change that the Government (often referred to as “the ruling ing “women’s empowerment”, to “strive to achieve female representation by 2015, these numbers do little to party Government” by Swapo itself) wishes to see. For exam- at least 50 percent representation of women, both advance the cause of women in governance. ple, if Swapo had 50 percent women’s representation in its in government and public service, as well as within Prior to Swapo’s 5th Congress, gender equality featured current structure, all things equal, the proportion of women in our own party’s political and organisational activi- strongly at the party’s first and highly publicised National Pol- parliament today would be 38.5 per cent – a major shift from ties.” In an interview with IPPR, RDP’s Selma Shi- icy Conference in September 2012. At the Congress two the current 24 per cent. longo noted that the party recently held a workshop to discuss alternative policies with regards to wom- en’s representation in the party’s structures, and CoD, RP, APP and SWANU (1-seat parties) DTA, UDF and NUDO (2-seat parties) stated that the party is considering amending its CoD, RP, APP and SWANU each won only one seat in the 2010- Despite Manifestos that state a commitment to height- constitution to reflect a commitment to 50/50 repre- 2015 National Assembly, and each fielded a man to these seats. ening the recognition of women in governance, DTA, sentation, possibly using the zebra system or an The is notably the most progressive party UDF and NUDO each won two seats in the 2010-2015 alternative method. In the party’s Alternative Poli- in parliament terms of gender equality, as it makes use of the ‘zebra National Assembly, but none of them fielded a woman cies document, references made by the RDP on system’ that ensures 50/50 gender representation on an alternating to parliament. If they a zebra-style was made compul- gender remain the same, with the addition that the scale. (The National Democratic Party of Namibia also makes use sory, each of these parties would’ve had to ensure the party will “work with NGOs to promote training for of a zebra list, but this party failed to secure any seats in the 2009 presence of one woman and one man in Parliament. women and girl-child issues and focus on educat- elections). However, while this is clearly an important way of ensur- ing women for active participation in socio-eco- ing equal representation in the National Assembly, the impact of nomic and political affairs, and nurture them for this system cannot be fully felt with only the CoD’s implementation, leadership roles”. as the party has only managed 7, 5, and 1 candidate(s) to the last Parties that did not win any seats three parliaments respectively. Its contribution of women to the 3rd in the 2009 Election (3 women) and 4th (2 women) National Assemblies was important, Among the parties that did not win any seats in the Election Watch relatively speaking, but with only one candidate in the 5th National 2009 elections, gender representation within their Assembly, and seemingly waning popularity since it came to the lists of 72 and on the top 10 spots have been mixed. is supported by fore in 1999, the party’s future – and it’s hope for raising the bar with The Communist Party was the only party with more regards to gender equality – remains bleak. women than men on both the party list and the top 10 spots. The NDPN employs a zebra list, and therefore Following the resignation of the party’s president, Henk Mudge, had 50% representation through an alternating list. from parliament, Clara Gowases – a woman – filled the RP’s DPN had 38% women on the party list, with 50 per vacancy in the National Assembly. Neither RP nor SWANU make cent representation in their top ten. MAG and NDMC mention of gender and/or women’s representation in their 2009 show the poorest levels of women’s representation in Manifestos. APP’s 2009 Manifesto states that the party supports the party list, with 0 per cent and 10 per cent of women “total gender equality”, noting that “50/50 in decision making struc- in the top ten positions respectively. (IPPR, 2009) tures must become a reality in our lifetime”.

3 Election Watch Issue No. 4 2013

SHOULD QUOTAS BE IMPLEMENTED? n order to balance the numbers, give women a chance which they do Pros and Cons of Quota Systems several countries have adopted not have today in most parts of the I quota systems within their govern- world.” PROS ance bodies. Reactions to these quota systems • Quotas for women do not discriminate, but compensate for actual barriers that prevent women In fact, Rwanda, which currently have been mixed, but the major theme from their fair share of the political seats. leads globally in terms of women’s emanating from both sides of the argu- • Quotas imply that there are several women together in a committee or assembly, thus minimizing representation in governance at 56 ment is that while quotas may boost the stress often experienced by the token women. • Women have the right as citizens to equal representation. per cent, achieved this feat by intro- women’s representation in politics, • Women’s experience is needed in political life. ducing quotas that ensured at least 30 they are not enough alone to empower • Men cannot represent the interest of women. Only many women can represent the diversity of percent female representation in the women on a global scale. Tackling the women. Senate and through reserved seats for barriers that keep women on the • Election is about representation, not educational qualifications. women in the lower chamber of Parlia- fringes of politics – as opposed to sim- • Women are just as qualified as men, but women’s qualifications are downgraded and minimised in a male-dominated political system. ment (where women-only elections ply shooing them into parliaments for • Quotas do not discriminate against individual men. Rather quota rules limit the tendency of are held for 24 of the 80 seats). window-dressing – is imperative to political parties to nominate only men. For the voters, the opportunities are expanded, since it now According to International IDEA, ensure the meaningful and active par- becomes possible to vote for women candidates. quotas aim at increasing the represen- ticipation of women in governance, as • Conflicts that may be caused by the introduction of quotas are only temporary. tation of women in governance by well as to ensure that their male coun- • Several internationally recognized conventions on gender equality have set targets for women’s ensuring that women “constitute a cer- terparts respect and value their political representation, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) which 179 countries are now party to, as well as the 1995 Beijing tain number or percentage of the contributions. Platform for Action. members of a body, whether it is a The Quota Project reports that • How can it be justified that men occupy more than 80 percent of the parliamentary seats in the candidate list, a parliamentary assem- while it is difficult to place an exact fig- world? bly, a committee or a government.” ure on how many countries are using • Quotas can contribute to a process of democratisation by making the nomination process more The Institute adds that “Gender quotas quotas, “as of 2006, around 40 coun- transparent and formalised. draw legitimacy from the discourse of tries have introduced gender quotas in exclusion, according to which the main elections to national parliaments, CONS • Quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity for all, since women are given preference. reasons for women’s under-represen- either by means of constitutional • Political representation should be a choice between ideas and party platforms, not between social tation are the exclusionary practices of amendment or by changing the elec- categories. the political parties and the political toral laws (legal quotas). In more than • Quotas are undemocratic, because voters should be able to decide who is elected. institutions at large. Quotas place the 50 countries major political parties • Quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender, not because of their burden of candidate recruitment not have voluntarily set out quota provi- qualifications, and that better-qualified candidates are pushed aside. • Many women do not want to get elected just because they are women. on the individual woman, but on those sions in their own statues (party • Introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within the party organisation. who control the recruitment process, quotas).” • Quotas for women will be followed by demands for quotas for other groups, which will result in a first and foremost the political parties. The table on the right highlights politics of sheer group-interest representation. Quotas force those who nominate and the pros and cons of the use of quota select to start recruiting women and systems. Source: International IDEA and QuotaProject.com GENDER-RELATED LEGISLATION ince Independence, the Government has repeatedly stated its support for women’s to Namibia’s theoretical commitment to equal and equitable women’s representation in Srights and representation, and has enacted, signed and ratified a plethora of laws, leadership and governance, as well as in other social contexts. Practically, however, the conventions and protocols to this effect. country has a long way to go to reach the requirements and deadlines to which it has In fact, the Constitution sets the tone for women’s empowerment. Article 10 of the committed itself in the said legislation. Namibia’s National Gender Policy and National Namibian Constitution states that all persons shall be equal before the law and prohibits any Gender Plan of Action also seek to tie the country’s national goals with the objectives discrimination on grounds of sex. Article 23 goes further in this regard, to make provision set out in the SADC Protocol. In line with NDP3 and Vision 2030, they aim to achieve for affirmative action for women. In this regard, it states that “In the enactment of legislation gender equality and the empowerment of both women and men in the socio-economic, and the application of any policies and practices contemplated by Sub-Article (2) hereof, cultural and political development of Namibia. With respect to women’s representation in it shall be permissible to have regard to the fact that women in Namibia have traditionally governance and political decision-making, the Policy states that its major objective is to suffered special discrimination and that they need to be encouraged and enabled to play a “Increase women’s participation at all levels of decision-making, and provide support for full, equal and effective role in the political, social, economic and cultural life of the nation”. women in governance and decision-making positions”. Policies such as the National Gender Policy and the National Gender Plan of Action, as Below is a table of many of the instruments created, ratified or signed by the Government, well as the ratification of the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, are all testimony in the interest of leveling the playing field for women.

Overview of policies and regulations related to gender and politics

National policies Year Major guiding Key elements with respect to gender International conventions/protocols related to gender to which Namibia linked to signed/ legislation/policy representation in politics and decision-making is signatory gender ratified

Vision 2030 and the 2010 (Revised) National Increase women’s participation at all levels of • SADC Declaration on Gender and Development and its Addendum on the National Gender Policy decision-making, and provide support for women in Prevention and Eradication of Violence against Women and Children Development Plans (2010-2020) governance and decision-making positions • The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPFA) • The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1997), and its Optional Protocol Married Persons • The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) Equality Act (1996) 2011 National Gender Capacity building, skills development, mentorship • The Convention on the Rights of the Child (1990) Plan of Action and confidence building for women in parliament • The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Combating of and other areas of public sector; Representation in Rights of Women in Africa (2003) Domestic Violence all spheres of public life • The UN Convention against Transnational Crime, 2000 (UNTOC) and the Act (2003) Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, known as the Palermo Protocol Traditional Authorities 2008 SADC Protocol on 50% of decision-making positions in the public and • The UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security Act (1995) Gender and private sectors, the cabinet, parliament, judiciary, all (2000) Development tribunals and commissions, including human rights • The International Conference on Population and Development (1994) Local Authorities Act bodies, civil society, traditional structures, trade • The Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) (1992) unions, political parties and the media to be held by • International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) women by 2015 • International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)

What is the IPPR? The Institute for Public Policy Research was established in 2001 as a not-for-profit organisation with a mission to deliver, independent, analytical, critical yet constructive research on social, political and economic issues which affect development Namibia. The IPPR was established in the belief that development is best promoted through free and critical debate informed by quality research. The IPPR is independent of government, political parties, business, trade unions and other interest groups and is governed by a board of seven directors. Anyone can receive the IPPR’s research free of charge by contacting the organisation at 14 Nachtigal Street, Windhoek; PO Box 6566, Windhoek; tel: (061) 240514; fax (061) 240516; email: [email protected]. All IPPR research is available at http://www.ippr.org.na. 4Material related to Election Watch is available at http://www.electionwatch.org.na