KING, CLERGY AND WAR AT THE TIME OF THE CAROLINGIANS

Friedrich E. Prin z

As the Normans besieged Paris in 886, Bishop Gauzlin, though describ ed by Abbo in the Bella Parisiacae urbis as presul domini et dulcissimus heros , stood on the walls of the city taking active part in the battle . His nephew , Abbot Ebo lus of St. Ge rmain-des Pres , is celebrate d in the same account as fortissimus abba and is credite d with having killed seven Normans with his spear in a single sortie . It is some thing akin to "b lack humour" fo r us that Ab bot Ebolus shouted laughingly at the same time : "Carry them in to the kitchen!"l How could such active par ticipa­ tion in war by the higher clergy come ab out? Indeed, it seems inconceivab le . 2

Anyone who examine s the ph enomenon of participation in war by clergy durin g the Middle Age s is con fron te d with a paradox, the an tinomie s of which are pe rh aps to be balanced out in though t an d belief but do little to explain the weather beaten bedrock of his torical life . There is an element of the paradoxical inherent even in official expressions of the Church 's attitude . As a result of the creation of the post-Cons tantinian State Church, the ecclesias tical hierarchy found an apparent solution, epitomized by St. Augus tine 's teaching on the "jus t war," which was as elegan t as it was dan ge rous . 3 Carl Erdmann has an alyzed this change in the Church on the cen tral question of war in his brilliant book on the eme rgence of the ide a of the crusade , now availab le in English transla­ tion.4 Erdmann de scrib ed most imp ortant ph ases of this ide a whereb y jus tification of war agains t pagans dwe lling on the edge of the orbis chris tianus an d the attitude of Pope Gregory VII emerge as powe rful driving forces . Since the Church tended toward a position which may be de scribed as pacifis tic--one could no t us e this term too re stricte dly in a mo de rn sense!--it was bound to prove difficult for it to de al with the re al prob lem of war in its system of teaching an d to deve lop a positive res pon se to them. Thus we may imagine how difficult it mus t have been for the Church to tole rate active participa tion in war by the clergy an d even to make participation possible unde r canon law! Naturally enough we find in do gma and ecclesiastical �2 Friedrich E. Prinz

canones no t inconsiderable resistance to these developments . Indeed late r in the Middle Age s such opposition surfaced repeatedly in the epochs of ecclesias tical se lf-contempla­ tion and regeneration. Th is oppos ition in the final analysis however was without lasting success, as illus trated by the famous lame nt by Richard of Cornwall: "Look what 5 hostile and warlike archbishops the re are in Ge rmany!" In addi tion to discussing such activi ty, this paper will attempt to asce rtain wh at his torical fo rces and circum­ stances led to the active participation of the clergy in war since the middle of the eighth ce ntury and the process by wh ich this became legitimate and insti tutionalized unde r the Carolingian rulers .

A warlike spirit among the highest represe ntatives of the Imperial Church ? How could it happe n that such an ecclesias tical type, wh om one would be most inclined to comp are wi th the warlike priest cas tes in other cultures, came into being in a Christian culture ? Is it perhaps he re--as is now and the n suggested in Erdmann's book--a question of exceptions wh ich, even though nume rous, simp ly represent a perversion by indivi duals? Or is it possible that certain social and intellectual circums tances combined to me ld Church service and Imperial military service into a to tally indissolvab le union th at created a mode approaching standardi zed conduct among those wh o rose to high ecclesias tical rank ? If we compare ecclesias tical regula­ tions and their developme nt wi th real conditions in order thus to ob tain a sort of sys tem of coordinates from which the real conduct can be ascertained, the efforts at jus tifying the reality of clerical military service more or less convincingly by canonical regulations and the flexible inte rpre tation of these become visib le .

At a firs t glance this seems to cause great difficulty. for the ecclesias tical canones leave no doubt that the clerical estate is incompatib le with the profession of arms and of hunting. Even the officially recogni zed pagan cults in the Roman Empire exemp ted their priests from military service , and after it had become state re ligion Christianity ob tained the same position of exemp tion for its clergy. 6 Accordingly the Council of To ledo in 400 laid down in Canon VIII: Si quis post baptismum militaverit et ch lamydem supserit, aut cingulum, etiams i graviora no n admiserit, si ad clerum admissus fui t, diaconii non accipiat dignitatem . 7 The Council of Chalcedon in 45 1 also excludes clergy and monks from military service . 8 Th e individual decrees of the KING, CLERGY AND WAR 30 3

great Imperial councils of late antiqui ty passed on into the synodal decisions of the kingdom of the Franks that we re proclaime d by the king . If one only proceeds from the normative settleme nts , then one gains the impression th at the Church had consistently expanded the prohib ition of mi litary service for clergy into a ge neral prohibition on bearing arms and logically also of hunting for all clergy. The councils of Agde (5 06), Epaon (5 17) and Macon (5 85) forbid all cle rgyme n down to deacons from hunting with hounds and falcons ; for offences against this a bishop is excommuni cated for th ree months , a presb yter for two , and a deacon for one month . What is remarkab le here is the re gulation th at deacons are also re lieved of their clerical duties for this period, whereas in the case of the bishops and presbyte rs no thing is said on this point . 9 Is a hierarchical and perhaps even a social strati fication implied here , at least in the sphere of ecclesias tical administrative practice? Th is question is raised without attempting an answer at this point; but it will conce rn us in ano ther connection.

What appears to be consistent escalation of penal provisions agains t clerics for their participation in hunting or war suffers a clear break towards the end of the sixth century. The Council of Macon established in 585 that the clergy migh t no t keep hunting hounds and falcons; ye t instead of the th re at of puni shme nt the re is only a paraenetic exp lanation of the prohib ition.lO Th ree gene r­ ations later a Court of Borde aux (663-75) forbids in the firs t of its canone s the bearing and use of arms , and also in this case no concre te pe nal provisions follow ; the prospect of penalty is merely suggested in ge neral remarks of an ecclesias tical sente nce and coupled with a theological admoni tion. ll One is almos t tempted on the basis of this wording to accord the prohibition a declamatory rather than a practical value ; th at it is at the head of the council 's decisions however points unmistakab ly to the fact that the council. fathers were dealing here with a really urge nt problem. The same is true of the last important council in the age of the Me rovingians which took place in 673/75 in St. Jean de Lo sne and luridly illumina tes the state of the Frankish Church . Canon II prohibits all bishops and clergy more seculario from bearing arms . Th is re gulation is particularly important above all because alongside the clerici the bishops are me ntioned separately. At first glance this seems to be no thing more than a trivial specification of the re cipient of this prohib ition . A 304 Friedrich E. Prinz

comparison with the prohib itions of arms for the cle rgy in Carolingian capitularies shows however, as will be discussed below more fully, that there the bearing of arms was generally prohibited for the clergy, but that the bishops have a clearly recognisable special status in this matter which again reveals a characte ristic feature of the Carolingian Imperial Church . But here in the las t third of the seventh century the prohib ition of arms is still explicitly dire cted agains t the bishops an d indeed not without good reason as shown by the warlike an d almos t sove reign behaviour of the bishops of the late Me rovingian pe riod . 12

Penal provisions for the event of an infringement are also lacking in canon II of St. Jean de Losne . Did the king an d council not have the power an d authority here to take dras tic measures? Th is question can not be conclusively an swere d for the moment; but the three councils of 517, 585 an d 663/75 occur in the great epoch of Gaul's Germanisation, an d thus in an age of re turn to barbarism, on which Carl Erdmann has correctly ob served "that the deve lopment of the Ch ristianisation of the state among the Germanic peop le had to be carried out once again under less favourab le condi tions . "13 For Gaul this meant in the period from the fifth until the seventh century that, after the collapse of the super-s tructure of the late Roman central administra­ tion, the bishops, as city rulers of the civitates of an tiquity , had to take over poli tical-administrative duties an d thus also the problems of de fence, which often brough t them into imme diate contac t with the reality of war . One should recall in this connection that bishops such as Hillary an d Caesarius of Arles, Nice tius of Trier, Desiderius of Cahors and Leodegar of Autun who became involved in mi litary an d politi cal battles an d thus encountered circums tances which made the strict ob servance of canonical regulations impossible.

From the late r sixth century an d especially during the seventh century more bishops were drawn from the Germanic nobility . Thus social custom, class values, and family connections brought the ecclesiasti cal hie rarchy to a new militancy .

By observing that the or1g1ns of the bishops were to be found in a traditionally warlike nob ility we touch an important element, name ly a sort of hereditary psychological blocking me chanism wh ich simp ly prevented those prelates of KING , CLERGY AND WAR 305

aristocratic orlgln from being ab le to observe Ch ristianity 's clear prohib itions agains t fighting and war . The acute threats of the epoch of the Migrations of the Peoples contributed their part to pushing possible objections against this active participation in war in to the background . Agains t this background which is only hinted at here mus t also be seen the development of the normative settlements in the eighth and ninth centuries . l5 With the Concilium Ge rmanicum of 21 Ap ril 742 the great Anglo-Saxon missionary an d church re former Boniface made a de te rmined attempt, within the area of the Frankish Church wh ich he had reorganised an d wh ich was loyal to Rome , to imp re ss again up on the cle rgy the prohibition of weapons an d war. He had reason enough for this as he had to prevail with the help of Carloman against warlike bishops (such as Mi lo of Trier) who as powe rful supporters of Char les Martel had gained influence in the Frankish Church an d we re offe ring bitter re sistance to Boniface . l6 Canon II of the de cisions of the Ge rmanicum prohibits the clergy from bearing arms and fighting , yet consideration is expressly taken of the practical re quirements of "minis te ring to the troops" : priests wh o trave l with the army and carry out functions relating to divine service or carry (victory bringing) re lics with them are exclude d from the proh ibition. There is me ntion here also of one to two bishops toge ther with their chap lains and presbyte rs whom the princeps , i.e., Carloman , has with him in his army .

In the same sec tion of the canon hunting with hounds an d falcons is prohibited.l7 One is incline d to see in this important modification of the prohib i tion of arms a cautious regard fo r the wishes of the Carolingian princeps. Equally the tendency of the regulation drawn up by Boniface mus t strike one , that the number of bishops participating in the camp aign is to be kept as low as possible , re stricting it name ly to one or two dignitaries . Clearly he was here already energetically con tending with the alien usage of the Carolingian te chnique of war wh ich is clearly evident from other sources of the period. Thus it is certainly striking that , in the western part of the kingdom of the Franks wh ich was unde r the rule of Carloman's brother Pippin , the ecclesiasti cal re f orm at the Synod of Scissons in 744 was much more cautious : indeed one has doub tless corre ctly spoken of a stagnation in Boniface's work of renewa1 . l8 For our purpose here , the re sult of th is new situation at Scissons was th at no thing more was enacted concerning the conduc t of priests in war ; 306 Friedrich E. Prinz

similarly the prohib ition on the bearing of arms was omitted. At Soissons the assembled magnates contented themselve s with Canon III wh ich forb ade the clergy from wearing lay clothing. l9 One gains a better insight into the real situation however with a further regulation made at Soissons whereby the real abb ots abbati legi timi of the mon as teries--i. e., not the lay abbots!--were no t allowed to go to war ; admi ttedly this prohibition was also valid only with a certain restriction wh i ch amounted to rendering the ecclesiastical regulations me aningless . 20 The prohibition on the abbots' going to war did not ap ply if they sent the ir

homines (to the army) : •. . et ab bati legitimi hos tem non faciant, nisi tantum hominis eorum transmittant . Thus compare d wi th the mo re radical regulations of the Concilium Ge rmanicum for which Carloman was jointly responsible, Pippin III coun tered the war service of the higher clergy only cautiously with a prohibition--or to put it mo re positively: in the form of a compromise he secured the prelates ' participation in the realm 's military service , an d thereby prepared the path for his son Charles. These cautious re gulations from the re form council could be described as "b lanks ," leaving everything open in comparison wi th the firm positive re gulations of the clergy's partici­ pation in war whi ch followed . One should perhaps re call Charles ' famous le tter of summons to Abbot Fulrad or the strict re gulations in the capitularies with re gard to bishops' and abb ots ' military duty . Charles was only continuing logically what his father Pippin had al ready embarked upon with great energy .

The correspondence of St. Boniface provides us with a ve ry de finite view of the actual state of affairs far distant from the normative one . Soon after the beginning of the re ign of Pope Zacharias , the Anglo-Saxon re forme r reported to Rome that there were bishops in the kingdom of the Franks wh o fought armed in the army and spilt the blood of pagans and Christians , that they were drunkards � ne gligent in their office and addicted to hunting . zl The pope's reply22 an d the de cisions of the Concilium Germanicum referred quite obvious ly to this state of affairs . The regressive position of the Council of Soissons showed how far ecclesiastical stan dards and the ac tual state of affai rs diverged. Boniface himself had long since been excluded23 when the Frankish co�ncil of 747 an d King Pipp in's synod in Ve rb erie in 756 urged once again24 the prohibition of the bearing of arms on the clergy, so to speak, in a routine fashion . Whether Charlemagne soon after KING , CLERGY . Al�D vJAR 30 7

the beginning of his reign in the eastern half of the realm in 769 lite rally adop ted the ordinances of his uncle Carloman enacte d in 742 concerning the function an d participation in war by the clergy is uncertain because the capitulary which provided this information is a forgery . 25 At the beginning of his reign Ch arlemagne probab ly departed little from his father's an d uncle 's practice . In this he was not guided primarily by St. Boniface 's concern to for­ bid the clergy to bear arms an d to hunt but rather by his in terest in an orde rly "mi litary religious welfare" on his nume rous campaigns . 26 Indeed Ch arles ' mi litary system made it clear that ab bots an d bishops were bound to take the field; as he variously dispensed ecclesiastical vassals by privileges of exemp tion from the duty of participation in the campaign , the latte r mus t have been normal for them. Howeve r with this commitment of the bishops he was hardly thinking of "mi litary re ligious we lfare ," it was a case of de finite performance of mi litary service with all its consequences down to active particip ation in the fighting . 27

Afte r this brief ske tch of the Ch urch 's normative settlements we have reached th at point in wh ich the normative part of canonical re gulations can be con fron te d wi th what is to be heard from other sources on the ac tual conduct of the cle rgy in war. At th is point we migh t straight aw ay warn agains t an opinion which is often to be found in lite rature on the subject, name ly the opinion that the warlike activity of the highe r clergy was essentially a re sult of the Germanisation of Gaul ; this pushes the problem in my op inion in in admissable fashion onto an ethnic plane an d contradicts the evidence of the sources , especially since in the fifth century there is suf ficient evidence for military activi ty by the Gallo-Roman bishops--we would me rely re call here St. Hilary of Arles and Bishop Sagittarius of Gap . This martial activity was , as already me ntioned, an almost inevitable consequence of the duties an d exigencies of the bishops ' rule in the towns , demon­ strated even in Trie r by the cons truc tion of the citadel an d the organisational imp rovements by the great Bishop Nice tius who came from south ern Gaul .

Archb ishop Hi lary of Arles , 28 according to Gennadius gene re clarus an d a famous pupil of the south Gaulish island monas tery of Lerins , wanted to have the Imperial administra­ tion for the western province cen tred in Arles--as indeed took place at the beginning of the fifth century afte r Trie r had been ab andoned--in order to ob tain a position of primacy 308 Friedrich E. Prinz

for his church . Hilary came into conflict with Pope Leo the Great who accused him of having attacked with armed bands ce rtain cities where the bishop had died, an d of having placed his own supporters in the vacant episcopal sees . Hilary 's strict monas tic education and also the great esteem wh ich he enjoyed among his contemporaries and among late r ecclesiastical authors mitigates against the view that Hilary 's was some kind of ab eration or a downright secular­ ization in his attitude . Conflicts of th is kind show rather how much a bishop was involve d at this time in the inte rplay of political forces , an d had de fensive functions as the rule r of a ci ty , as shown by the fact that he led an armed fo rce . Th e activi ty of men like Hilary con tinues into the sixth ce ntury an d is shown by the praise of the bishops as de fensores civium, or put more generally : in the ac tive care for dependents an d wards in wh ich is to be seen a point of de parture for episcopal formation of power in the Middle Ages.

Th is can also be expressed for examp le in the poem by Ve nantius Fortunatus on Bishop Nice tius of Trier29 in wh ich Nicetius is ce lebrate d as the "shepherd of his flock, " how­ ever not or at leas t not jus t in the purely spiritual sense of the tradition of the early ch urch which is derived from Ch rist as the Good Shepherd an d which found purely artistic expression in the mosaic decoration of early Ch ristian basilicas . Th e Bishop of Trier appears rather as the good shepherd in the ve ry tangib le connection of citade l construction which serve d the military protection of Trier-­ as pastor, the give r of pro tection in the stric tly narrow sense of military security . Thereby the religious symbol of the Good Shepherd is filled with real military-political con tent--a process wh ich came particularly clearly to the fore wi th Archb ishop Brun of Cologne--indeed through a conscious conception wh ich give s a model ch aracter to the pas tor bonus who cares for the pax with mi litary might. But back once again to the sixth ce ntury : the picture of actual episcopal powe r is illuminated ex ne gative by the an gry comment of King Ch ilperich on the real rule rs of the towns : "Nobody rule s now at all except the bishops : our power had gone an d come to the bishops of the towns ."30

If thus the office and the historical reality of the sixth century we re already bringing the bishop sovereign rights , these circums tances are also jo ined by a mental ch an ge in socie ty itself wh ich jus tified politico-military activity by a higher cleric or at leas t did no t allow it KING, CLERGY AND WAR 309

appear reprehensible . Military activity by a bishop which until then as for instance in the case of Leodegar of Autun, Bishops De sideratus of Ch alon-sur-Saone, Bobo of Valence , 31 or Bishop Genesius of Lyons, 32 was re cognised implicite, i.e., by reports wi thout comment on their battles as some­ thing "normal," gains unmistakab ly positive accents since the end of the age of the Me rovingians .

Saintline ss an d military prowess are no t mutually exclusive , rather the latter appears as a natural pre­ re quisite for the former. Th us from the seventh century on , noble origin became a prerequisite for saintliness.33 The precious old vita of Bishop Arnul f of Me tz, ancestor of the Carolingians , praises his martial virtues wi th complete ingenuousness an d approval . 34 The account of the life of Bishop Eligius of Noyon from the pen of his noble friend and fellow-bishop Audoen of Rauen testifie s that this clerical digni tary had carried out his duties at the court of Dagobert I admirab ly and that he had possessed martial spirit.35 As Eligius was one of the few Merovingian bishops of non-noble origin, th is praise gains particular importance since it shows what was close to the heart of an aristo­ cratic con temporary and fe llow-cleric . Th us as far back as the seventh century martial virtues are incorporated positive ly and accepted in a sys tem of coordinates of Ch ris tian ways of behaviour.

Military prowess is me ntione d during this period as a positive aspect in the secular pas t of a saint ; howeve r it is not ye t placed into imme diate connection with his characte ristics as a saint . 36 Thus the vi ta of Ab bot Erme land is ab le to describe the saint as perfectus . . . mi les so long as he was still living in the secular state . 3 7 The Passio Ragneberti calls it here fortis corde and armis doc tus38 an d the Vita Aus trigisili de scribes to us how the saint without an y misgivings on principle submi ts to a duel and ordeal commande d by the king. 39 Al l three saints ' lives date from the ninth century and thus already re flect the spirit of an age for wh ich military service by the higher clergy was almost a ma tter of course . Th e vita of St. Lambert of Liege from the first half of the eighth century put expression vividly and in almost classical form to the intellectual conflict wh ich esteeme d martial courage in a saint but ye t shrank back from creating a comple te ly military type of saint. Lambert is celebrated in the de scription of his li fe as fortis et ve lox, agilis mul tum, firmus in bello . . . . The de scrip tion of his murder which 310 Friedrich E. Prinz

a later age restyle d as a martyrdom lets one see on the other hand his militant spirit in the oldest ve rsion , the fortissimus proeliator grasps his sword at the ap proach of the murderers in order to do battle . Not until the last moment does Lambert de cide to throw away his weapon as it is better to die in the Lord . 40 One sees that the esteem for military virtue is also present in saints, yet it stands alongside the real events more or less still in dialectical discord wi th the real battle .

With the ''aristocratisation of the saintly ideal" from the seventh century41 one ob tains at the same time the social-his torical point of departure in order to be ab le to unders tand the emergence of martial virtues in the de scrip­ tions of the lives of the saints . The next step , namely the practical participation in war by the clergy an d the official sanction of such proceedings by ecclesias tical lite rature , was brough t by the wars since the second half of the ninth century , as Normans , Saracens an d Hungarians threatened the kingdom of the Franks as invade rs . The fight agains t these peoples became both the bitter ne cessity of sel f-defence as also the de fence of Christendom , wh ereby basic ecclesias tical objections to warfare and also to the war against the pagans which still continue d42 were rende red large ly ineffectual . A sort of an ticipation of this positive evaluation of war in the case of de fence against disbe lievers is given by the attitude of Bishop Ebbo of Sens wh o stood at the head of the de fende rs of his city against the Saracens an d won a victory against them.43

The victory of the Carolingians over the Merovingian dynas ty me an t at the same time a shif ting of importance in favour of Aus trasia,44 especially since the rise of Charles Martel an d his sons Pippin an d Carloman a regrouping of the higher cle rgy of the kingdom of the Franks came ab out. The "Frankisation" of the episcopacy wh ich had begun gradually in the seventh century increased sharp ly in the eighth century45 the Galla-Roman element re cede d accordingly , an d the victorious nob ility wh ich had gathered around the Carolingians occup ied important positions in the formation of the new Carolingian imperial adminis tration. Thus a new dominant political class arose in the kingdom of the Franks which has been described as a frankische Reichsaris tok­ ratie . 46 Charles Martel's so-called secularisation , a political necessity in the struggle agains t inte rnal an d external enemies, together with the appointment of followers an d comrades in arms of the Carolingians to the bishoprics, KING , CLERGY AND WAR 311

brought at the same time an ethnic an d structural change in the episcopal rule in the civitates . The influence of the Gallo-Roman regional aristo cracy on the appointments to the bishoprics in central , southe rn, and we stern Gaul dropped drastically , a process wh ich was accelerated and sharpened by the severe ravaging of Gaul south of the Loire in the course of the fighting in de fence agains t the Arab invaders. Southern Gaul only now in the firs t third of the eighth century lost its late classical character an d became a "medieval landscape" through the rigorous incorporation into the kingdom of the Franks after Ch arles ' victory over the Arabs.47

The Frankish imperial aristocracy , as the ne w class upholding the state , was re c rui te d mainly from Aus trasian nob le families between the Meuse an d the Rh ine wh o had come to power wi th the Carolingians ; it occupied no t only the secular positions of command but also the bishop rics and the great imperial ab beys . We have a characteristic figure for the later part of the eighth century in Ab b ot Fulrad of St. Denis in wh om secular tasks , such as the political re organisation of Alamannia after the "blood bath in Canns tatt" in 747 and the ne gotiations in Rome ab out Pippin's elevation to king. we re closely conne cted with purely ecclesias tical aims . 48 A coarser preliminary form of their "staff policy" was the ap pointment of followe rs of the early Carolingians to bishoprics and ab beys , for ins tance Mi lo of Trier. Th at this led to a de cisive re shuffling of regional ruling arrangements is shown by the fate of Bishop Eucharius of Orleans and his family . His uncle Savaric had seized the bishopric of Auxe rre after the murde r of Bishop Tetri cus and exercised almos t unrestricted re gional sove rei gnty in the area of Orleans , Nevers , Tonnerre , Avallon, an d Troyes. In 715 wh ile marching agains t Lyons he was struck dead by lightning. 49 Ch arles Marte l banne d Bishop Eucharius of Orleans , his nephew, initially to Co logne then to mo re distant Hesb aye wh ither al l his relatives had to accompany him; that me ans the Carolingian broke the rule of this migh ty regional nob le fami ly from wh ich at this opportuni ty the mate rial bases of their power was taken, name ly the ir estates. The same was the case wi th Bishop Ainmar of Auxerre , Savaric's successor, who was initially a follower of Ch arles Marte l but later, as re lated in the history of the diocese of Auxerre , exercised such great se cular power th at he rose to be duke of ne arly the wh ole of Burgundy and was thus qui te obviously going his own political way, so that Ch arles had him taken prisoner . SO 312 Friedrich E. Prinz

By the ap pointment of his followers to such bishoprics Charles certainly did nothing towards the improvement of ecclesias tical affairs , rather the opposite . But from the point of view of the politi cal structure it was great progress for the Carolingians that in th is fashion the old aristocratic Gallo-Roman "c ivitas -repub lics" wh ich had been enriching themselves wi th political powe rs increasingly since the late classical period were reduced in their power; by the appointme nt of Charles Hartel' s fol lowers they could be integrate d political ly-territorially as regards the peop le invo lved into the new Austrasian centre of power.51

It is ne cessary to examine the larger con text of th e late classical Me rovingian an d early Carolingian bishops ' rule in orde r to understand why the higher clergy adopted an attitude towards weapons wh ich depar ted more an d more from counciliar enactments . Since the fourth century bishops had to exercise functions th at went far beyond parochial duties . In addition by virtue of his aristocratic origins the bishop regarded an d exercised his office more an d mo re as a regional city sovereignty . It is perhaps one of the Carolingians ' greatest politi cal accomplishmen ts that they energetically incorporated these episcopal "sub ­ sove re ignties" into the state and thus stopped a process of disintegration in the kingdom of the Franks wh ich developed during the late Me rovingian period, particularly during the powe r struggles around the Neus trian mayor of the palace Ebroin, as bishops with the ir town domains also became politically an d militarily the main supporters of the quarre ls (Leodegar of Autun, Prae jectus of Clermon t, Desideratus of Chalon-sur-Saone, Bobo of Valence� Audoenus an d Ansbert of Rauen, Savaric of Auxe rre , etc.).J2

From the time of Pippin II of He ristal an d even more from the time of his son Ch arles Martel an d the grandsons Pippin an d Carloman , the military-poli tical strength of th e episcopacy an d of the importan t abbots is employed almost only in the service of the king . Th e independent late Me rovingian episcopal lords of the civitates became imperial bishops in the late r me aning of the te rm. Participation in war by clerics was now no longe r a punishable "individual case ," but the inclusion of the higher clergy in imperial an d military service made the developme nt of special stan dards of action necessary for a military duty wh ich had now become institutionalized. 53 From the pure ly normative point of view an app arent progress with clear de finitions was eme rging which in fact was scarcely more than a KING, CLE RGY AND WAR 313

le galising adjus tment to the reality of feudal service; at the best they were ecclesiastical an d royal attemp ts at ch ecking and canalising the disastrous consequences of a cle rical feudal service .

Under Pippin II of Heris tal an d his son Charles Martel there is no question that the circums tances of episcopal feudal service for the mayor of the palace dominated the picture clearly . Pippin for instance entruste d a bishop (whose name is not known to us ) with the leade rship of an army on a campaign . 54 Ce rtainly the bishops we re now no longer fighting in the renewe d kingdom of the Franks for the inte rests of their own regional rule or in the ranks of the various noble groups figh ting for special rights; ins tead they went to war for the kingdom; yet the fact of mi litary participation remaine d in their "ins titutionalised" form an d thus also the effects on the higher cle rgy . From the poin t of view of strict re forming ecclesiastical discipline this was not a ve ry pleasant fact . The papal legate Boniface candidly informed the new pope , Zacharias , in his report in 742 that one section of the Frankish bishops was not on ly devoted to hunting but also fought in the army and spilt the blood of pagans an d Ch ristians, 55 as already me ntioned.

A pe rfect examp le of this sort was Milo of Trier. Milo came from one of the most powe rful Aus trasian nob le families among the followers of the early Carolingians , name ly the family of the Widones . His father an d predecessor in the episcopal see was Liutwin , the founder of the Widones fami ly 's own monas te ry , Me ttlach . One can speak virtually of a "bishops ' dynas ty" wh ich ruled the diocese of Trier for ne arly a century wi th Basin (d. 705) , Liutwin (d. 717), Milo (d. 75 7) , an d We omad (d. 791) . 56 Mi lo was , like his fathe r, bishop in Trier an d Rheims , a double position which he doub tless owed to the fact that he was amon g Ch arles Martel's closest followe rs. 57 The Gesta Treve rorum paint a ve ry significan t picture of Milo from the ecclesiastical point of view , 58 a picture wh ich is of course a re trospec­ tive one from a later age ye t corresponds so comple te ly in its substance with Boniface 's gravamina59 that the re is no need to doub t its authentici ty . He leads troops alongside Ch arles Martel an d receive s the two bishoprics afte r the victories of the mayor of the palace . Only his ve ry non­ ecclesiastical end , namely that wh ile out hunting he was impale d on the tusk of a boar , is disputed decidedly in the ch ronicle of the �-Ji dones monas te ry of Me ttlach which 314 Friedrich E. Prin z

specifically praises him at this oppo rtunity as a bene­ factor an d pius heres .60

The fame of Milo 's warlike nature is also preserved in his second bishopric, Rheims; Hincmar knows ab out it , as does Flodoard in his his tory of the church of Rheims who is also informed about Milo 's appoin tment by Charles Martel . 6l It is not po ssible to es tab lish exactly in what form Milo held his bishoprics . In my opinion it is hardly getting to the heart of the matter if one wishes to presume something such as an ins titutional divis ion between laymen as holders of bishoprics on the one hand an d chorepis copi an d monas tic bishops on the other who adminis tered the spiritualia . 62 Boniface in any even t did no t succeed in removing Milo from his office; cert ainly a role was played here by the fact th at th e bishop of Trier, as has already been mentioned , was a memb er of a nob le family which had helped the early Carolingians in their ris e to power an d to whom po litical considera tion had to be given . 6 3 On th e other hand Boniface succeeded in a similar case, namely that of Bishop Gewilib of Mainz wh ose attitude gives us some particularly important informa tion for our subject . In Boniface' s letter Gewilib appears as a seductor called Geleobus qui an tea false epis copi honore fungebatur. 64 After his deposition by Boniface in 745 he went to Rome in order to pro tes t to Pope Zacharias agains t his removal from office and to jus tify himself. Both the Vita quarta Bonifatii auctore Mogun tino of the eleventh century which is based on valuab le traditions and Oth loh of St. Ernmeram relate more ab out Gewilib and his family . 65 According to th is Gewilib 's fa ther Gerold was res ponsib le as Bishop of Mainz for the mission to the pagans in Hesse and Thuringia , but he preferred to go to war agains t them ra ther than to preach the Gospel to them . During Charles Martel 's campaign agains t the Saxons , Gero ld fell in battle and his son Gewilib who was pres ent in the camp received the bishopric of Mainz as his successor. During the next campaign agains t the Saxons Gewilib took blood vengeance on the en emy wh o had killed his father . 66 Boniface was indeed ab le to achieve his remo val from office at a synod in 745, but he was no t ab le to have him punished according to the strict rules of the canones . According to Mainz tradition Gewilib lived for an other fourteen years "in honour" as Lord of Sponheim and as lord of the proprietary church of Kempten near Bingen ; even here then Boniface's "staff po litical" victory proved only partially successful. Behind it was a necessary compromise and the Carolingians ' regard for the KING, CLERGY AND WAR 315

in dispensable Aus trasian nob ility.67

Ab out the middle of the eigh th century then , the Carolingian "Imperial Epis copacy" exis ted as a body, even if viewed from an ecclesias tical point of view , only in unfinished form , i. e. , in that in tellectual an d disciplinary ruditas which the fourth Vita of St. Boniface agrees is a mitigating circumstance for the peo ple and clergy of the Franks . Nevertheless the Carolingian mayors of the palace, Carloman an d Pippin the Younger , since Charles Martel 's death (741) , had in the epis copacy an ecclesiastical as well as a political in strumen t which they used as they used the Frankish "Imperial aris tocracy" which was then coming in to being. Indeed the Frankish clergy was nothing other than the imperial aris tocracy in ecclesias tical ves tments and part of th e Caro lingian ruling structure both by birth an d by function . (Theodore Schieffer has shown in his bio graphy of Boniface how the mayors of th e palace were ab le with the aid of the Anglo-Saxon eccles ias tical reforms to form from this tributary imperial epis copacy a provincial church renewed also in the spiritual sense an d subject to canonic rules and loyal to Rome which was equal to the tasks of service to the Frankish ruler an d the duty of the care of souls. )

By comparis on with his bro ther Carloman who ended his life at Mon tecassino as a monk , Pippin II I brough t a typically political solution to th e canonically impossib le and politically unavoidab le military service of the imperial clergy. As already recounted , he checked th e radical application of ecclesias tical prohib ition of war for the clergy at the Synod of Soissons in 744 and at the same time crea ted an area free of punishment for the prelate's military servic e. The ful l ex tent of this decision firs t became ob vious under Charlemagne and in the ninth century. It is no more an d no less than the conscious separation of an aris tocratic "prelates ' church" from the general hier­ archy . Episcopi and abb ates appear in the capitularies closely linked with the comites and the missi but neverthe­ less clearly an d sharply dis tinguished from the bulk of th e clerici for whom the canonical prohib ition on the bearing of arms remained va lid . One mus t thus speak of a clear socio-structural stratification carried through by the ru ler an d of im portant modifications in th e canonical regulations agains t the clergy 's bearing arms , a modification wh ich conceded special righ ts to the prelates . 316 Friedri ch E. Prinz

Wh at had been initiated under Pippin III and should be seen as a tendency is ho wever only to be unders tood so to speak in its aims and effects ex post, and comes into full light only during th e reign of Charlemagne, whose Admonitio generalis in 789 prohib ited all pri es ts an d deacons from bearing arms in th e traditional ecclesiastical sense.68 Bishops and abbots however, often referred to in other connections, remain unmentioned at this po int. In Charlemagne 's Capitulare missorum speciale of 802 (?) pri es ts an d deacons are forbidden to bear arms ; bishops and abbots however again remain unmentioned in th is regard . 69 In th e co llection of capitularies of Abb ot Ans egis of St. Wandrille (822-833) th e prohib ition of weapons is also directed only at th e presbyteri an d diaconi, th e reason given as in th e previous cases is purely religious . 70 The council of Tribur (5 May 895) decreed the removal from office of any clergyman , be he presbyter or diaconus, wh o has killed anyone. It is striking here that reference is made to apostolic canones according to wh ich a bishop, pries t, or deacon wh o is convicted of unchastity, perjury , or th eft is to be removed from office. How much more th en , th e eleventh chapter of the Council of Tribur continues , must a cleri cus be removed from office who has committed such a serious crime (homicidium) . 71 The mention of th e bishop is however omitted in th e case of homicidium, although th e reference would have been plain on th e basis of th e apostolic parallel examples .

One could regard th es e cas es as inconclus ive or set aside th e omission of th e bishop as an argumentum e silentio if th ere were not other evidence. In contras t to th e prohib ition of weapons an d war for th e clergy one finds in the same capitularies prohibition of bishops from hunting. Boniface had th e prohibition of hunting included in th e decisions of the Concilium German icum in view of Milo et eiusmodi similes72; it is also to be found in Pippin's synod in Soissons . 73 Under Charlemagne in an Aachen edict of 789 it is impressed on bishops, abbots , and abbesses (!) that th ey should not keep any packs of hounds, falcons, and jes ters ; several years before in Italy Charlemagne had prohibited all bishops , priests , deacons , abbots , and monks from hunting and ullo iocorum genera . 74 In the Capitulare missorum generale of March 802 mentioned before, th is prohib ition was repeated to all bishops, abbots, priests, and deacons under threat of loss of office .

It is th us even more remarkab le th at in th e KING , CLERGY AND H"AR 317

Capitulare missorum speciale of October of th e same year which prohibits any fo rm of bearing of arms, only pries ts in general , deacons , and th e other clergy are mentioned as the recipient of th e prohibition . In th is case it is clear th at bearing of arms mean s active parti cipation in war, i.e. , th at th es e clerics should place more trust in God 's protection than in weapons . 75 An order by Bishop Haito of Basel , 76 a Roman council under Pope Eugenius II in 826 , 77 a synod held in Padua in 85 Q78 an d a capitulary is sued by Charles II in th e same place in 876 79 all proh ib it hunting for th e clergy . Parti cularly informative is th e prohib ition of hunting by th e council at Mainz in 852 ; not only is th e rh etori c parti cularly harsh , but also it makes reference to Boniface and Chapter 2 of th e Concilium Germanicum of 742 in which is proh ibited the bearing of arms an d fighting fo r all servi Dei, an d in wh ich th e pro­ hib ition on hunting appears in th e context only as logical consequence of th is general prohib ition . 80

The failure to make what could have been more reference in 852 to the work of th e great An glo-Saxon ecclesiastical reformer an d only to recall th e prohibition of hunting seems to have been important for th e Main z synod . First, it is clear th at passion for hunting in th e ninth century among the clergy was widespread and th at th e Carolingians made an important if only an impli cit differentiati on between hunting and parti cipation in war. A summary of th e ab ove legi slation indicates th at th e pro­ hib ition of hunting is generally valid particularly fo r th e higher clergy , th e bishops , becaus e hunting is a private amus em ent behind which lies no necessitas . However th e higher clergy , th e ep iscopi an d abb ati , are omitted from th e prohibition on weapons and war fo r th e clergy in general. Under Charlemagne only th e clerici , presb yteri , an d diaconi are always listed as being affected by th e proh ibition . It is hard to imagin e th at this is a coincidence; rather something is emerging here wh ich may be considered as a special status for th e higher imperial clergy .

Let us recall once more th e regulations of th e Merovingian councils . The Council of St. Jean de Losne (673/75) explicitly referred to th e prohibition on weapons to th e bishops . This shows th at th e episcopate was not excluded from th is normative settlement and also permits th e recognition th at it was often contravened . There was a clear contrast betw een required an d actual episcopal 318 Friedrich E. Prinz

behaviour. But under Charlemagne and his successors the re lationship between legal standards and reality were complicated by the fact that the military service of the higher clergy was not exactly expressis verb is canon ically sanctioned but re ceived from the ruler indirect support an d ins titutionalization. Thus the jurisdiction of the canones were in actuality re stricted to the general clergy--the bishops an d imperial abb ots were omitted. A hierarchical diffe rentiation of ecclesiastical law came ab out in questions of military service wh ich--seen from the socio­ logical point of view--at the same time founded de facto a special law for the imperial nobility within the Church and--re garded from the po int of view of the structure of the state--brought with it a separation of the higher clergy from the re st of the Church in favour of its employment in imperi al service ; a trend which can be de scribed as the instrumentalisation of the imperial Church by Pippin III and Charlemagne.

It would be going too far now to pre sent the nume rous examples from ann alistic and biographical sources for the active military servi ce of bishops an d abbots during the ninth century. 81 Ins tead a few general remarks may be pe rmi tted in conclusion : it should have become clear how difficult it was gradually to re alise the Christian me ssage with its clear and radical po stulate s in conflict with the stubborn structures of an archaic aristocratic society and the royal rule of the Carolingians being built upon it. From Boniface 's time this was a steady struggle , full of re ve rses , with a nobility firmly anchored in seigneurial rule that also dominated the upper ranks of the Church . The example of the prelates ' participation in war within the ecclesiastical rule of the Carolingians , as it was introduced by Pippin III and fully expanded by Charlemagne , may at any rate warn one to see the fa te of the instrument­ alised imperial Church not only in a positive light . Equally it would be incorre ct to regard the military presence of the warlike prelates ' Church pure ly as an unavoidab le consequence of the ne cessary defence agains t the attacks of the Normans , Sara cens, and Hungarians in the ninth and tenth centuries. These certainly important external circums tances however on ly make more than clear wh at had long since taken place in the bosom of the Frankish impe rial Church since Pippin and Charlemagne , the change of the Church into a military ins trument and an instrument fo r rule by the Frankish king. NOTES 319

* Dem verehrten Jubilar, dem diese Fes tsch rift gewidmet ist un d der sein e Leb en s arb ei t in so erfolgreich er Weise der geis tigen Kultur des Hit telalters gewidmet hat, dlirfte es vielleicht nicht unwillkommen sein , wenn in dies em Beitrag eine durchaus problema tische Realitat geis tlich-monas tischen Leb en s naher beleuchtet wird,--eine Realtat , die ab er flir die gesamte Kultur des Mittelalters und dami t flir dessen Vers tandnis�--grosse Bedeutung besass.

1 Ab bonis Bella Parisiacae urbis lib er I, v. 21 seq., ed. Monumenta Germaniae His torica, Poet. Lat. IV 1, 80 and 81 ; ibid. 83: (Eb olus ) Septenos una po tui t terebrare sagi tta, Quos ludens alios iussit preb ere coquinae.

2 Cf. F. Prin z, Klerus und Krieg im frlih eren Mittelalter (S tuttgart : Verlag A. Hiers emann , 1971).

3 Fo r th e general prob lem: War and Ch ris tian doctrine, cf. e.g. A. Vanderpol , La do ctrine scolas tique du droit de guerre (P aris 19 19); J. Leclercq , Guerre et Service militaire devan t la mo rale catholique (P aris 1934); R. Regout , La do ctrine de la guerre jus te de St. Augustin a nos jours , d'apres les th eologiens et les canonis tes catholiques (P aris 1935) , es p. p. 40£; M. Chasle, La Guerre et la Bible (P aris 19 40) ; B. de Solages , La theo logie de la guerre jus te (P aris 19 46) ; G. Bouthoul , Les Guerres (P aris 1951) , es p. p. 49f. Di et. de Theo logie catholique VI (1 920) 1899 ff ; G. Hub recht, "La jus te guerre dans le Decret de Gratien," Studia gratiana III (B ologna 1955) 159-177 ; H. Finke, "Das Prob lem des gerech ten Kri eges in der mittelalter­ lich en th eologischen Literatur ," Aus der Geisteswel t des Mi ttelalters - Martin Grabmann zur Vollendung des 60. Leb en sjah res gewidmet (B eitrage zur Geschichte, Philosophie un d Theologie a. MA, s. Suppl. 3, 2 (1935) 1426-14 34; DW 10 Lfg. 39 , p. 2884 ; A. Noth , Heiliger Krieg und heiliger Kampf im Is lam und Chris tentum (B onner his tor. Forschungen 28, Bonn 1966).

4 C. Erdmann , Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (S tuttgart 19 35 , 2 ed 1965); English trans lation by Marshall W. Baldwin an d Wal ter Goffart : The Origin of th e Idea of Crusade (P rinceton University Pres s, 19 77) .

5 MGH . Scriptores XXVII 480 : Ecce quam animosos et bellicosos archiepis co pos habemus in Alemannia. 320 Friedrich E. Prin z

6 E. Hildesheimer, L'activite militaire des clerc a l'epoque franque (These, Paris 19 36) , p. 62.

7 J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio III (Florenz 1761) , p. 1000 .

8 Ib id . VI, p. 1227: Eos , qui semel in clero ordina ti sunt vel monachos , definimus neque ad militiam neque ad saecularem dignitatem venire . Quod si hoc ausi fuerint, nee ad po enitentiam venerin t,

..•ana thematizentur.

9 MGH . Concilia (ed. Maassen) I, p. 20 Concilium Epaonense IV : Epis copis , presbyteris adque diaconibus canis ad venandum et acepitris hab ere non leceat . Quod si quis talium pers onarum in hac fuerit vo luptate detectus, si epis copus es t, trib us mensibus se a communione suspendat, duob us presbyter ab steneatur, uno diaconus ab omni officio et communione cessabit. Cf. th e genera l prohib ition of hunting for the clergy in c. XIII of the council of Macon , ib id . I 170 , no te 10 .

10 Ibid . I 170 c. XIII: ... Cus todienda es t igitur epis copalis habitatio hymnis , non latratibus , operibus bonis , non morsibus venenosis . Ubi igitur Dei es t as siduitas cantilenae, monstrum est de dedecoris nota cames ib i vel accipitres habitare.

11 Ibid. I 215 c. I: Ut ab itum concessum clerici religiose habitare deb eant et nee lanceas nee alia arma nee ves timenta secularia hab ere nee portare debeant , sed secundum quod scriptum es t: Non in gladium suum possidebunt terram et brachium eorum non lib erabit eos , sed dextera tua et brachium tuum et in luminatio vultus tui, statutum es t, ut, qui post hanc definitionem hoc agere aut adtemtare pres ums erit , canonica feria tur sententia .

12 Ib id . I 217f; Concilium Latunense a. 673-6 75 c. II: . . . Ut nullus epis coporum seu clericorum arma more seculario ferre praesuma t.

13 C. Erdmann, Kreuzzugsgedanke, p. 33 .

14 F. Prinz , FrUh es Monch tum im Frankenreich . Kul tur und Gesellschaft in Gallien , den Rh einlanden und Bayern am KING, CLERGY AND WAR 321

Beispiel der monas tis chen Entwicklung , 4-8. Jahrhundert (MUn chen - Wien 1965) , p. 485£.

15 Cf . further M. Hofmann , "Ist die Milidirfreiheit der katholis chen Geis tlichen auch heute noch rechtlich begrUndet und zei tgemass ?" Zei tschrift fUr katholische Theologie (1916) 452£. A. M. Koeniger , Die Militarsel­ sorge der Karolingerzeit (Veroffentl . a. d. Kirchen­ histor. Seminar MUnchen , 4. Reihe, Nr . VII ; MUnchen 1918) , p. 9£; W. Erben, Kriegsges chichte des Mittel­ alters (Beiheft XVI der His torische Zeitschrift ; MUnchen-Berlin 1929), p. 55£; C. Erdmann , Kreuzzugsge­ danke , p . 12 f.

16 Th . Schieffer , Winfrid-Bonifatius und die chris tliche Grundlegung Europas (Freiburg i. Br. 1954); E. Ewig , "Milo et eiusmodi similes ," Bonifa tius-Gedenkgab e (2 ed Fulda 1954) 412-440.

17 MGH . Cap. I. p. 25 , No . 10 c. 2: Servis Dei per omnia omnibus armaturam portare vel pugnare aut in exercitum et in hostem pergere omn in o prohibuimus , nisi illi tantummo do qui propter divinum minis terium, missarum scilicet solemn ia adinplenda et sanctorum patrocinia portanda ad hoc electi sunt . Id est unum vel duos epis copos cum capellanis presbiteris princeps secum habeat , et unusquisque praefec tus unum presbiterum, qui hominibus peccata confitentibus iudicare et indicare poenitentiam possint . Neenan et illas venationes et silvaticas vagationes cum canibus omnib us servis Dei in terdiximus , similiter ut acceptores et walcones non hab eant . A. M. Koeniger , Militarseel­ sorge p. 13£.

18 Th . Schieffer , Winfrid-Bonifatius , p. 215£.

19 MGH . Cone . II 1, p. 34 c. III: ab itu laicorum non portent .

20 MGH . Cone. II 1, p. 34 c. III: • et abbati legitimi (h )ostem non faciant, nis i tantum hominis eorum transmittant.

21 Epis t. Bani£ . (ed . M. Tangl) No . 50, MGH. Epis tolae

selec tae I p. 83 : •. . Et inveniuntur quidam inter eo s epis copi, qui, licet dicant se fo rnicarios vel adulteros non es se, sed sunt eb rioso et incuriosi vel 322 Friedrich E. Prin z

venatores , et qui pugnant in excercitu ama ti et effundebant pro pria manu sanguinem hominum, sive paganorum sive chris tianorum .

22. Epis t. Bonif . No . 51, p. 86f.

23 MGH. Cone. II 1, p. 147; cf .: Th . Schieffer, Winfrid-Bonifatius , p. 241f.

24 MGH. Cap . I, p. 41, No . 16 c. 16.

25 MGH . Cap . I, p. 44f, No . 19 (769 vel paulo post) c. 1 (a falsification) . Cf. F. Lo t, "Le premier capitulaire de Charlemagne," Ecole pra tique des Hautes Etudes . Section philo logique et his torique, Ann uaire 1924/25 ; cf. H. Barion in Zeitschrift der Savignys tiftung fUr Rech tsgeschichte, Kanonis tisch e Ab teilung XXVI (1937) 566-568; P. W. Fins terw alder, "Quellenkritis che Untersuchungen zu den Kapitularen Karls des Grossen," His toris ches Jahrbuch LVIII (1938) 419-434 , es p. p. 421.

26 In a different way : A. M. Koeniger, Militars eelsorge, 24f.

27 G. Waitz , Verfassungsgeschichte IV 595 ; E. Hlihlbacher, Deutsche Geschichte unter den Karolingern (2 ed . Darms tadt 1959), p. 312 . A. Poschl, Bischofsgut und mensa ep is copalis . Ein Beitrag zur Ges chich te des kirchlichen Vermogensrech tes (Bonn 1908/09) I 154f .

28 F. Prinz , Frlihes Monchtum, p. 50f.

29 Gregory of Tours , Vitae Patrum c. XVII and De Gloria confessorum p. 92, SS. rer . Merov. I 2, p. 727-733; E. Winheller, Die Leb ensbeschreib ungen der '!orkarolingischen Bis chafe von Trier (Bonn 19 35 ) , p. 3f. Venant. Fortunatus , MGH . Auct. an t. IV 2, p. 63-65 =Carmen III 11 und 12 ; MGH . Epis t. II I (Epist. Aus tras .) No . 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 21, 24 . Cf. F. Prinz , Klerus und Krieg, p. 46.

30 Gregory of Tours , His toriae Francorum VI, SS. rer . Merov. I 1, p. 320 : (Chilperich ) Sacerdotes Domini assiduae blasphemab at nee aliunde magis , dum secricius es set, exercebat ridicola vel io cos quam de eclesiarum epis copis . Illum fereb at levem , alium superb um, illum KING, CLERGY AND WAR 323

habundantem, is tum luxoriosum; illum adsereb at elatum , hunc tumidum nullum plus odio quam eclesias habens . Aiebat enim ple rumque : 'Ecce pauper remansit fiscus nos ter, ecce divitiae nos trae ad eclesias sunt trans­ latae ; nulli penitus nisi soli episcopi re gnant; periet honor noster et translatus est ad episcopus ci vi tatum.'

31 Passio Le udegarii I c. 20 , �· rer. Merov . V, p. 301: E rant enim in hoc mendatio primi et quasi rectores palatii Deside ratus cognomine Diddo , qui in urbe Cab illono quondam habuerat principatum, necnon et eius collega Bobo, qui civitatem Valent iam habue rat in dominum.

32 Ib id . I c. 17, p. 298f: Cum enim vir Domini cum sociis superscriptis eodem festinarent itine re , factum est, quantum ne e unius diei itine ris spatium , antequam Agus tidunum urbe acce derent, urguentibus factoribus, Eb roinus inmemo r amicit iae dudum promissae eum ib idem voluit conp rehendere , si non Ge nesi me tropolis Lugdunens is episcop i cons il iis fuisset prohibitus , aut manu valida qui cum eo adhe ra nt perte rit us : et fic tam rursus simulans amicitiam et mix to agmine pariter pe rvene runt in urbem .

33 F. Pr inz, Frlih es Monch tum , p. 489 f.

34 Vita Arnulfi c. 4, �· re r. Me rov . II, p. 433 : Nam virtutem bellige randi seu poten tiam illius de inceps in armis quis enarrare queat, praesertim cum saepe phalangas adve rsarum gencium suo ab igisset mucrone ? Cf . Hat tenb ach-Levis on , Ge schich tsquellen I 126 ; F. Graus , Volk, He rrsche r und He ilige r im Re ich der Merowinger (Prag 1965) , p. 368 .

35 Vita Eligii c. 12 , SS . re r. Me rov . IV, p. 680 : et animo etiam ad belligerandum fortis. Cf. Wattenbach-Levison , Ge schich tsquellen I , p. 127 f; F. Prinz, Frlihes Monch tum, p. 124£ , 132f .

36 Cf. C. Erdmann , Kreuzzugsge danke , p. 12£.

37 Vita Erme nlandi c. 1 SS. rer. Me rov . V, p. 685, C. F. Irsigler, "Unte rsuchungen zur Ge schichte de s frlih­ frankis chen Adels," Rhe in . Archiv. LXX (Bonn 1969), 124ff. 324 Friedrich E. Prinz

38 Passio Ragneberti c. 2, SS . rer. Me rov. V, p. 209 .

39 Vita Aus trigis il i c. 4, SS. rer. Merov. IV, p. 193£.

40 Vita Landiberti ep . Traiectensis c. 3, SS. rer . Me rov . VI , p. 35 6, an d c. 14, ib id . p. 367£: . hoc audita nuntio velocissimus surgens , tunc sacerdus illico

Lan dibertus •.•forti ssimus proeliator, continuo adprehenso gladio in manibus suis , ut contra hastes pugnaturus acce deret; et Christus , quem semper in auxilium sibi pos tolaverat, non longe ab illo erat ...gladi o de man ib us proiecit ad terram, ait : 'Si fugiero , gladium devitavi, et si pers titero , aut cadendum mihi aut vincendum est. Sed nee aliquando perdam victoriam : me lius est mihi mori in Domino, quam super iniquis man ibus bel1aturus in iecere .' Cf. Wattenb ach-Levison , Gesch ich tsque llen II, p. 165 £.

41 Cf . F. Graus , Volk , p. 117, 206f, 270 , 279 , 348, 362f, 370 , 380 note 461: Vita Deside rii I 2, �· re r. Me rov . III, p. 630: Hie vir de stimate claro Romanis a parentibus ortus . . . nob ilissimam satis traheb at prosapiem . Vita Praeiecti c. 1, ib id . V, p. 226 : Romane gene ris stemate praefulsit . Passio Le udegarii I 1, ib id . V, p. 283: ... terrena generositate nob il iter exortus ; II 1, p. 324 : ...ex progenie celsa Francorum ac nobil issima exortus ; Passio Ra gne­ berti c. 2, ib id . V, p. 209 : ...ex prae celso Francorum gene re ortus , Radberti ducis filius ; see also F. Prinz, Friihes Monch tum, p. 496£, 500£ (Vita Corb in ian i) .

42 C. Erdmann , Kreuzzugs ge danke , p. 12£ .

43 Acta Sanctorum Nov . II, 2 (1931) p. 469f; AA. SS . Aug . VI (1743) p. 98f ; an d bibliography in Lexikon fur Theo1ogie und Kirche III 622.

44 See F. Steinbach , "Das Frankenreich ," in L. Just, Handbuch de r deutschen Geschichte I 2, p. 2-84, esp . p. 41£ .

45 H. Wieruszowski, "Die Zusammensetzung des gallischen und frankis chen Episkopats bis zum Ve rtrag von Ve rdun mit besonderer BerUcksich tigung der Nationalitat und des Stan des ," Bonne r JHB . H. CXXVII (1922) 2£. KING, CLERGY AND WAR 325

46 Studien und Vorarbeiten zur Ge schichte de s gross­ frankischen und fruhdeutschen Adels , ed. G. Tellenbach (Fors chungen zur oberrhein. Landesgeschichte, vo l. 4; Freiburg i. Br. 195 7) .

47 Cf . F. Prinz , Frlihes Monchtum , p. 545f.

48 Cf. : E. Hlawitschka, Franken, Alemannen , Baye rn und Burgunder in Ob eritalien (774-962) , (Fors ch . z. obe rrhe in. Landesgeschichte , vol. 8; Freiburg i. Br. 1960) ; J. Fle ckenstein, "Fulrad von Saint-Derris und de r frankis che Aus griff in den suddeutschen Raum, II in G. Tellenbach , Studien und Vorarbeiten 9-39 ; F. Prinz , "Stadtromisch-italische Martyre rreliquien und frankis che r Re ichsade l im Maas-Moselraum ," Historis ches Jahrbuch LXXXVI I (1967) 1-25 .

49 Ge sta ep . Au tissiod. I, 26 , MGH . SS . XIII , p. 394; A. Hauck, Kirchengeschichte (7 ed Berlin 1952-5 3) I, p. 407f.

50 For Ainmar see : Ge sta ep . Au tissiod. I 27, MGH . �­ XIII 39 4: [Ainmar] in tantum eius potestas seculariter excrevit, ut usque ad ducatum pene totius Burgundiae pe rvenire t.

51 Cf. J. Semmle r, "Episcop i potestas und karolingische Klosterpolitik," in M6".nch tum, Episkopat und Adel zur Grundungs zeit de s Klosters Re ichenau (Vortrage und Forschungen , Vo l. XX; Sigmaringen 19 74) , p. 305-395 .

52 Cf. F. Prinz, Fruhe s Monch tum , p. 490f; E. Ewig, "Milo ," p. 432-440 .

53 F. Prinz , Klerus und Krieg, p. 73f .

54 Annales s. Amandi, MGH . �- I, 6: quidam episcopus duxit exe rcitum Francorum in Suavis con tra Vilario (s . J. 712) ; A. Pos chi, Bischofsgut I, p. 115 .

55 See ab ove note 21. Cf . Th . Schieffer, �Jinfrid­ Bonifatius , p. 205f.

56 E. Ewig, "Milo ," p. 432f; th . Schieffer, Angelsachsen und Franken , zwe i Studien zur Kirchengeschich te des 8. Jahrhunderts (Wiesb aden 1951) , p. 143f; F. Prinz , Frlihes Monch tum, p. 200 , 209 et passim. 326 Friedrich E. Prinz

57 Prologue of the Vita s. Remigii, SS. re r. Me rov . III, p. 251.

58 Gesta Treverorum c. 24 MGH . �· VIII , p. 16lf; Post quem Milo, filius eius , sacerdo tali functus est officio apud Trebiros et Remos , primo quidem imitato r patris , deinde tirannus effectus est, nich ilque in eodem de clericali honore ve l vita nisi tonsura enituit. Eo enim bella gravia et intestina parricidalia in hac provintia orta sunt, quando Karolus tirannus laicis episcopatus denavit, et episcopus nullam potestatem habere permisit. Cum hoc Karolo Mi lo supradictus ad bellum profectus est sola tonsura iam clericus , habitu et moribus inreligiosus laicus , et post victoriam episcopatibus Trebirorum et Remorum ab eodem Karolo donatus est . . .

Ibid . c. 25 , p. 162: Milo igitur tirannus , his ita peractis , venationi inserviens , ab ap ro percussus mo ritur in vi lla quae dicitur Arno primo a Treberi mi liaria, ub i et sepelitur post 40 annos suae tirannicae invasionis .

59 Epis t. Bon if. No . 87, p. 198: De Milone autem e t eiusmodi similibus , qui ecclesiis Dei plurimum nocent, ut a tali nefario opere re cedant, iuxta apostoli vocem

oportune inportune predica . . .

60 Ex miraculis s. Liutwini auctore monacho Mediolacensi , MGH . �· XV 2 c. 3, 1262: Milonis autem, filii eius , finis et actus est memoria dignus , quiamvis Hincmarus , Remorum episcopus perversorem eum episcopatus sue de scribit, cum de eo in prologo Vite sancti Remigii talis dicit: 'Et Hilo quidam , tonsura clericus , actione autem irreligiosus laicus ; per quadraginta annos Treve rensium pariter et Remorum episcopatum pessundede rat .' Cuius etiam finis non ideo infamis extitit, quod canes sequentem aper silvaticus extinxit; quia iustus , quacunque morte preoccup atus fuerit, in re frige rio erit. A quo multum utilitatis accepimus loco nostra collatum, multum esse honoris audivimus impensum. Quo enim pietatis studio non provehe re t sibi relicta, qui paterna pius heres gubernanda sus cepit ut propria .

For Me ttlach cf. Th . Raach , Kloster Me ttlach/Saar und sein Grundbesitz (Hainz 19 74) . KING , CLERGY AND WAR 32 7

61 Flodoard, Hist. Remens . eccl. II , c. 12 , MGH . �· XIII, p. 460 : Pre fatus itaque Karolus , ut principatum bello adeptus est, hunc virum Domini Rigobertum patronum suum , qui , ut traditur, eum de lavacro sancto susceperat , episcopatu de turb avi t et cuidam Milani , sola tonsura clerico , quod secum processerat ad bellum, didi t episcopium hoc .

62 In this sense E. Ewig, "Milo ," without any proof.

63 Th . Schie ffer, Winfrid-Bonifatius , p. 217f.

64 Epist. Bonif. No . 60 , p. 124 .

65 Wattenb ach-Levison II, p. 177.

66 Vita Bonifatii auctore Moguntino (ed W. Levison) , MGH . SS . in usum scholarum (1905) , c. 1, p. 90f: Contigi t namque predictum principem cum exercitu contra Saxones ire simulque Geroldum antisti tem cum suis Karolo suffragando et hostibus re fragando ce rtamini inte resse . Quid plura? Certantib us altrinsecus exercitibus venerabilis an tistes Ge roldus irruentibus iaculorum nubibus inte remp tus occubui t. Fuit au tem eadem tempore quidam nomine Gewelib in palatio regis acceptissimus , supra memorati an tistitis filius dictus , qui post ob i tum patris eandem gubernare suscepit ecclesiam. Hie autem honestis moribus , ut fe runt , suam vitam circumspexi t, nisi tantum quod cum herodiis et canibus per seme t ipsum iocabatur . Sed tamen diligentibus inquirens et explorans nomen viri , qui suum seniorem occide rat, exercitu non multo post adunato , una cum vene rando Karolo ad eosdem Saxones, ub i pater eius fuerat extinctus , perrexit ...'E n, inquid Gewelib , accipe quo patrem vindico ferrum, ' dic toque pariter trans fodit eum, et ille cadens in flumine exalavi t vitam ...Epis copus au tem , a cede re gressus , rudi populo rudis adhuc presul-lice t etate maturus , tame n fide prefici tur, non computantibus ne e re ge ne e cete ris op timatibus vindicatam patris crimen esse di centibus : 'Vicem reddidit patris morte .'

67 Th . Schieffer, Winfrid-Bonifatius , p. 230f. For the archaic ch aracter of the frankish nobility see F. Irsigler, "Unte rsuchungen," �· cit. (note 37) .

68 MGH . Cap . I, p. 59 , No . 22 c. 70 (Sacerdotibus ): 328 Friedrich E. Prinz

Et omnimodis dicendum est presbyte ris et diaconibus , ut arma non portent , sed magis se confidant in de fensione Dei quam in armis . See also the capitula of bishop Gaerbald of Liege , MGH . Cap . I, p. 243 No . 123 c. 3: Sicut dudum iam inte rdiximus et sancti canones prohibent, nullus presbyter arma por tare audeat ; cf. c. 67: Episcopis , omnibus . Item ut homicidia infra patriam, sicut in lege Domini inte r­ dictum est, ne e causa ultionis nee avaritiae nee latrocinandi non fiant ...

69 MGH . � · I, p. 103 No. 35 c. 37 : Ut presbyte ri et diacones ve l reliqui clerici arma non portent, sed magis confidan t in de fensione Dei quam in armis . See also note 68.

70 MGH . Cap . I, p. 403 c. 66 : Et omnimodis dicendum est presb yteris et diaconibus , ut arma non portent , sed magis confidant in de fensione Dei quam in armis . Cf . R. Buchner, Die Re chtsque llen (Beihe ft zu Wattenbach­ Levison 1953) , p. 48£ . Cf . also: No titia de conciliorum canonibus in villa Sparnaco (Epernay) a Karole re ge confirmatis (846) , in c. 10 (MGH . Cap . II , p. 26 2 No . 25 7) ; and council of Meaux (845/46) , ibid .

II, p. 407 No . 293 c. 3 7 .

71 MGH . Cap. II, p. 219 No . 252 c. 11 : Si quis clericus homicidium fecerit, ab ordine cessare debebit. Si quis clericus quamvis nimium coactus homicidium fecerit, sive sit presbyter sive diaconus , deponatur . Legimus in canonibus apostolorum, 'quod episcopus , pre sbyter et diaconus , qui in fornicatione aut periuro aut furto cap tus est, deponatur . ' Quan te magis is, qui hoc inmane scelus fecerit, ab ordine cessare debeb it?

72 MGH . � · I, p. 25 No . 10 c. 2: . Ne cn on et illas venationes et silvaticas vagationes cum canibus omnibus servis De i interdiximus ; similiter ut acceptores et walcones non habeant .

73 Ibi.d . I, p. 29 No . 12 c. 3: ... Et omnes clericai fornicationem non faciant et ab itu laicorum non portent ne e apud canis ve nationes non faciant ... ne e accep tores non portent.

74 Ibid . I, p. 64 No . 23, Duplex legationis Edictum (23. 3. 789) , c. 31: Ut episcopi et abb ates et abbatissae KING, CLERGY AND WAR 329

cupplas canum non habeant ne e falcones ne e accipitres ne e ioculatores. For Italy ib id. I, p. 231 No . 113 (781) Capitula excerp ta canonica c. 6, and (787) ibid . I, 195 No . 92 Capitulare Man tuanum I c. 6.

75 Ibid . I, p. 95 No . 33, Capitulare missorum generale c. 19 an d Capitulare missorum item speciale , ibid. I, p. 103 No . 35 c. 37: Ut presbyteri et diacones ve l re liqui clerici arma non portent , sed magis confidant in defensione Dei quam armis .

76 MGH . Cap . I, p. 364 No . 177 c. 11 (807/823) .

77 Ibid . I, p. 373 No . 180 c. 12 (826) .

78 Ib id . II, p. 117 No . 228 c. 4.

79 Ib id. II, p. 102 No . 221 c. 9: .. . Ventationem quoque nullus tam sacri ordinis exerce re praesumat neque arma militaria pro qualicumque seditione portare audeat .

80 Ibid. II , p. 187 No . 249 c. 6 (3. Oct. 85 2) : (Ut episcopi venationem non exerceant) . . . contra episcopis , qui cane s ve l ce tera ioca habere volunt, in psalmo XXIV . sicut scriptum est . . . Pensandum omnibus est in hac sententia, quia , si principibus et laicis hominibus , etiam paganis nichil prodest, quia 'dominan tur bestiarum et in avibus ludunt, ' quan ta magis episcopis obest et quibus portare neque saecu lum neque peram lice t neque duab us indui tunicis, et quibus possidere aurum ve l argentum ve l aes in zona non licet, quomodo possidere cane s liceb i t; e t qui in via virgam fe rre non debent , quomodo accipitres portare debeunt? . . . Nam pas tor a pascendis ovibus vocatus es t, non a canibus , sicut per prophe tam dicitur : 'Nonne ove s pascuntur a pastoribus ?' Hinc Bonefacius in synodalibus de cre tis sub Carlomanno duce et principe Franco rum habitis ait: 'Venatione s et silvaticas vagationes cum canibus omnibus servis Dei inte rdici ; similiter, ut accipitres et falcones non habeant.' Ib id. I 25 , c. 2.

81 Cf. F. Prinz, Krieg und Kle rus , and for the lOth an d 11 th century L. Auer, "Der Kriegs diens t des Klerus un te r den Sachsischen Kaisern," MIOG LXXXIX (1971) 316-407, an d LXXX (1972) 48-70 .