Transitions in Namibia Which Changes for Whom?
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GUIDE to CIVIL SOCIETY in NAMIBIA 3Rd Edition
GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA GUIDE TO 3Rd Edition 3Rd Compiled by Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono and Naita Marowa PJ Rejoice Compiled by GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA 3rd Edition AN OVERVIEW OF THE MANDATE AND ACTIVITIES OF CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS IN NAMIBIA Compiled by Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA COMPILED BY: Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono PUBLISHED BY: Namibia Institute for Democracy FUNDED BY: Hanns Seidel Foundation Namibia COPYRIGHT: 2018 Namibia Institute for Democracy. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means electronical or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without the permission of the publisher. DESIGN AND LAYOUT: K22 Communications/Afterschool PRINTED BY : John Meinert Printing ISBN: 978-99916-865-5-4 PHYSICAL ADDRESS House of Democracy 70-72 Dr. Frans Indongo Street Windhoek West P.O. Box 11956, Klein Windhoek Windhoek, Namibia EMAIL: [email protected] WEBSITE: www.nid.org.na You may forward the completed questionnaire at the end of this guide to NID or contact NID for inclusion in possible future editions of this guide Foreword A vibrant civil society is the cornerstone of educated, safe, clean, involved and spiritually each community and of our Democracy. uplifted. Namibia’s constitution gives us, the citizens and inhabitants, the freedom and mandate CSOs spearheaded Namibia’s Independence to get involved in our governing process. process. As watchdogs we hold our elected The 3rd Edition of the Guide to Civil Society representatives accountable. -
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
Deconstructing Windhoek: the Urban Morphology of a Post-Apartheid City
No. 111 DECONSTRUCTING WINDHOEK: THE URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF A POST-APARTHEID CITY Fatima Friedman August 2000 Working Paper No. 111 DECONSTRUCTING WINDHOEK: THE URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF A POST-APARTHEID CITY Fatima Friedman August 2000 DECONSTRUCTING WINDHOEK: THE URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF A POST-APARTHEID CITY Contents PREFACE 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................. 1 2. WINDHOEK CONTEXTUALISED ....................................................................... 2 2.1 Colonising the City ......................................................................................... 3 2.2 The Apartheid Legacy in an Independent Windhoek ..................................... 7 2.2.1 "People There Don't Even Know What Poverty Is" .............................. 8 2.2.2 "They Have a Different Culture and Lifestyle" ...................................... 10 3. ON SEGREGATION AND EXCLUSION: A WINDHOEK PROBLEMATIC ........ 11 3.1 Re-Segregating Windhoek ............................................................................. 12 3.2 Race vs. Socio-Economics: Two Sides of the Segragation Coin ................... 13 3.3 Problematising De/Segregation ...................................................................... 16 3.3.1 Segregation and the Excluders ............................................................. 16 3.3.2 Segregation and the Excluded: Beyond Desegregation ....................... 17 4. SUBURBANISING WINDHOEK: TOWARDS GREATER INTEGRATION? ....... 19 4.1 The Municipality's -
4 October 1985
other prices on page 2 MPC plans UK foreign office BY GWEN LISTER PLANS HAVE REACHED an advanced stage to open an office with an undisclosed status in London to promote the interim government abroad. The Head of the Department of Interstate Relations, Mr Carl von Bach, and the new co· ordinator of the London venture, Mr Sean Cleary, have ar· rived in london to prepare for the new operation. The interim government's Minister of Justice and Information, Mr Fanuel Kozonguizi, has confirmed that the London office will be elevat ed to a new status, but the interim Cabinet must still take a final de cision on the modalities of the new campaign. It was not yet cl ear whether Mr Cleary will be permanently stationed in London. 'It is up to him' Mr Kozo nguizi said. He added that the 'extern~ l poli cy' o f the interim admini stration till had to be established. At this stage they would no~be.~eeking 'inter.na tional recognition', Mr Kozonguizi said. A fo rmer So uth African diplo mat, Mr Sean Cleary took over from Mr Billy Marais as Public Relations Consultant fo r the interim govern POLICE WATCH burning barricades in Athlone, Cape Town, the scene of continuing vio ment on October 1. In that position this week. he will be controlling public relations See inside today for the story of dramatic protests at the University of the Western Cape. MR SEAN CLEA RY - interim (Photograph by Dave Hartman of Afrapix). government's 'rovi ng ambassador'. Continued on page 3 Ministers may boycott Council BIG SPRING BY GWEN LISTER net, the participation of two vote in a Cabinet meeting ofSep COMPETITION groups in the Constitutional tember 11. -
IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). -
Namibia's Labour Movement: an Overview - History, Challenges and Achievements 3 Abbreviations and Acronyms
Namibia’s Labour Movement: An Overview History, Challenges and Achievements ISBN 978-99945-87-18-6 Herbert Jauch Front Cover Pictures Top left: NUNW Congress, 2006 Top right: MANWU Shopstewards at the Husab Mine, 2015 Bottom left: Ramatex Strike, 2006 Bottom right: May Day Rally of Shoprite workers, 2017 Back Cover Pictures Top row: Ramatex Strike, 2006 Bottom row: MANWN Leaders and members at the Husab Mine, 2015 Namibia’s Labour Movement: An Overview History, Challenges and Achievements Herbert Jauch @Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2018 All rights reserved. The material in this publication may not be reproduced, stored or transmitted without prior permission of the publisher. The views expressed in this publication are not necessarily those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Publisher’s contact details: 95 John Meinert Street, Windhoek West P.O. Box 23652, Windhoek, Namibia Telephone (+264) (0) 61 417500 Email: [email protected] Website: www.fesnam.org.na Design, Layout and Printing: LEXNET Publishing House cc An electronic version (PDF) of this publication is available at www.fesnam.org.na ISBN 978-99945-87-18-6 Table of Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms 4 Foreword 6 1. A Brief History of Namibia’s Trade Unions 7 1.1 The General Strike of 1971-72 7 1.2 Formation of Unions Inside Namibia 9 1.3 Unions Outside the NUNW 10 2. The Namibian Labour Market 12 2.1 The Colonial Economy 13 2.2 After Independence 14 2.3 Employment 15 2.4 Formal and Informal Employment 16 2.5 Unemployment 17 2.6 Incomes 18 2.7 Unionisation Rates 19 3. -
3 SEPTEMBER 1992 in 1990
* TO.D~Y. : NE~T,' ROUND OF ~~LVIS TALKS * NEW T~~NSPORT DEAL * .DJANA TO.DIVORCE? *, Sealquotas leap past 42 000 mark Stays on hunger strike KATE BURLlNG despite Namibia's move IN what is bound to be shock news, the Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Resources . yesterday an nounced that the number of seals to be culled this STAFF REPORTER season was up from 25 000 in 1991 to over·42 000. Though the figures were ciation's definition of 'pain RIGHT-WING extremist Leonard Veenendal described this week as "a less death': "If a blow of has linked his continuing hunger strike to the little higher" by the Minis sufficient force and accu fate of Daryl Stopforth, who also faces extradi try's permanent secretary racy is delivered to the skull tion to Namibia, according to a Sapa report Calle Schlettwein, they of an animal, immediate appear to represent a 68 per unconsciousness results". late yesterday. cent increase on last year's Since bullets ricocheting On Tuesday SA Foreign It has also emerged that official total. around the rocky outcrops Minister Pik Botha an South African church leader, According to a Ministry of a seal colony are, accord nounced that Veenendal, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, statement, the 1992 quota ing to the Ministry, "highly who has now spent 76 days. appealed to the the N amib at Cape Cross is 23 000 pups unnecessary and undesir on hunger strike, was to be ian Government to accept and 1 100 bulls, while the able", it deems "shooting of released frO!ll prison after the release of Veenendal. -
ANGOLA ZAMBIA Ovausciland RHODESIA BOTSWANA SOUTH
4 • • ANGOLA ZAMBIA OvAUSCILAND : AV ANOO RHODESIA BOTSWANA SWAKOPMUND, • WINDHOEK WALVIS BAY LUDERITZ SOUTH AFRICA NAMIBIA IN OUTLINE Formerly known as South West Africa, Namibia was officially renamed in June 1968 by resolution of the United Nations General Assembly. On 27 October 1966, the UN formally assumed direct responsibility amibia for Namibia after unilaterally revoking the Mandate over the territory granted to South Africa by the League of Nations in 1920. However, the UN has so far been unable to translate this formal responsibility into effective control. South Africa refuses to recognize UN authority 1. Introduction in Namibia and continues to administer the country. Amnesty International is particularly concerned about the following issues in A relatively large but sparsely populated country, Namibia has a Namibia: total land area of some 825,000 square kilometers. It is strategically located in the south-western corner of Africa and is bordered on the the widespread use of detention without trial to suppress political west by the Atlantic Ocean. Neighbours to the north are Angola and opposition and intimidate opponents of continued South African rule Zambia, to the east Botswana, and to the south and east South Africa. in Namibia; Walvis Bay, the main port, is a South African enclave. the torture of political detainees; In 1974, Namibia's population was estimated at 852,000. Africans the application to Namibia of various South African security laws such comprised 88%, the whites constituted the remaining 12%. as the Terrorism Act, the Internal Security Act and the "Sabotage Act"; Despite this extreme racial imbalance, 43% of Namibia's land area the imprisonment in South African—rather than in Namibian—prisons is reserved for occupation by the white settler minority under South of Namibians convicted of political offences, and the South African Africa's 1964 Odendaal Commission proposals. -
Land Reform and Poverty Alleviation : Experiences from Namibia
Land Reform and Poverty Alleviation: Experiences from Namibia Wolfgang Werner Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit Paper presented at the Conference on 4th and 5th June 2001 1. Land reform and poverty alleviation Redistributive land reform in Namibia is widely regarded as a prerequisite for successful rural development, and hence, poverty alleviation. It is significant, however, that neither the Poverty Reduction Strategy for Namibia, which was approved by Cabinet in 1998, nor the National Poverty Reduction Action Programme 2001-2005 which is based on it, deal with the issue of land reform and poverty reduction. On the contrary, these documents leave the distinct impression that little can be expected from land redistribution in terms of poverty alleviation in the long term. According to the Poverty Reduction Strategy, ‘the agricultural base is too weak to offer a sustainable basis for prosperity’. It foresees that in ‘a quarter century from now, the large majority of the country’s inhabitants…are likely to have moved into urban centres…’ (RoN 1998a :5). A World Bank study on poverty reduction concluded that the opportunities for developing cultivation on redistributed freehold farmland seemed limited and could at best achieve a ‘one-time gain for poverty reduction’ in those few areas where cultivation was possible on land presently farmed by extensive methods (World Bank 1997: 12). The very Cabinet which approved the Poverty Reduction Strategy in 1998 was quoted as having decided at the First Cabinet Retreat in December 2000 that ‘without achieving a breakthrough in the land reform programme, the fight against poverty would not succeed’. In the same breath, it was reported that members of the Cabinet had agreed ‘unanimously…that land reform is an imperative if Namibia is to maintain its peace and political and national and racial harmony’ (New Era 22.12.2000-1.1.2001). -
Journal of Namibian Studies No. 27, 2020 Geingob 2.0 Namibia's New
Journal of Namibian Studies No. 27, 2020 Geingob 2.0 Namibia’s new government Henning Melber Abstract The National Assembly and Presidential election results of 27 November 2019 suggest a turning point in Namibia’s democracy. For the first time since the UN-supervised elections prior to Independence in 1990, the dominant party and its presidential candidate lost votes. Despite remaining firmly in political power, the emergence of new political actors has modified the political contestations with possibly lasting impacts. This analysis recapitulates the trends and considers some of the contributing factors to the new constellation in the political sphere. It explores the implications and consequences for President Hage Geingob’s second term in office and has a closer look at the new Cabinet and related governance structures. Introduction The South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO of Namibia), has since Independence in 1990 been firmly in political control over the country. It has so far remained the top performer among the liberation movements as governments in the region, measured in voters’ support in elections. “One Namibia, one nation” and “SWAPO is the nation and the nation is SWAPO” as earlier struggle slogans translated in the false equation that the party is the government and the government is the state. Henning Melber is Senior Research Associate at the Nordic Africa Institute and Director emeritus/Senior Advisor of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, both in Uppsala/Sweden; Extraordinary Professor at the Department of Political Sciences/University of Pretoria and the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies/University of the Free State in Bloemfontein and Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for Commonwealth Studies/School for Advanced Study at the University of London. -
Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Directory: African Liberation Movements and Support Groups Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/85p33873 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 3(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Berman, Sanford Publication Date 1972 DOI 10.5070/F732016403 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California -171- DII{CfORY: AFRICAN LIBERATIOO r1MltNTS AND SIFffiRT ---GIUPS*· by Sanford Berman (Ed. Note: Both this Directory and the Spring 1972 Bib Ziogrc:q;hy, "African Liberation Movements 11 (Vo Z. III, No. 1) will be regularly updated by the compiler in future issues. Additions and corrections should be directed to the Compiler, c/o UFAHAMU.) AFRICAN LIBERATIOO fiMI'fNTS Frente Nacional de Libertacao de Angola (FNLA/Angolan National -Liberation Front)§ ·- Founded in 1962 by merger of Uniao dos Populacoes de Angola (UPA) and Partido Democratico Angolano (PDA). Established Governo Revolucionario de Angola no Exilio (GRAE/Angolan Revolutionary Government in Exile) 1962. Leader and GRAE Premier: Holden Roberto. Zaire Republic: Ministere de l'Information, Planet Economie, G.R.A.E., B.P. 1320, Kinshasa. Organ: Actualites (no. 3 dated March 1971). §[Recognized by the O.A.U.] *Dates in parentheses f ollowing periodical titles repre sent first year of pubZication. The abbreviation "AIP" indicates that a full list of material may be found in the 2nd ed. of Alternatives in Print (Columbus, Ohio: Office of Educational Services, Ohio State University Libraries, 1972). -172- Movimento _PopuZar de Libertaaao de AngoZa (MPLA/PeopZe's Movement for the Liberation of AngoZa/Mouvement PopuZaire pour Za Liberation de Z'AngoZa)§ - Founded 10 Dec. -
Diplomacy in Armed Struggle: a Case of the South West
DIPLOMACY IN ARMED STRUGGLE: A CASE OF THE SOUTH WEST AFRICA PEOPLE’S ORGANISATION (SWAPO) A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF MASTER OF ARTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NAMIBIA BY SAIMA NAKUTI ASHIPALA 2014 THESIS SUPERVISOR: PROF. CHRISTO BOTHA FIRST EXAMINER: DR. JEREMY SILVESTER EXTERNAL EXAMINER: PROF. CHRISTOPHER SAUNDERS i Abstract The end of the Second World War witnessed the establishment of the United Nations Organisation and with it a wave of decolonisation over former colonies and mandated territories. The South African regime, however, refused to recognise the organisation especially with regards to the territory of South West Africa which South Africa wanted to annex and turn it into its fifth province. The South African racial policy and attempts at annexation led to uprisings within the territory of South West Africa/Namibia and the formation of nationalist movements in the 1950s and the 1960s. One such movement was the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) which was established in 1960 in opposition to South African rule. SWAPO adopted a three-pronged strategy with the aim of liberating Namibia from South African rule and this strategy included the political mobilisation of the people of South West Africa, a diplomatic offensive and armed struggle. SWAPO’s diplomatic offensive began with petitions brought, through various means, before the United Nations. Over the years, the targets of SWAPO’s diplomatic campaign diversified with continental and international organisations as well as individual nations being approached for diverse reasons and objectives. The main purpose of this research was thus to illustrate the importance of the diplomatic offensive embarked on by SWAPO in its struggle for the liberation of Namibia.