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IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). -
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ––––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––– Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA ISBN 1-920095-02-0 Debie LeBeau 9781920 095024 Edith Dima Order from: [email protected] EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 i MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ii EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 iii MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA BY DEBIE LEBEAU EDITH DIMA 2005 iv EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 Published by EISA 2nd Floor, The Atrium 41 Stanley Avenue, Auckland Park Johannesburg, South Africa 2006 P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 482 5495 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 1-920095-02-0 EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2005 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society. –––––––––––– ❑ –––––––––––– Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, MA USA EISA Research Report, No. 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 v CONTENTS List of acronyms viii Acknowledgements x Preface xi 1. Background to multiparty democracy in Namibia 1 Historical background 1 The electoral system and its impact on gender 2 The ‘characters’ of the multiparty system 5 2. -
Ready for 50/50? He Importance of Equal And/Or Fair Repre- Are Slim
Election Watch Produced by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) Issue No. 4 2013 READY FOR 50/50? he importance of equal and/or fair repre- are slim. With many of the opposition parties Tsentation for democracy-building cannot winning only one or two seats in parliament, be understated. The International Institute as is evident in the current National Assem- for Democracy and Electoral Assistance bly, these seats almost always go to men. (International IDEA) notes that “the develop- This essentially means that the ‘ruling party’ ment of any political agenda that does not and the main opposition parties should ulti- include the perspectives, views and experi- mately take the lead in pressing for a more ences of those who will be affected is not equal gender representation. If Swapo and credible.” The Institute further states that the the RDP, for example, implemented the inclusion of women in governance is a key zebra system – all things being equal – gen- element of any democracy, as “the essential der representation of voting MPs would be at tenet of any democratic framework is the 43 percent instead of the current 24 per principal of human rights, including the grant- cent. ing and exercise of the political rights of both Against this background, proponents of men and women.” equal women’s representation agree that in Photo: RodgerPhoto: Busch /AFP/Getty Image Theoretically, Namibia has been very order to ensure that political parties come to good at stating its support for women’s Although the Ministry of Gender Equality The only level at which the representa- the party in realising 50/50 representation, equality in governance, through the various and Child Welfare (MGECW) is optimistic tion of women has been promising is within reforms to the electoral act that stipulate pieces of legislation and regional/interna- that Namibia will meet the Protocol’s 2015 the local authorities, where the Local Author- specific quotas and regulations need to be tional instruments it has signed. -
Tells It All 1 CELEBRATING 25 YEARS of DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS
1989 - 2014 1989 - 2014 tells it all 1 CELEBRATING 25 YEARS OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS Just over 25 years ago, Namibians went to the polls Elections are an essential element of democracy, but for the country’s first democratic elections which do not guarantee democracy. In this commemorative were held from 7 to 11 November 1989 in terms of publication, Celebrating 25 years of Democratic United Nations Security Council Resolution 435. Elections, the focus is not only on the elections held in The Constituent Assembly held its first session Namibia since 1989, but we also take an in-depth look a week after the United Nations Special at other democratic processes. Insightful analyses of Representative to Namibia, Martii Athisaari, essential elements of democracy are provided by analysts declared the elections free and fair. The who are regarded as experts on Namibian politics. 72-member Constituent Assembly faced a We would like to express our sincere appreciation to the FOREWORD seemingly impossible task – to draft a constitution European Union (EU), Hanns Seidel Foundation, Konrad for a young democracy within a very short time. However, Adenaur Stiftung (KAS), MTC, Pupkewitz Foundation within just 80 days the constitution was unanimously and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) adopted by the Constituent Assembly and has been for their financial support which has made this hailed internationally as a model constitution. publication possible. Independence followed on 21 March 1990 and a quarter We would also like to thank the contributing writers for of a century later, on 28 November 2014, Namibians their contributions to this publication. We appreciate the went to the polls for the 5th time since independence to time and effort they have taken! exercise their democratic right – to elect the leaders of their choice. -
Transitions in Namibia Which Changes for Whom?
Transitions in Namibia Which Changes for Whom? Edited by Henning Melber NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UPPSALA 2007 Cover: The restored steam tractor outside the coastal town of Swakop- mund was made in Germany and brought to the country in 1896. It should replace ox wagons as a means of transport in the further colonization of Namibia’s interior. The 2.8 tons heavy machine in need of lots of water never managed it through the sands of the Namib desert. The local colonizers named it after the German reformer Martin Luther, who in 1521 had declared: “Here I stand – may God help me. I can not otherwise.” Today a national monument and put behind glass, Namibia’s “Martin Luther” remains an early symbol for the failure of grand visions. Indexing terms: Social change Economic change Cultural change Political development Liberation Decentralization Gender relations International relations Economic and social development Post-independence Namibia Cover photos: Henning Melber Language checking: Peter Colenbrander © The authors and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2007 ISBN 978-91-7106-582-7 Printed in Sweden by Elanders Gotab AB, Stockholm 2007 Table of Contents Preface ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 5 Henning Melber Transitions in Namibia – Namibia in transition An introductory overview ………………………………………………………… 7 Christopher Saunders History and the armed struggle From anti-colonial propaganda to ‘patriotic history’? ……… 13 Phanuel Kaapama Commercial land reforms in postcolonial Namibia What happened to liberation struggle rhetoric? ………………… 29 Herbert -
Land Reform in Namibia: an Analysis of Media Coverage
LAND REFORM IN NAMIBIA: AN ANALYSIS OF MEDIA COVERAGE By Petrus J. Engelbrecht Submitted to the graduate degree program in African and African-American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. ________________________________ Chairperson: Dr. Elizabeth MacGonagle ________________________________ Dr. Hannah Britton ________________________________ Dr. Ebenezer Obadare Date Defended: June 25, 2011 The Thesis Committee for Petrus J. Engelbrecht certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: LAND REFORM IN NAMIBIA: AN ANALYSIS OF MEDIA COVERAGE ________________________________ Chairperson Elizabeth MacGonagle Date approved: June 25, 2014 ii ABSTRACT The highly inequitable land ownership that resulted from nearly a century of colonization is an important socio-economic issue that must be overcome in order to ensure Namibia’s long-term stability and success. The media plays an important role in ensuring that land reform is successfully designed and executed. The media informs the public, sets the public and political agenda, holds the government accountable, and serves as a public sphere. This project analyses Namibia’s three primary daily newspapers’ coverage of land reform from 2003 to 2013 utilizing interpretive content analysis to determine how the papers are reporting on land reform and related themes. I then compare their portrayals to see to what they are fulfilling their roles. I find that the papers’ reporting is mostly event-driven and lacks depth and greater context. Furthermore, the papers offer a mostly one-sided view of issues. While the papers regularly reported on land reform, they generally struggle to accomplish the function that the media fulfills in a democracy. -
Spot the Difference3rd Edition Presidential and National Assembly Elections 2019
SPOT THE DIFFERENCE3rd EDITION PRESIDENTIAL AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS 2019 WHOGETS YOUR VOTE? MAKE AN INFORMED DECISION Empowered lives. Resilient nations. 2 SPOT THE DIFFERENCE 2019 DISCLAIMER Between June and August, 2019, all seventeen political parties that were registered with the Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN), had been engaged to complete an interview questionnaire. Provision for face-to-face interviews had been arranged to take place in the first two weeks of August for those parties that could not meet the submittal deadline for the completed questionnaire. The questionnaire incorporated six questions addressing topical, socio-economic and political issues that were formulated to ensure that the Namibian electorate would be assisted to make informed decisions during the 2019 Presidential and National Assembly Elections. The decision to profile 13 political parties in this publication was based on their willingness to respond to the interview questions. Considering that a three-month period had been specified and communicated to all 17 parties, no political party was subjected to discrimination nor deliberately excluded from being featured herein IMPRINT Coordinators: NID (Naita Hishoono, Pandu Nghipandulwa) HSF (Dr Clemens von Doderer, Susanne Scholz) NMH (Carolin Guriras) UNDP (Geraldine Itana) Spot the Difference Editor: Rakkel Andreas is an NID publication Layout and design: NMH funded by HSF and Printing: Newsprint Namibia UNDP Publication date: October 2019 This publication is published by the Namibia Media Holdings (Pty) Ltd SPOT THE DIFFERENCE 2019 3 TABLE OF CONTENT 1. Prologue by the Chairperson of the Namibia Institute for Democracy (NID), Mr Kavena Hambira (P4) 2. Foreword by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Mr Hon. -
Republic of Namibia KAS Factbook April 2021 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung E.V
Republic of Namibia KAS Factbook April 2021 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. Independence 21 March 1990 (national holiday) 1 Capital Windhoek (about 400,000 inhabitants)0F Government Republic (bicameral system) Member of the Commonwealth of Nations since 1990 Official Language English (until 1990 also Afrikaans and German) Namibia has 13 recognized national languages, including 10 indigenous African languages and 3 Indo- European languages. Most frequent mother tongues are: Oshiwambo (48.9%), Nama/Damara (11.3%), 2 Afrikaans (10.4%).1F Administration 14 regions: Caprivi, Erongo, Hardap, Karas, Kavango, Khomas, Kunene, Ohangwena, Omaheke, Omusati, Oshana, Oshikoto, Otjozondjupa, Zambezi President Dr. Hage Geingob (since 2014) Area 824,292 km2 Geographical Angola (north), Zambia (north-east), Zimbabwe (north- borders east), Botswana (east), South Africa (south), Atlantic Ocean (west) 3 4 Population 2,678,192F inhabitants, 52% urban3F 5 Population growth 1.83%4F rate Unemployment Total: 34% rate Currency NAD (N$) 1 € = N$ 17.82 (22.02.21) 1 City of Windhoek, http://www.windhoekcc.org.na/pdf/Councillor%20Ogranogram%202016.pdf (2016) Other estimates higher number. 2 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 3 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 4 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 5 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). - 2 - www.kas.de/namibia Religion 80% - 90% Christian (at least 50% Lutheran), 10% - 20% indigenous beliefs Contents 1. History – Colonialism and Independence ................................................................... 4 2. State and Politics -
The Namibian@30
85 - 2 19 015 Photo: Hans Rack ...and still years telling it like it is! 2 31 August 2015 31 August 2015 3 Foreword Occasions like this 30th anniversary help us to reflect on the fact that passion for journalism, in particular, and civil liberties, such as freedom of speech, in general, are indispensable to human advancement, including the pursuit of material goods. HE people’s paper, the people’s since the paper was by then well-estab- undisputed fastest moving commodity. only by building on the tradition of The company, the people’s institution. lished as the most read, reaching most The internet is testing how journalism Namibian as fiercely independent, an TThere should be no doubt by now Namibians by any comparison. is practised. Our duty is to ensure that we inquiring institution and a defender of that The Namibian is that sort of national Thankfully, all those attempts have adapt to this new technology to continue the public good, especially in service of treasure, and for good reasons. been in vain, and only strengthened the being relevant to you, our audience, be- the poor and vulnerable. After all, as it is The history of the paper is fairly resolve to keep the institution independent cause freedom, peace and the pursuit of said, a caring nation is measured by how well-documented, but less known is of special monied and power interests. happiness can never go out of fashion. well it looks after the weakest members perhaps the fact that the very structure of Lifting that ban 10 years later was also Our duty is to ensure that every one of us of its society. -
National Assembly Performance
Institute for Public Policy Research Not Speaking Out: Measuring National Assembly Performance By Ellison Tjirera and Graham Hopwood IPPR Comment No. 4 September 2009 This paper analyses the amount of contributions that members of the National Assembly made to parliamentary debate from September 2005 to October 2007 as one indicator of parliamentary performance. Although it has been speculated that some members of the National Assembly contribute very little to debates on bills and motions, as far as the IPPR is aware no research since independence has actually sought to quantify how much MPs contribute to debates in the House. The principal measure used for this research paper was the number of lines each MP contributed to debate in the Hansard – the official record of parliament. Originally, the IPPR had hoped to examine Hansard from the inception of the current parliament in 2005 until mid-2009. However, this has proved impossible because Hansard is not available from October 2007 onwards since editions have not been published since then. For this reason this analysis is based on a two-year period from September 2005 to early October 2007, which was felt to be a long enough period to make an assessment of how much MPs contributed to debate. The methodology used by this research paper is restricted solely to the amount of lines that MPs have contributed to the official record of parliamentary proceedings. No attempt is made to assess the quality of those contributions as this would involve highly subjective value judgements. This paper also does not attempt to assess how MPs may contribute to other aspects of parliamentary life, for example the committee system. -
50-50 PB NAMIB May20rev
50/50 POLICY BRIEF NAMIBIA MAY 2020 Namibia came within a hairbreadth of attaining gender parity in the 2019 elections. Photo: Colleen Lowe Morna Key facts This policy brief sets out key issues and options for the increased representation of women in politics in Namibia following the 2019 elections. The issue is of critical importance given that: • Namibia has local government and regional elections in 2020. • Elections at both local and national level are run on a Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system that is generally more favourable to women's representation. • The ruling South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) has a 50% one woman, one man (or “zebra”) quota. This played a key role in delivering 46% women to the House of Assembly in 2019. The 2019 elections paved way for young women in leadership in Namibia. • There is a legislated 30% quota for women at the local but not national level in Namibia. Last year former South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO) MP Eunice Iipinge introduced a motion in parliament for a 50% legislated quota at local and national level. The motion received broad support but has not been enacted. • Regional elections are run on a First Past the Post (FPTP) basis. This largely accounts for the very low representation of women (17%) in this tier of government. • Article 23 of the Namibian Constitution acknowledges that women were previously disadvantaged in many areas of life including politically. These facts present both a threat and an opportunity to debate electoral systems and quotas, the experiences1 Appointed by the King. -
3. Political Parties and Personalities in Namibia
Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Donor support of opposition parties in Namibia. How foreign support for parties effects democracy in a new democracy. By: Karl Wagner Karl Wagner 1 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………4 Democratic Support………………………………………………………………..16 Political systems and parties: prevailing African democratic conditions…………. 27 Political Parties and Personalities in Namibia……………………………………...40 Namibian electoral systems and elections………………………………………….65 Support, past and present…………………………………………………………..87 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………101 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………….108 Karl Wagner 2 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Photograph copyright Tony Figueira, courtesy The Namibian Karl Wagner 3 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Introduction: Questions have emerged in academic and political discussions about the relevance and effectiveness of foreign donor support of opposition parties in democracies that emerged or re-emerged since the Cold War. They concern the effects of foreign support on political systems and democracy itself. Finally, tyring gauge how effective support is on particular countries? In a global historical context, political party support has been a favoured instrument of European and North American governments in foreign policy. Forms of support vary, the more visible and noticeable normally being military assistance to countries like South Vietnam, Taiwan and Guatemala. During the Cold