Passions of the Pope: Analysing emotional rhetoric in Pope Gregory VII’s letters Kieryn Mascarenhas 2020

Illustration of Pope Gregory VII from Paul of Bernried’s Vita Gregorii VII (c. 1128), Heiligenkreuz Abbey, Austria

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of BA (Hons) in History, University of Sydney ABSTRACT

In recent years, emotions have become a popular lens for historical analysis. Building on existing scholarship, this thesis explores the emotions of Pope Gregory VII, an eleventh- century pope notable for his reform efforts and role in the Investiture Controversy. Focusing on Gregory’s papal letters, this study will analyse the displays of three key emotions: anger, love, and sorrow, to determine how and why Gregory used these displays to achieve his political and religious objectives. Gregory wielded emotional rhetoric in his papal letters to solidify his papal authority, construct and maintain key relationships, and garner support for his reform agenda.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am deeply indebted to Dr Hélène Sirantoine and Dr John Gagné. I could not have asked for better supervisors. I would like to thank them both for all their insightful recommendations and feedback, as well as their tremendous help in allaying the worst of my anxieties. I would also like to express my appreciation of the help and direction given to me in the wake of my prospectus by the Honours programme coordinator, Dr Andres Rodriguez.

I want to thank my family for their patience and encouragement throughout this past year. My gratitude is also due to all the friends that I’ve grumbled about this project to. I’d also like to acknowledge Ben, whose assistance in reading drafts cannot be underestimated, and Rebecca, who has been vital in helping me navigate the confusion of this Honours year.

Thanks are also due to all those who’ve assisted me in accessing resources, especially

William.

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CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ...... 5 Sources ...... 12 Methodology ...... 13 Structure ...... 15 CHAPTER 1: ANGER ...... 19 Two Forms of Anger: Zealous and Vicious ...... 20 Anger in the Papal Letters...... 22 Case Studies: Righteous Wrath ...... 26 CHAPTER 2: LOVE...... 38 The Lexicon of Love: From Lactantius to Peter the Venerable ...... 39 Love in the Papal Letters ...... 43 Case Studies: Constructed Images of Love ...... 48 CHAPTER 3: SORROW ...... 56 Understanding sorrow: Between Evagrius and Alcuin ...... 57 Sorrow in the Papal Letters ...... 61 Case Studies: Sympathy through Sorrow ...... 64 CONCLUSION ...... 72 APPENDICES ...... 77 Appendix A: Letters featuring displays of anger ...... 77 Appendix B: Letters featuring displays of love ...... 78 Appendix C: Letters featuring displays of sorrow ...... 79 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 80

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INTRODUCTION

On February 22nd, 1076, Pope Gregory VII issued an impassioned letter excommunicating and deposing the German king, Henry IV. The missive came at one of the flashpoints of the Investiture Controversy, a power dispute over the control of the Church, that would conclude in 1122 – well past the lifetimes of both Gregory and Henry. In his letter, Gregory denied to Henry rulership of ‘the entire kingdom of the Germans and of Italy’ and ‘[bound] him with the chain of anathema’ for having ‘risen up with unheard-of pride’, taking action to protect the Church so that ‘the gates of hell shall not prevail against it’.1 But what do emotive expressions such as these mean? And what does Gregory gain from his extensive employment of such rhetoric? This study investigates how Pope Gregory VII deployed emotional words and phrases indicative of three emotions – anger, love, and sorrow

– to understand the purpose they served in the context of Gregory’s conflict with Henry IV.

Analysing the ever-changing history of emotions breathes new life into the study of history, providing another dimension from which historians can now investigate matters of the past. Early histories of emotions grappled with now-controversial paradigms. For example, the notion of the medieval period as one of inherent emotional immaturity and crudeness took root in the 1910s after an influential book by Johan Huizinga.2 Huizinga theorised that medieval emotions fluctuated wildly between unrestrained displays of affect, writing that ‘All experience had yet to the minds of men the directness and absoluteness of

1 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085: An English translation, ed. H. E. J. Cowdrey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 3.6*, 181. Papal letters are cited by register entry number followed by page number in Cowdrey’s translation. 2 Jan Plamper, The History of Emotions: An Introduction, trans. Keith Tribe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 48-9.; Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Worrying About Emotions in History”, The American Historical Review 107, no. 3 (June 2002): 823.; Barbara H. Rosenwein and Riccardo Cristiani, What is the History of Emotions? (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2018), 31-2. 5 the pleasure and pain of child-life’.3 More recently, studying the history of emotions has entered historiographical vogue, leading to the so-called ‘affective turn’.4 As we will discuss, subsequent historians have determined that emotions and emotive expression fulfilled nuanced social functions, going far beyond blunt expressions of affect at a given moment. In particular, Barbara H. Rosenwein’s edited collection Anger’s Past (1998) highlighted the complexity of medieval emotions and the variety of social functions they fulfilled.5 Anger’s

Past and Rosenwein’s subsequent works in this field have especially influenced this thesis.

The weaponisation of rhetoric in the thirteenth century has also been investigated.6 For example, Agostino Paravicini Bagliani explored the concept of ‘verbal violence’ as a tool of

Pope Boniface VIII (r. 1294-1303), arguing that the pontiff used rhetorical demonstrations of anger to inspire fear in a range of audiences.7 However, the treatment of emotions by a pope of the Investiture Controversy period remains largely unexamined. This thesis helps to bridge this scholarly lacuna by focusing on the emotional rhetoric of Gregory VII.

We now understand that emotions in all their forms deeply enriched the politics and society of the medieval world.8 Unpicking the emotions at play in the medieval world, and the purposes they filled is thus a pertinent area of study. This thesis builds on the work of the burgeoning field of emotional histories and applies this analysis to a historical phenomenon that has been thus fart overlooked by this approach – the Investiture Controversy, the conflict

3 Johann Huizinga, The Autumn of the Middle Ages, trans. Rodney J. Payton and Ulrich Mammitzsch (1996), quoted in Rosenwein and Cristiani, What is the History of Emotions?, 31. 4 David Lemmings and Ann Brooks, “The Emotional Turn in the Humanities and Social Sciences”, in Emotions and Social Change: Historical and Sociological Perspectives, ed. David Lemmings and Ann Brooks (New York: Routledge, 2014), 3-5. 5 Barbara H. Rosenwein, ed., Anger’s Past: The Social Uses of an Emotion in the Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998). 6 Kathleen Neal, “Words as Weapons in the Correspondence of Edward I and Llywelyn ap Gruffyd”, Parergon 30, no. 1 (2013): 66-7. 7 Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, “Boniface VIII, violence du verbe et émotivité”, in Passions et pulsions à la cour (Moyen Âge – Temps modernes), eds. Bernard Andenmatten, Armand Jamme, Laurence Moulinier-Brogi and Marilyn Nicoud. (Florence: SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015), 45. 8 Damian Boquet and Piroska Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities: A History of Emotions in the Middle Ages, trans. Robert Shaw (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2018), 1-2. 6 that would characterise half a century of papal rule and would reconfigure the relationship between the medieval Church and royal powers.9

The medieval Christian understanding of emotions was heavily informed by theology.

Christian philosophers and authors turned to God to comprehend the role of emotions.10

Prominent amongst these was Augustine of Hippo, writing in the fifth century but drawing on earlier sources including Cicero.11 Using the designation affectiones, amongst others,

Augustine argued that emotions were subject to rationality and human will. They could therefore be moderated and tamed in pursuit of a Christian lifestyle.12 Between the third and fifth centuries, desert monastic communities in Egypt and Syria made strides in philosophising about emotion.13 There, emotions would become intertwined with spiritual qualities and conceptualised in ways that would be beneficial to the spiritual life of a

Christian. Amongst these fourth-century desert monks was Evagrius of Pontus, who devised his influential list of eight ‘bad thoughts’ (logismoi) that demons wielded to instigate sin in humans: gluttony, lust, greed, anger, sloth, vainglory, pride, and sorrow.14 In the fifth century,

John Cassian would lay the groundwork in reconciling Augustinian theories with the philosophy of the desert monks. Cassian would crucially redefine Evagrius’ logismoi into the chief vices (principalia vitia).15 From this, Pope Gregory the Great (c. 540-604) devised the authoritative list of seven cogitationes, or thoughts: vanity, envy, anger, sadness, avarice, gluttony, and lust – the seven deadly sins, all rooted in pride.16 This list of vices became a

9 Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 167-173. 10 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 9-18 11 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 21-2. 12 Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Ancient theories”, in Generations of Feeling: A History of Emotions, 600-1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 28-31.; Rob Boddice, A History of Feelings (London: Reaktion Books, 2019), 73-6. 13 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 31-4. 14 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 34-7. 15 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 37-40. 16 Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Alcuin’s therapy”, in Generations of Feeling, 70. 7 standard in the medieval period and demonstrates the intertwining of emotions and religion that would inform Gregory VII’s use of emotions. Gregory drew especially on his namesake and predecessor’s works. Medieval emotions had a rich philosophical history that could be turned to by invokers of emotional rhetoric like Gregory VII and others.

It is worth turning now to the principal character of this thesis – Pope Gregory VII. As this study will focus primarily on his writings, it is worthwhile to briefly delve into his background. Born Hildebrand of Sovana (c. 1015-1085), Gregory emerged from obscurity into the service of several eleventh-century popes. As a monk, he entered the service of his namesake, Pope Gregory VI (r. 1045-6), even joining the latter in exile in Germany after his deposition for simony (the practice of purchasing offices of the Church), staying with him until he died in 1048.17 He is also traditionally thought to have stayed in the court of Gregory

VI’s deposer – Emperor Henry III (1016-1056), father of his eventual rival Henry IV, possibly at Aachen. After returning to Rome to serve Pope Leo IX (r. 1049-1054) and his successor Victor II (r. 1054-1057), he was dispatched as a papal legate to France, but continued to be a friend of the German court and was particularly honoured by Henry III during Victor’s election. Hildebrand would also grow close to Henry’s widow, Empress

Agnes (1025-1077), and their son, Henry IV (1050-1106).18

A focal component of Gregory’s impending papacy (1073-1085) would be the

‘Gregorian reforms’. Though Gregory’s name was appended to this reform programme by later writers, the foundations for these reforms were laid by several of his predecessors with whom he would collaborate: Leo IX, Stephen IX (r. 1057-1058), Nicholas II (r. 1059-1061) and Alexander II (r. 1061-1073).19 The fundamental ideas of the Gregorian reform – centring

17 H. E. J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 29.; Chris Wickham, Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 421. 18 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 34-5. 19 Uta-Renate Blumenthal, “Pope Gregory VII and the Prohibition of Nicolaitism”, in Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform, ed. Michael Frassetto (New York: Garland 8 on extirpating nicolaitism (disregard of clerical celibacy, including marriage) and rooting out simony – were intended to uphold the moral righteousness of the Church and preserve the souls of Christendom.20 A key problem faced by early eleventh-century reformers was the practice of Nicolaitan bishops impoverishing the Church by obtaining lands for their children.21 While the Gregorian reforms drew on existing traditions, the reformers saw themselves at a critical juncture. Facing a major crisis in the Church, they strove to revitalise religious life by expanding on monastic reform, purifying and lifting clergy away from the temptations of greed and lust.22 These ideas were integral to upholding the independence of the Church, and Gregory’s pursuit of them put him in conflict with lay leaders such as Henry

IV.23

Several issues underlay of Gregory’s conflict with the German king; their struggle would become characterised by efforts to undermine the authority of the other, through proclamations of deposition and sponsoring of political rivals. From the beginning of his papacy in 1073, Gregory’s relationship with Henry vacillated between friendship and enmity.

For Gregory, goodwill needed to exist between himself and the emperor – it was necessary that papal and monarchical power work in unity for the good of Christendom.24 After 1074

Publishing, 1998), 240, 242-5.; Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 114.; H. E. J. Cowdrey, “Pope Gregory VII and the Chastity of the Clergy”, in Medieval Purity and Piety, 269-70, 283-4.; Susan Wood, “Gregorian reform and the proprietary church”, in The Proprietary Church in the Medieval West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 851-2. 20 Blumenthal, “Pope Gregory VII and the Prohibition of Nicolaitism”, 239.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 543- 553.; Michael Richard Tivey, “Defining Ideology in the Pontificate of Gregory VII”, MPhil thesis (University of Birmingham, 2011), 21-31. 21 Blumenthal, “Pope Gregory VII and the Prohibition of Nicolaitism”, 241-2. 22 John Howe, “‘Gaudium et Spes’: Ecclesiastical Reformers at the Start of a New Age”, in Reforming the Church before Modernity: Patterns, Problems and Approaches, ed. Christopher M. Bellitto and Louis I. Hamilton (London: Routledge, 2005), 29-34.; Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 64-5.; Cowdrey, “Pope Gregory VII and the Chastity of the Clergy”, 282-6.; Ken A. Grant, “On Leeks and Onions: Pope Gregory VII and the Rejection of Pleasure”, in Pleasure in the Middle Ages, ed. Naama Cohen-Hanegbi and Piroska Nagy (Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2018), 310, 322. 23 Blumenthal, “Pope Gregory VII and the Prohibition of Nicolaitism”, 253.; Wood, “Gregorian reform and the proprietary church”, 856-7.; Colin Morris, “The Discord of Empire and Papacy, 1073-1099”, in The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 109-13.; Brian Tierney, “The Program of Gregory VII”, in The Crisis of Church & State, 1050-1300 (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964), 45.; Tivey, “Defining Ideology in the Pontificate of Gregory VII”, 26-7. 24 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 91-6. 9

Gregory’s determination in suppressing simony and clerical misconduct increased and brought him into conflict with both the German episcopate, which Gregory believed to be slacking in its pursuit of these reforms, and Henry himself.25

The widening gap between the aims of pope and king became apparent in 1075 with the case of Milan – since 1070, Milan’s archbishopric had remained in dispute between

Gregory’s and Henry’s candidates. Recently victorious over rebel Saxon princes, Henry installed the subdeacon Tedald as a third candidate to the Milanese see, and appointed bishops unknown to Gregory in Fermo and Spoleto as well.26 Henry’s act followed in the footsteps of his father, who maintained a long policy of interference in the Church by installing reformist bishops a, including four popes.27 Henry’s unwillingness to abandon influence over the Church and his reliance on simoniacal counsellors excommunicated by

Gregory’s predecessor, Alexander II, resulted in a series of letters of stern rebuke to the emperor.28 In January 1076, Henry convened a council of German bishops at Worms; their meeting produced a document in which the 26 attending bishops entirely repudiated

Gregory’s papal authority with few dissenters.29 It was this news, upon reaching Gregory, that inspired him to denounce Henry at the 1076 Lenten synod.30 As Henry’s political position weakened in 1076 in the face of rebellious princes – especially anti-king Rudolf of

Rheinfelden (c. 1025-1080) – he determined that reconciliation with Gregory was necessary.31 This decision gave rise to the most famous episode of the Investiture

25 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 102, 110-28.; Cowdrey, “Pope Gregory VII and the Chastity of the Clergy”, 273-4.; Alfred Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 1056-1273, 2nd ed., trans. Helga Braun and Richard Mortimer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 104-5. 26 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 102, 131.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany 115. 27 Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 49-50.; Mary Stroll, Popes and Antipopes: The Politics of Eleventh Century Reform (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 244.; Wickham, Medieval Rome, 21-2. 28 Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 120.; I. S. Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 1056-1106 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 91-3.; Tierney, “The Program of Gregory VII”, 45.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 115. 29 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 134-6.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 115. 30 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 140-1.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 116. 31 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 142-153.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 117-9. 10

Controversy: the Walk to Canossa. Gregory sought refuge at Matilda of Tuscany’s Canossa fortress, where a penitent Henry secured absolution from him after spending three days before the castle gate.32

This reunion was short-lived, as Henry would recant on his promises of compromise, and Gregory’s attempts at a journey into Germany came to naught. By the Lenten synod of

1080, Gregory renewed his excommunication of Henry, recognising Rudolf’s claim to

Germany.33 In response, Henry convened a Pentecostal synod at Mainz where 19 bishops denounced Gregory again, followed by the synod of Brixen where a contingent of primarily

Italian bishops appointed Archbishop Guibert (or Wibert) of Ravenna as Gregory’s designated successor, Antipope Clement III.34 Henry would launch two military expeditions into Italy. The second, in 1083-4, captured Rome and seated Clement on the papal throne –

Clement himself crowned Henry as Holy Roman Emperor in 1084.35 Henry soon fled Rome in the face of Gregory’s Norman ally, Robert Guiscard, approaching from the south, though

Gregory himself would remain exiled in Salerno until he died in 1085.36

The events of the Investiture Controversy are well-studied, and traditional paradigms are now being contested.37 Extensive research has been done by scholars writing in English,

German, Italian, and other languages, with a recent focus on the role of partisan propaganda.

However, the emotional rhetoric of Gregory, seen through his papal letters, still provides an avenue for scholarly enquiry. Emotional displays are also prominent in the correspondences addressed to Gregory; these remain outside the scope of this study. This study will

32 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 155-8. 33 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 196-199.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 119. 34 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 202-3.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 120. 35 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 228-9.; Stroll, Popes and Antipopes, 423.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 119. 36 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 230-2.; Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 234-5.; I. S. Robinson, The Papacy, 1073-1198: Continuity and Innovation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 412-3. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 120-1. 37 Maureen C. Miller, “The Crisis in the Investiture Crisis Narrative”, History Compass 7 (2009): 1570-6. 11 concentrate on understanding Gregory’s objectives and movements through the emotive expressions in his writings. Consequently, we will focus on key episodes and relationships across Gregory’s papacy to extricate the rhetorical expressions of emotion in his correspondences: what they meant in the political context of the Investiture Controversy, and what they ultimately achieved.

Sources

Gregory VII’s papal register is a collection of letters and other memoranda sent or received by Gregory throughout his twelve-year papacy. Divided into nine books that correlate roughly with an indiction, or year, of Gregory’s papacy, the original register covers approximately 362 letters alongside its additional material – records of Lenten synods, oaths of loyalty, and other miscellaneous documents. This study will be using H. E. J. Cowdrey’s

2002 English translation and annotation, alongside Erich Caspar’s 1920 Latin edition, which

Cowdrey drew on.

The register forms an invaluable insight into Gregory’s personal and political workings VII against the backdrop of the Investiture Controversy and his efforts at reform.

Gregory’s register does not provide copies of every correspondence undertaken, but its intact preservation in the Vatican Archives is unusual for this period of papal history. In fact, in the three hundred years between the papacies of John VIII (r. 872-82) and Innocent III (r. 1198-

1216), Gregory’s is the only surviving papal register.38 As an outlier in its period, Gregory’s register cannot be systematically compared to its now-missing or fragmentary contemporaries. Therefore, this register provides a unique glimpse into the extensive writings of a pope during the Investiture Controversy – it is also our only glimpse into the written emotional displays of such a figure in this period.

38 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory, xi. 12

By detailing extensive correspondences between Gregory and his recipients, the letters of the register help us understand Gregory’s political objectives and the strategies through which they were pursued. Gregory wrote to a wide range of men and women; religious and lay leaders from Spain to Poland as well as a few leaders from the non-Catholic world. The main challenge faced by Gregory during his papacy, namely the Investiture

Controversy, forms the political background of this corpus.

Methodology

One of the major paradigms applied to understanding medieval emotions is derived from the work of historian Gerd Althoff, who argued that medieval displays of emotion were performative and communicated relationships of power through his exploration of medieval poetry.39 This idea has been carried forward by others, such as Stephen D. White and Richard

E. Barton, who have looked especially closely at ‘scripts’ of performative anger.40 The performances of such emotions communicate messages to their audience and participants, such as the loss of honour, or a desire to redress a social or political relationship.41 Barbara H.

Rosenwein concluded that ‘most expressions of emotions are rhetorical’, but emphasised the importance of investigating how and why these rhetorical devices were employed.42 To her, treatment of medieval emotions, therefore, requires not only an attention to the context of the documents in which they appear, but also how emotions can signify diverse meanings to the different parties it is being communicated to.43 Consequently, medieval displays of emotions were calculated and understood gestures that communicated political or social messages to those witnessing such displays. Although written texts are deprived of a variety of physical

39 Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Thinking Historically about Medieval Emotions”, History Compass 8, no. 8 (August 2010): 830.; Rosenwein and Cristiani, What is the History of Emotions?, 43. 40 Rosenwein, “Thinking Historically about Medieval Emotions”, 830-1. 41 Rosenwein, “Thinking Historically about Medieval Emotions”, 830-1. 42 Rosenwein, “Thinking Historically about Medieval Emotions”, 834-6. 43 Rosenwein, “Thinking Historically about Medieval Emotions”, 834. 13 and visual cues to demonstrate the emotions within, their nature and purpose provide insight into how and why they carried the political messages embedded in their emotional rhetoric.

Unpacking the emotional content of medieval texts is complicated by the distance of time between the texts’ authors and their modern readers. The genuine inner emotions felt by authors of medieval works may be entirely lost, and historians of emotions must rely on these texts to reconstruct emotional scenes. In the case of Pope Gregory VII’s letters, it is impossible to entirely know what it was that he felt during the dictation of his letters – instead, his letters provide a limited degree of insight into what he experienced and projected at the time through their use of emotional displays. The key to unlocking these experiences is understanding the context and meaning of these letters. The letters within the papal register can be roughly grouped into types based on their addressees – secular rulers, subordinate clerics, or general audiences such as the inhabitants of a town or kingdom. The letters serve to elicit different reactions from their audiences based on whom they were sent to and

Gregory’s relationship with these addressees in the wider context of the Investiture

Controversy. Secondly, interrogating these letters requires picking out emotional words and phrases – the clearest indicator of emotional rhetoric in a written text.44 Specific words and phrases saw repeated use as markers of ritualised emotional expressions.45 However, emotional terms in Latin and Greek do not always have clear parallels in English, for example, the Greek concepts of penthos, lupe, and katanyxis have overlapping meanings.46

Certain emotional terms also have particular portrayals and understandings in medieval thought. For instance, medieval scholars and theologians conceived a twofold definition of anger, distinguishing between the condemnable anger stemming from impatience, and

44 Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Problems and Methods in the History of Emotions”, International Journal for the History and Theory of Emotions 1 (2010): 15-7. 45 Rosenwein, “Thinking Historically about Medieval Emotions”, 830-1. 46 Hannah Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief: Tears of Contrition in the Writings of Early Syrian and Byzantine Fathers (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 9, 31. 14 righteous anger resulting from zeal.47 Understanding the contemporary notions of emotions, such as zealous anger, is crucial to decoding the meaning behind rhetorical uses of these emotions in the papal letters.

There are several critical questions to consider when exploring Gregory VII’s emotional rhetoric and how these emotions were performed – what terms were used, which letters were they used in, to whom were those letters addressed, how were these displays used in the context of the Investiture Controversy, and what reactions were they intended to spark in their audiences. By asking these key questions about the emotional displays in these papal letters, we can reveal how emotions were utilised as an instrument of power in the letter collections of Pope Gregory VII.

Structure

Each chapter of this study will tackle the role of a specific emotion that is prominent within Gregory’s papal letters – anger, love, and sorrow. These emotions were chosen for their reoccurring nature throughout Gregory’s register and their impact during my initial readings. To distinguish the function of each emotion in the medieval world, we will delve first into the writings of key writers that preceded Gregory, such as Augustine of Hippo and

Pope Gregory the Great. By taking a brief look at how each emotion was thought about and experienced by Christian writers and monastic communities, we can understand the perceived benefits or deficiencies of that emotion and begin to piece together the influences on

Gregory’s use of it in his letters.

Every chapter then pivots directly to Gregory’s papal register, undertaking a brief statistical overview of the prevalence of the focal emotion. This will be determined through the reoccurrence of specific emotional terms and phrases. The results will be further

47 Lester K. Little, ‘Anger in Monastic Curses’, in Anger’s Past, 12-9. 15 disaggregated as we consider the categories of recipients that Gregory wrote to: men and women, lay and religious leaders, individuals, and communities. We will also consider the origins of each emotion, for example, whether sorrow originated from Gregory himself, the

Church as a whole, or a third party. From these results, a small number of letters will form case studies, to be explored in further depth with a more detailed consideration of political context and outcome.

Chapter one centres on the role of anger. We explore the long tradition of bifurcating anger into two forms – one vicious and destructive, the other zealous and constructive. We also find anger in Gregory’s letters, represented mainly through terms such as ira and furor.

For a deeper analysis, we turn to two case studies. In the first, we observe Gregory’s criticisms and zealous anger still maintained a path towards reconciliation. With our second case study, Gregory lambasted a wide selection of political enemies seeking his deposition.

We then scrutinise how the political context of this second letter explains the significantly harsher rhetoric used there. Amidst the backdrop of the Investiture Controversy, we will see how Gregory used emotional displays of anger to regulate behaviour and ensure the propriety of the Church in line with his reformist programme.

The role of love is the focus of chapter two. More prevalent in Gregory’s letters than both anger and sorrow, love sets itself apart as the only one of these emotions to be inherently positive. Divine love was the benchmark and origin of all other love. The lexicon of love also sees platonic, and indeed political, usage by writers shortly after Gregory’s time to construct imagined closeness with the recipients of their letters. We observe similar practice in

Gregory’s letters with this vocabulary of love – amor, dilectio, and diligo. In the first of our case studies, we examine how Gregory’s professions of love were used to preserve his alliances with powerful rulers in the region. Then, in our second case, we analyse Gregory’s efforts to depose and replace his rival, Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna. Gregory justified his

16 actions as done out of love for the Ravennese, and emphasised their historical relationship with Rome to exert political control over the area. By constructing the images of these close relationships, Gregory attempted to achieve his political objectives by maintaining control of central Italy in the face of opposition from his enemies.

The final chapter deals with sorrow. Like anger, Christian writers theorised a twofold existence. Gregory employed sorrow to deal with the ruptures amongst the Church as a result of the Investiture Controversy. Many of the appearances of dolere and tristitia in Gregory’s register are ascribed to his concern over this fracturing in the Church, often in specific religious communities. Through our first case study in sorrow, we observe how Gregory conceptualised attacks on individual clergy as attacks on the Church itself. Then, we revisit

Ravenna and investigate how Gregory used sorrow to demonstrate his concern over the spiritual health of the Ravennese. Our last case study focuses on a letter to Hugh the Great, influential Abbot of Cluny. Gregory laid bare his fears about the future of the Church, petitioning for Hugh’s redemptive sorrow to restore Gregory’s spiritual strength. Sorrow exemplified Gregory’s reactions to the rending of the Church as a result of the Investiture

Controversy, it also accentuated his appeals to affected individuals and communities who, in

Gregory’s eyes, were spiritually endangered.

Building on the dynamic nature of medieval emotions as established by scholars in the field of emotion, we will demonstrate how the emotional displays in Gregory’s papal letters served political and religious functions that furthered his objectives in these areas.

Investigating the emotional strategies of medieval popes is a scarcely-trod path and this thesis represents one of the few attempts to deal exclusively with papal emotional writing.

Gregory’s papal register is uniquely well-preserved amongst pre-thirteenth century registers, and Cowdrey’s translation provides an opportunity to delve further. The emotional content of

Gregory’s letters adds another dimension to the study of the Investiture Controversy. Thus

17 far, this lens has been underutilised when examining the motives and actions of key players.

It is worthwhile to investigate the role of emotions in Gregory’s appeals to his audiences and their effectiveness in eliciting his desired responses as he navigated the politics of the

Investiture Controversy. This study will reveal how Gregory used the rhetoric of anger, love, and sorrow as weapons to confirm his papal authority against rivals, construct alliances and reach out to friends to gather support for his reform agenda.

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ANGER

The first emotion we tackle is anger. In light of the Investiture Controversy dominating his papal reign, Gregory’s letters provide numerous instances of anger. This is directed primarily at those who challenged papal authority and opposed his reformist efforts on simony and nicolaitism. We will examine how anger was levelled at individuals and groups – Prince-Bishop Henry of Liège, Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna, King Henry IV of

Germany, and the community of bishops supportive of the latter two. These parties have provided opposition to Gregory’s authority; his responses feature differing levels of extremity in their displays of anger. We will examine how the medieval function of anger in feudal hierarchies provided avenues of reconciliation and therefore seek to explain why Gregory’s anger differs between letters.

The historical treatment of anger as an emotion is complex. While conceptualised as a vice, early Christian writers also envisioned a positive application that could enrich the spiritual lives of Christians. Thus, two simultaneous forms of anger existed as early as the fifth century: the vice of anger could be spiritually damaging, but anger originating from zeal and oriented towards the improvement of the self or others could have beneficial effects for religious life. We will encounter this bifold nature of vice in Christian writings about sorrow as well. The political uses of anger have also been well-studied. Stephen D. White and Gerd

Althoff explored expressions of anger as meaningful, strategic performances amongst secular rulers.48 However, zealous anger in a religious context, directed at internal and external reform, would form the basis of Gregory’s displays of anger.

48 Stephen D White, “The Politics of Anger”, in Anger’s Past, 131-142, 149-152.; Gerd Althoff, “Ira Regis: Prolegomena to a History of Royal Anger”, in Anger’s Past, 59-61, 74. 19

Two Forms of Anger: Zealous and Vicious

The distinction between two forms of anger is present throughout early Christians writings. Eminent fifth- and sixth-century writers such as Augustine of Hippo, John Cassian, and Martin of Braga grappled with the idea that anger could arise either from righteous zeal or from vice. It could be constructive or destructive to spiritual health depending on this origin.49 In The City of God, Augustine explained that anger was faultless when directed at a sinner, intended to aid their redemption.50 Later authors challenged the social and spiritual usefulness of anger, particularly that of monks. Martin of Braga entirely dismissed the validity of anger as a constructive outlet – his De ira uncompromisingly rejected zealous anger.51 John Cassian trod a middle ground, conceding the usefulness of inwardly-directed anger as a tool for spiritual self-improvement, while still strongly condemning anger in a monastic context. To Cassian, an angry monk was incapable of adequately fulfilling his spiritual requirements.52 Instead, in dispelling anger, he argued that the monks filled themselves with patience – its opposite.53 Cassian’s advice was deeply influential for monastic communities, guiding Benedict of Nursia’s Rule for Monasteries, which governed the lifestyles of Benedictine monks.54

Condemnations of anger were not limited to Martin of Braga. Anger also came to be associated with the devil. The Sermo de conscientia (formerly attributed to Augustine but now dated to the Carolingian period) strongly and repetitively associated anger with ‘the image of the devil’.55 Said images refer to personifications of anger (ira), dating back as far as the work of fifth-century poet Prudentius. Ninth-century illustrations added to his

49 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 12. 50 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 12. 51 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 12. 52 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 12-3. 53 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 13. 54 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 13-4. 55 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 19. 20

Psycomachia imagined of anger as a violent, bedraggled woman in conflict with the calm figure of patience; patience withstands anger’s ferocious attacks and anger, overcome with fervour, dies upon her spear.56 Here, anger was envisioned as an uncontrollable emotion, destructive in its total consumption of the mind and body – its voracity culminates in its death, a stern moral warning against indulgence in such an emotion. However, as we have seen from Augustine and Cassian, a distinction was explored between various expressions and origins of anger, which varied in validity based on the context in which they arose. Thus, the possibility of finding nuance in forms of anger was pondered by a series of prominent

Christian writers from late antiquity onwards. It would remain a pertinent question in the medieval period and these considerations would continue to weigh on the minds of writers like Thomas Aquinas, even into the thirteenth century.57

The disentanglement of righteous and vicious anger was also explored by Pope

Gregory I, (Gregory the Great). His Moralia in Job clearly distinguished between vicious anger, which was inherently unbridled and lacked restraint, and anger inspired by virtue and zeal, which was rational and could be harnessed effectively.58 Moralia explored how Gregory viewed the human condition. To him, man’s body was innately perishable and polluted by sin, but his soul could reach salvation if led there by reason.59 Thus, for Gregory, emotions could be useful tools for spiritual life, on the condition that the individual tamed and mastered them to be harnessed in the correct ways, rather than left unfettered.60 Moralia and other works attest to Gregory placing great stock in the transformative powers of emotions – man could redirect the emotions arising from negative thoughts into a constructive appreciation of

56 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 14-24. 57 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 12. 58 Little, “Anger in Monastic Curses”, 12. 59 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 45. 60 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 44-7. 21

God’s love.61 Instead, emotions such as anger could function as a conduit towards salvation.

In justifying the redemptive qualities of negative emotions, Gregory reaffirmed the existence of a positive purpose for anger. Therefore, the virtuous application of anger could lead oneself or others down the path towards deliverance. Gregory the Great’s writings had a profound influence on his eleventh-century namesake, Gregory VII. This impact is visible in the letters of Gregory VII’s papal register. There are multiple references to Gregory’s the

Great’s works, especially regarding topics such as the obedience expected of Christians.62

The importance of Gregory the Great’s writings lay in their moral didacticism, which provided a foundation for Gregory VII’s moralising exhortations to lay rulers in particular.63

Gregory the Great’s defence of zealous anger as a positive and constructive means for pursuing spiritual refinement sheds light on why anger finds such prominent roles in Gregory

VII’s papal letters.

Anger in the Papal Letters

Pope Gregory VII’s letters contain a significant number of emotional displays indicating anger, with varying levels of severity. Appendix A features an overview of the instances of rhetorical anger.

Amongst the 362 letters within the papal register, I have located thirty-four instances in which anger or wrath are directly mentioned in some form of the Latin term ira.

Additionally, there are four mentions of fury (furor). The Latin Church Fathers – a roster of influential, authoritative theologians including Augustine and Gregory the Great – established a loose gradation in anger: furor denoted a more violent and unstable fit of anger than ira.64

61 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 47. 62 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 691-2. 63 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 692. 64 Catherine Peyroux, “Gertrude’s furor: Reading Anger in an Early Medieval Saint’s Life”, in Anger’s Past, 44- 5. 22

These terms are not Gregory’s only indicators of anger. He employs a variety of condemnatory phrases which occur throughout his register. These indications are less explicit than the direct use of ira but are nevertheless important displays of Gregory’s discontent with the state of affairs.

In the absence of ira and furor, Gregory’s letters demonstrate rhetorical anger through condemnation. For instance, a July 1078 letter features Gregory rebuking the clerks of San

Martino at Lucca for their ‘heedlessness and disobedience’ (‘negligentie et inobedientie’) in failing to abide by previous papal orders, claiming they should have been ‘struck’ (‘ferire deberet’) by judicial sentence if not for the intervention of Bishop Anselm.65 In another letter, dated November 1079, Gregory labelled the Marquis of Vasto’s consanguineous marriage as

‘full of offence’ (‘quam sit flagitii plenum’) and subsequently as ‘foreign to the laws of the

Christian religion (‘quam a christiane religionis legibus alienum’).66 Several other letters display similar expressions of papal displeasure; many are scathing despite the absence of literal terms of anger such as ira.67

We can further examine the contexts in which these literal terms occur. There are thirty-eight instances of either ira or furor, including derivative terms, in Gregory’s letters.

Within these, there are twenty-three references to the divine wrath of God. The wrath of God is a Biblical topos that early Christian writers, including Lactantius (c. 250-325) grappled with; his theory that love and wrath were inherent to God’s nature became Catholic tradition.68 Expressions of divine anger were a tool employed against lay and ecclesiastic leaders alike, as well as more general audiences. For instance, in a November 1074 letter addressed to Count William of Poitou, Gregory warned that King Philip I of France’s

65 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.11, 290.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, ed. Erich Caspar (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1920-23), 413. 66 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.28, 333.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 470. 67 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.35, 41-2; 1.58, 62; 1.60, 63-4; 3.2, 175-6; 8.2, 366-7. 68 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 13-4. 23 continued sins (adultery, depredation of churches and extortion of merchants) will ‘store up for himself the wrath of God and of St Peter’ (‘suum iram Dei et sancti Petri sibi thesaurizaverit’).69 In June 1082, Gregory counselled Archbishop John of Naples that his failure to publicly rebuke Prince Jordan of Capua for perjuring himself (by swearing fealty to

Henry IV after already having done so to Gregory), will result in Naples experiencing ‘the wrath of divine vengeance’ (‘divine ultionis iram ipse locus vester experiatur’).70 Gregory also communicated his displeasure to the people of Lucca through a warning about God’s anger in October 1079. He called on the Luccans to banish the now-excommunicated clerks of San Martino, warning them that they shall endure ‘the anger of God in the present and the future life’ (‘iram Dei in presenti et in futura vita’) if they fail.71 The wrath of God is often invoked as a warning for those whom Gregory sees as condemnable for their non-compliance with his rulings.

The anger of Saint Peter, the patron of the Papacy as the traditional first pope, is mentioned thrice, with a further three references in connection with the anger of others. Two of these additional instances are in addition to God’s anger, and one is Gregory’s. Gregory’s anger is only directly discussed twice, and once further in addition to Peter’s (‘iram beati

Petri et nostrum’).72 Peter’s wrath is expressed twice through the ‘sword of blessed Peter’

(‘beati Petri gladium’), a metaphorical weapon wielded against those worthy of excommunication should they continue on a path of wickedness.73 Gregory threatened the knight Wezelin in October 1079, disallowing him from pursuing a feud with King Dmitar

Zvonimir of Croatia.74 He subsequently employed the threat of Peter’s sword against King

69 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.18, 112.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 151.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 336. 70 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 9.27, 426.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 437.; I. S. Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 218-9.; 71 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 7.2, 326.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 462. 72 Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 438. 73 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.3, 368.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 520. 74 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 7.4, 328. 24

Alfonso VI of León-Castile, encouraging him to abandon his consanguineous second marriage in June 1080.75

The anger of other figures is also mentioned; the anger of Bishop Pibo of Toul, charged with simony and nicolaitism by his clerks, is brought up twice in an October 1074 letter.76 In April 1079 Gregory warned Jordan of Capua against invoking the anger of Peter and the ‘indignation of blessed Benedict’.77 Benedict of Nursia was the founder of the Abbey of Montecassino, which Jordan was accused of violating.78 Another three mentions of ira are in connection with general ideas: in a September 1075 letter to Archbishop Siegfried of

Mainz, Gregory encouraged Siegfried to disregard ‘the wrath of the powerful’ as a hindrance to him convening a council of German clerics and implementing reforms against simony and nicolaitism.79 The final two references to ira are warnings of the consequences of unchecked anger as a path to evil.80

Furor appears significantly less frequently than ira. The first of four instances, in

June 1073, concerns the fury of the Antichrist, whom Gregory associated with the Lombard bishops who supported Godfrey’s candidacy for the archbishopric of Milan.81 Godfrey was selected by Henry IV but never secured the archbishopric.82 The second mention is in connection with Pibo of Toul: the clerks of Toul escaped to avoid ‘the severity of his fury’.83

The ‘fury of so savage a discord’ is mentioned in a March 1078 letter to Archbishop Udo of

Trier. 84 Here, Gregory referred to strife in Germany between the supporters of Henry IV and

75 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.3, 367-8. 76 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.10, 104-6. 77 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.37, 319-20. 78 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.37, 319-20. 79 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 3.4, 178. 80 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 4.28, 243; 9.35, 438. 81 Gregory VII¸ The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.11, 12. 82 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.11, 12n7.; H. E. J. Cowdrey, “The Papacy, Patarenes and Church of Milan”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (December 1968): 37-9.; Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 124. 83 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.10, 105. 84 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 5.16, 265. 25 anti-king Rudolf of Rheinfelden, who had been elected at Forchheim in early 1077 to oppose

Henry. This occurred after Gregory had denounced Henry in 1076 and declared him deposed.

Gregory was unwilling to commit to Rudolf’s cause following his reconciliation with Henry at Canossa.85 Through these letters, the pope now sought mediation between the feuding parties, which he saw as part of his spiritual duties as pope.86 Lastly, in March 1079 Gregory warned the unruly bishops and nobles of Provence that failing to heed his decrees protecting the monastery of Montmajour will call down ‘iram et furorem omnipotentis Dei’ or ‘the anger and fury of Almighty God’.87 Although Gregory does not limit himself to these terms, ira and furor see repeated use as expressions of anger – whether heavenly or human. A closer look at these uses, and other expressions, will reveal the purposes of rhetorical anger as a strategic tool in the letters of Gregory VII.

Case Studies: Righteous Wrath

In October 1078, Pope Gregory VII addressed a letter to Prince-Bishop Henry of

Liège – a copy is retained within his papal register.88 Henry had been invested as prince- bishop in 1075, owing his position to the influence of his kinsman Duke Godfrey of Lower

Lorraine.89 The letter forms part of a wider correspondence between Gregory and Henry, being a response to a now-lost letter from Henry in which he expressed his indignation at

Gregory absolving one of his subjects.90 In reply, Gregory berated his subordinate for questioning the authority of the papal office and lays out instructions to resolve this issue.

Gregory’s response to this letter demonstrates his use of anger as a means of projecting his power over Henry. In this letter, displays of anger are a rhetorical device through which

85 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 168-71. 86 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 581-2. 87 Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 445.; Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.31, 313-4. 88 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279. 89 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 143, 253.; Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 114. 90 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085, 6.4, 279n1. 26

Gregory can address his dissatisfaction with Henry’s actions, which contest Gregory’s spiritual authority: particularly his authority to excommunicate or absolve individuals at will.

Though both ira and furor are absent from his missive, Gregory’s language nevertheless offered a scathing denunciation of Henry’s actions. Gregory reflected on the

‘biting invective’ in Henry’s previous letter.91 As a result of this challenge, Gregory was

‘severely moved’ (‘graviter commotos’ [sic]) against the ‘temerity’ of the prince-bishop.92

Gregory directed his threat of anger at Henry, and in doing so seeks to subdue the prince- bishop and induce obedience to the papal will. Gregory admonished the prince-bishop for exceeding his authority by criticising Gregory’s decision ‘as though it was not within the authority of the apostolic see’ to absolve individuals, rather than showing the papacy the

‘reverence that befits it’.93 Subsequently, Henry was warned to ‘take care not in temerity to answer us back in this way’: a stern warning at the prince-bishop if he continues down a path that Gregory sees as insubordinate.94

Gregory’s severe tone is increasingly evident in his accusation that Henry had

‘bandied words against the authority of the Roman church’ through either ‘a spirit of presumption or by ignorance’ (‘spiritu presumptionis aut ignorantia’).95 In this last charge,

Gregory carefully labelled Henry’s defiance an ‘imitation of those easterners’ who

‘presumed’ to question the authority of Pope Julius I (r. 337-352) in absolving Patriarch

Athanasius of Alexandria.96 Here, Gregory augmented his condemnation by drawing on a historical example, an analogy for his conflict with the prince-bishop. At the Council of Tyre in 335, Patriarch Athanasius was deposed from the see of Alexandria by those sympathetic to

91 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 396. 92 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 396. 93 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279. 94 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279. 95 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 397. 96 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279. 27

Arianism, a Christian sect later denounced as heresy by the increasingly-popular sect of

Catholicism.97 In 339, Athanasius was invited to Rome by Julius, who declared him the lawful bishop of Alexandria in 340 and issued a letter to the bishops of the East chiding them for not informing him of the situation in Alexandria.98 Gregory enhanced his criticisms of

Henry’s transgressions by drawing parallels to the overstepping of authority by bishops in the eastern half of the Roman Empire.

Gregory’s use of anger follows a fashion seen in other eleventh- and twelfth-century writings between lords and their feudal subjects. In analysing these, Richard E. Barton argued that anger served to both subdue those who challenged the authority of their lieges and facilitate a non-violent restructuring of the power dynamic between author and recipient.99

Barton demonstrates this function of anger through two instances of French lords redressing their conflicts in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Amongst Barton’s cases is the conflict between Count Fulk Nerra of Anjou, and his son and successor, Geoffrey Martel.100 William of Malmesbury records how Geoffrey rebelled against his father, who defeated him and subjected him to a humiliating physical display of obedience, before reconciling with and restoring him to power. In this instance, Fulk’s anger arose from his son’s defiance of his authority – a challenge to the hierarchy of power. However, this anger provided a path towards conflict resolution between Fulk and his son. Geoffrey’s display of deference to his father allowed Fulk’s honour and authority to remain intact, while Geoffrey was taken back as heir to Anjou.101 Similarly, Juhel, lord of Mayenne in 1120, quarrelled with his feudatory

97 Leo Donald Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787): Their History and Theology (Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1990), 82. 98 Eamon Duffy, Saints and Sinners: A History of the Popes, 4th ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 30-1.; Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils, 82. 99 Richard E. Barton, “‘Zealous Anger’ and the Renegotiation of Aristocratic Relationships in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century France”, Anger’s Past, 165. 100 Barton, “‘Zealous Anger’”, 163-4. 101 Barton, “‘Zealous Anger’”, 164-5. 28

Guarinus Probus over expanding an abbey at Marmoutier.102 The crux of this dispute lay in

Guarinus’ unwillingness to comply with Juhel’s wishes, challenging the authority of his feudal superior. Juhel’s resulting anger towards Guarinus is clear in a charter; his anger extends beyond the issue of the abbey and contests the validity of Guarinus’ very status as a serf.103 Here, the configuration of power as a hierarchy underpins Juhel’s rhetorical anger.

Eventually, this dispute was peacefully mediated; in return for Guarinus contributing to the abbey, Juhel enfeoffed him and his descendants.104 Juhel’s displays of anger paved the way for a peaceful settlement wherein both parties were satisfied – Juhel was able to secure financial support and reconfigured his socio-political relationship with Guarinus. Displays of anger were thus used as a valid instrument for re-establishing power over subordinates in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, providing a means for renegotiating relationships of power.

The anger of Fulk of Anjou and Juhel of Mayenne occurs within a secular feudal system of power. However, the power dynamics of superior and subordinate witnessed in these cases can be seen in the relationship between Gregory and Henry. Like Juhel and Fulk,

Gregory’s anger underlined his displeasure at the current state of his relationship with the prince-bishop he envisions as his subordinate and consequently indicates his desire to reconfigure that relationship. Through the rhetorical anger in his 1078 letter, Gregory clarified that Henry has transgressed his authority and thereby challenged the hierarchical power dynamic between them. By using emotional displays of anger to redress this relationship, Gregory sought to preserve his papal power while forestalling any rift that might emerge with Henry. Further escalation of their conflict was avoided, as it was by Fulk and

Juhel. Henry was directed to seek the advice of fellow ‘religious brothers’ in the area, namely

Archbishop Udo of Trier and Bishop Hermann of Metz, and ‘by their council and

102 Barton, “‘Zealous Anger’”, 153. 103 Barton, “‘Zealous Anger’”, 153-4, 153n2. 104 Barton, “‘Zealous Anger’”, 155. 29 judgement’, settle the matter of the absolution of Henry’s subject.105 Gregory’s ultimate goal here was to preserve the moral righteousness of the Church – a primary concern throughout his papacy.106 Encompassed within this was a fixation on the conduct of clerics.107 Uprooting simony and nicolaitism were key objectives of his reform programme.108 Part of Gregory’s charge to Henry in resolving this matter is to ‘take away the cause for complaint’ against the latter; by following the counsel of the recommended bishops, Henry will be able to preserve his ‘righteousness, integrity and canonical authority’ and thereby the moral uprightness and authority of the Church at large.109 The anger in Gregory’s letter thus served several purposes. It indicated Gregory’s concern regarding Henry’s overreach of authority, and his desire to redress their relationship while reaching a non-violent conclusion that ultimately both upholds papal and Church authority but also vindicates Henry from accusations of improper conduct and steers him onto what Gregory sees as the correct path for ecclesiastics.

Whether Gregory’s strategy was effective is difficult to definitively determine due to the lack of preserved responses from the prince-bishop. However, it is noteworthy that

Henry’s next appearances in Gregory’s papal register were favourable. Writing in January

1080 to Bishop Thierry of Verdun, and subsequently to Henry himself, Gregory extended his sympathies in the aftermath of Count Arnulf of Chiny robbing one of Henry’s churches.110

Here, Gregory used terms of affection like those we will explore in our next chapter, and urged Henry and Thierry to bring Arnulf to justice.

While Gregory’s letter to Henry of Liège indicated a degree of displeasure from the pope, it appears that Gregory’s emotional intensity was reserved. Despite the absence of ira

105 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279. 106 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 583. 107 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 583. 108 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 108-110. 109 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279. 110 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 7.13, 338-9; 7.14, 339-340.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 609. 30 and furor in his letter, Gregory showed an implicit level of displeasure towards the prince- bishop. However, this emotional display did not progress past irritation: Gregory positioned his letter as a warning for Henry, indicated through the inclusion of the line ‘take care not in temerity to answer us back in this way’.111 This threat of anger is visible in Juhel’s charter, wherein violence towards Guarinus was threatened but not acted upon.112 The concept of more extreme forms of anger was also explored in the twelfth- and thirteenth-century French poem Raoul de Cambrai. Barton’s argues poem yields a didactic lesson: while anger played its role in medieval society, the untempered vicious anger of the characters prevented them from resolving their problem and ultimately doomed them all. Considering Gregory’s tone of warning here, it is worth considering whether his register includes expressions of anger more intense than this rebuke, and questioning why this may be the case. We turn, therefore, to another example of papal anger.

In late July 1080, Gregory sent a scathing letter to the bishops of Norman-dominated southern Italy: the Principate, Apulia, and Calabria.113 The subjects of Gregory’s damnatory missive were not these bishops themselves. Instead, his anger was directed at two key political figures of the Investiture Controversy – Henry IV and Archbishop Guibert of

Ravenna.114 Dated to July 21st, this letter came a month after the synod of Brixen: an assembly of mostly Italian bishops summoned under the aegis of Henry on June 25th, 1080.115

Although these bishops did not yet depose Gregory, Guibert was designated as his successor, being more moderate and amenable to Henry’s influence.116 By this time, Gregory had been once again estranged from Henry and had excommunicated both Henry and Guibert during

111 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.4, 279. 112 Barton, “Zealous Anger”, 153, 155. 113 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 369. 114 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 369-70. 115 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 201.; Robinson, The Papacy, 411-2. 116 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 202-4.; Robinson, The Papacy, 411-2.; Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 199- 200. 31 the Lenten synod of 1078.117 Gregory’s missive in response provided him with an outlet to express his indignation with the news of Guibert being appointed Antipope Clement III.

Gregory’s ire is evident throughout his letter to the southern Italian bishops. He began by terming Guibert’s supporters as ‘disciples of Satan’, ‘inflamed by diabolical pride’

(‘diabolica inflammati superbia’).118 This association of pride with wrath has a long history:

Gregory the Great’s theorised seven harmful thoughts or emotions (cogitationes), including wrath, were all rooted in pride.119 Gregory VII lambasted these bishops for the ‘wicked presumption’ (‘iniqua eorum presumptio’) with which threatened the Church’s unity.120 They were condemned as ‘most reprobate’ in their dealings and compared to Simon Magus, the

Biblical figure for whom the crime of simony was named.121 Gregory called for the ‘ruin of these men’ who have supported Guibert and Henry, just as Simon Magus was ‘wondrously cast down’ by God and Peter when he ‘aspired towards higher places’.122 Gregory alluded to a story that was popular amongst contemporary eleventh-century clerical reformists such as

Peter Damian – in this legend, Simon Magus was Peter’s rival and ultimately contributed to the martyrdom of both Peter and Paul at the hands of Roman authorities.123 By clearly identifying the opposing bishops with the wicked Simon Magus, the longstanding enemy of

Peter, Gregory reinforced his association with his saintly predecessor. Indeed, in our next chapter, we will explore another instance of Gregory drawing parallels centring on himself and Peter. He saw the struggle between Simon Magus and Peter as not just a legend, but an analogy for the moral crises faced by the contemporary Church.124 The inclusion of this rivalry, rare in Gregory’s letters, spoke to his concerns about the spiritual health of the

117 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 7.14a, 340-4. 118 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 369-370.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 522. 119 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 45. 120 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 522. 121 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 371. 122 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 371. 123 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 544. 124 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 544-5. 32

Church.125 Simon Magus is to Peter, the first pope and Prince of the Apostles, as the schismatic bishops at Brixen are to Gregory. Their support for Guibert as antipope represented a major threat to the Church’s stability and Gregory consequently directed a great amount of his zealous anger into denouncing them and their actions.

In this letter, Gregory indicated Henry IV as the main architect of this challenge to his authority. He named Henry ‘the peak and the author of this pestilent counsel’ (‘vertex et auctor pestiferi consilii fuisse probatur’).126 Gregory pointed to previous strife within the

Church which he alleged Henry organised. He referred to the papacy of his immediate predecessor, Alexander II, when Bishop Cadalus of Parma was briefly installed as Antipope

Honorius II (r. 1061-4) – this, however, occurred during Henry’s minority and the move was conducted under the regency of his mother, Agnes of Poitou.127 Gregory seemingly did not blame Agnes for these events. Instead, her piety would later make her a trusted ally.128 The inclusion of this affair is nonetheless pertinent; it created a narrative around Henry’s history of harmful interference in Church matters. Such interferences were a major issue that occupied Gregory’s mind throughout his papacy.129 Another example employed by Gregory against Henry’s character is that of the Lombard bishops, who, with their ‘detestable conspiracies’, ‘armed themselves against us with Henry directing’.130 Here, Gregory referred to a council at Piacenza in 1076, where attending bishops renounced their obedience to

Gregory and were consequently suspended from episcopal office at his Lenten synod.131

Finally, Gregory discussed the ‘incurable wound’ struck by the ‘sword of apostolic

125 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 544-5. 126 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 522. 127 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370n3.; Duffy, Saints and Sinners, 119-120.; Stroll, Popes and Antipopes, 137-143. 128 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 80-1, 90. 129 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 583. 130 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370. 131 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 3.10a, 191.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 138-142.; Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 147. 33 retribution’ against the Lombard bishops through their excommunication.132 This remark is a stern warning to any amongst the bishops of southern Italy who may be harbouring pro-

Henry sympathies.

The last major party to whom papal anger is directed is Guibert. Gregory’s July letter is not his first altercation with the archbishop. He had rebuked Guibert and his suffragans in early 1078 for unspecified misconduct and subsequently penned a letter to the Ravennese in which he castigated Guibert and encouraged the Ravennese to show him no obedience.133 In this second dispatch, he accused Guibert of ‘tyrannical plundering’ that had ‘laid waste’ to

Ravenna after being ‘ensnared and defiled by these evils’ of ‘irreligious life’.134 Gregory used his 1080 letter to build on these condemnations. His expressions of anger towards Guibert were unequivocally harsher than those previously employed against Henry of Liège. Guibert was labelled ‘ravager of the holy church of Ravenna’, evoking Gregory’s earlier denunciation.135 Going further, Gregory branded his rival as ‘antichrist and heresiarch’

(‘antichristum sibi et heresiarcham’), elected by ‘the assembly of Satan’: ‘those whose life is abominable and whose ordination is heretical’ and have consequently and rightfully earned the ‘wrath of just judgement’ (‘iram sibi iusti iudicii’).136 This is a severe and unforgiving condemnation, positioning Guibert as a destructive and evil force bent on sowing discord throughout the Church. Contrastingly, Gregory represents order and the unity of the Church in opposing the diabolical Guibert and Henry. Gregory’s words are biting. Through his part in this schism, Guibert had effectively sought to rend the church and generate an insurmountable rift with Gregory. Unlike with Henry of Liège, here Gregory saw little hope of reconciliation with his opponents. While exiled in Salerno during the twilight of his

132 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370. 133 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 5.13, 258-9, 6.10, 289. 134 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.10, 289. 135 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370. 136 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 522. 34 papacy, Gregory renewed the excommunications of Guibert and Henry.137 The unlikeliness of reconciliation allowed Gregory to employ his anger to a greater degree than witnessed in his earlier threatening letters.

This letter was Gregory’s first response to Brixen synod and was intended to galvanise the support of the southern Italian bishops behind his cause in its wake.138 Zealous anger was utilised to unambiguously paint Guibert, Henry, and their supporters in a severely negative light. The letter featured repetitive associations of Gregory’s enemies with fiendish figures such as Simon Magus, the Antichrist, and Satan. Furthermore, Gregory had called down the ‘wrath of just judgement’ on Guibert and his partisans, warning the southern Italian bishops of the consequences of association with Guibert and his heresy.139 Gregory’s letter concluded with a call to action. Exhorting the southern Italian bishops to be wary of the devil’s guiles, Gregory beseeches them to fulfil their obligations to the Church ‘as is fitting and as the debt of your office requires’ and thereby ‘devote pains and zeal to prayers and to other means by which help should be brought to a mother in travail’.140 Gregory applied anger in a zealous pursuit of what he considers to be the Church’s wellbeing, commending others to do the same. He called on these bishops to share his load in defending the Church, their ‘common mother’, from the threats posed by Guibert and Henry.141 To this end, he was adamant that Guibert and Henry’s accomplices would receive no pardon from him unless they surrendered themselves entirely ‘to ecclesiastical judgement and to our censure’.142

This letter demonstrates Gregory’s use of rhetorical anger in efforts to rally the southern

137 Robinson, The Papacy, 412-3. 138 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 204. 139 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 370. 140 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 371. 141 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 371. 142 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.5, 371. 35

Italian bishops to his cause and end the Papacy their full support against Henry and his antipope.

It is unclear whether these appeals provoked any response from the Norman bishops; in any case, potential replies were not preserved within Gregory’s register. Gregory’s overtures to the Normans leaders ultimately returned only pledges of fealty from Jordan of

Capua and, in 1084, a lacklustre military campaign from Robert Guiscard, the ruler of much of southern Italy who dislodged Henry’s forces from Rome but left it divided, failing to secure Gregory’s return due to the sacking of the city by his army.143

Thus, the papal letters of Gregory VII demonstrate his application of rhetorical anger to preserve the spiritual and moral uprightness of the Church under his leadership. This zealous anger on display in Gregory’s writings was distinguished from its irrational and corrupting counterpart by many early Christian writers. In rationalising a spiritually- sanctioned use of a vice, Augustine of Hippo and Gregory the Great opened a path for

Gregory VII to employ anger with varying severities as a tool for his own objectives. Anger could also be a tool for seeking redress in eleventh- and twelfth-century feudal contexts. The threatening character in Gregory’s first letter offered reconciliation alongside its rebuke, a facet absent from his second letter.

In his 1078 letter to Henry of Liège, Gregory makes use of a threatening tone to pressure Henry into compliance with papal demands. Henry’s challenge to Gregory’s authority is checked. Gregory warns Henry to abstain from further disobedience but takes care not to completely alienate him, which facilitates their eventual reconciliation.

Contrastingly, in 1080 Gregory offered an acerbic criticism of the synod of Brixen. He denounced the selection of Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna as an antipope and condemned

143 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 205, 213-5, 230-1.; Stroll, Popes and Antipopes, 244.; Wickham, Medieval Rome, 30, 423.: Robinson, The Papacy, 412.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 120. 36 both Henry IV of Germany and his supporters. No longer needing to reconcile with Guibert,

Gregory was much more severe in his attack. The goal of Gregory’s second letter was to secure support from the bishops of Norman Italy against Guibert, and consequently to preserve the rectitude of the Church against what he perceived as the machinations of the devil. We thus observe two ways in which Gregory employed anger, in varying severity, in attempts to secure his authority in the face of challenges to his papal authority.

37

LOVE

Love is the second emotion we will investigate. The number of displays of love in

Gregory’s register dwarfs both anger and sorrow. In the shadow of the Investiture

Controversy, love and its redemptive qualities were employed in epistles to various individuals to fulfil several objectives. Just as Gregory used the reformative power of zealous anger to uphold the propriety of the Church and its members, he enlisted love’s emendatory qualities to ensure the loyalty and good behaviour of his audience. Gregory leveraged this vocabulary to construct images of close relationships with individuals and communities, such as Margravines Beatrice and Matilda of Tuscany, and the Ravennese people. These constructions were used to bolster Gregory’s political power in central Italy, preserving and strengthening his relationships with these addressees.

Love, the paramount virtue to Augustine, is rooted in God and is the font of all other virtues.144 Medieval Christian writers theorised about love by drawing on Biblical examples –

Jesus became the pinnacle of love, and his sacrifice was its highest form. Thus, love became seen as both the mark of a true Christian and the quality that united the Church with Jesus.

Love also held a powerful innate transformative power. It was a crucial step on the path to salvation for the penitent, a role that would be closely echoed by sorrow as well. Indeed, all three emotions – anger, love, and sorrow – were shown to have some degree of redemptive and salvatory qualities. Christian writers would harness these for the spiritual benefit of monastic and lay communities. The redemptive and salvatory undercurrents of these emotions, love foremost amongst them, were on display in Gregory VII’s writings as well.

144 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 14-6.; Simon May, Love: A Secret History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 86-7. 38

The Lexicon of Love: From Lactantius to Peter the Venerable

When understanding love, Christian writers had traditionally turned to the divine for guidance. To the early Christian rhetorician and philosopher Lactantius, God’s emotional capacity for love demonstrated its purpose as an emotion – God necessarily felt love for virtuous people and anger for the wicked.145 Lactantius considered several Latin expressions of love; the verbs amo and diligo, and the nouns laetitia and caritas.146 These signifiers of love were utilised by Jerome (c. 347-420) in his Biblical translation – the Vulgate.

Demonstrating the influence of Biblical love, Rosenwein examined emotional markers in the

Vulgate, determining that prevalent terms such as amor, caritas, and dilectio would enter the standard emotional vocabulary of medieval clerics.147

Augustine of Hippo sought to specify caritas as love for God.148 To Augustine, humanity loves one another through love for Christ.149 Augustine shared Lactantius’ view about emotions, which were virtuous when correctly oriented towards God and ruinous when oriented towards the material world.150 Augustine also argued that true friendships were given by God and could aid such friends in seeking God’s love, but remained wary that friendships could also lead to sin. It was ultimately only the love of God that could be eternal and without fault.151 Augustine relied on three main descriptors of rhetorical affection: dilectus (beloved, etymologically-related to diligo), carus (dear, related to caritas), and dulcis

145 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 14-6. 146 Barbara H. Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), 42. 147 Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Emotion Words”, in Le sujet des émotions au Moyen Âge, eds. Piroska Nagy and Damian Boquet (Paris: Beauchesne, 2009), 100-104. 148 Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages, 45. 149 James McEvoy, “The Theory of Friendship in the Latin Middle Ages: Hermeneutics, Contextualization and the Transmission and Reception of Ancient Texts and Ideas, from c. AD 350 to c. 1500”, in Friendship in Medieval Europe, ed. Julian P. Haseldine (Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 1999), 33-4. 150 Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages, 50-1. 151 Marsha L. Dutton, “Friendship and the love of God: Augustine’s teaching in the Confessions and Aelred of Rievaulx’s response in Spiritual Friendship”, American Benedictine Review 56, no. 1 (2005): 39-40. 39

(sweet).152 These expressions became the seedlings that would flourish into a vocabulary of rhetorical love under the care of a host of later medieval Christian writers.

By the tenth century, the medieval understanding of love had been thoroughly shaped by Carolingian-era monastic ideals. The salvific and reformative power of love became a key aspect in the lives of monks and hermits.153 Caritas shaped the ideas of churchmen such as the hermetic Romuald of Ravenna (c. 951-1025/7).154 Peter Damian’s (c. 1007-1073) hagiography highlighted love as the connection between Romuald and Jesus. Romuald invokes an expression of human love to call on the intercession of Jesus. Consequently, divine love fills Romuald’s heart to deliver him from his suffering.155 Love also formed an important theme in Bruno of Querfurt’s (c. 974-1009) Life of the Five Brothers, where the monastery’s communal love towards newcomers was the first of ‘three treasures’ awaiting

Christians.156 John of Fécamp (d. 1079) elaborated on love’s importance. The burning love for Christ characterises Christian souls. His Confessio Theologica repeatedly tied this motif to salvation and transcendence of earthly vices.157 Peter Damian also saw the integral function of love in Christian life; love held the entire Church together and united it with

Jesus.158 Just as with anger and sorrow, the discourse surrounding love and its reformative nature would continue to develop throughout the following centuries.

The vocabulary of love continued to be wielded by churchmen in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Anselm of Canterbury (1033-1109) melded expressions of love and affection with prayer, again tying love to salvation. Here, love served the purpose of guiding

152 Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages, 51. 153 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities,69-70. 154 Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages, 45.; Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 71-2.; Howe, “‘Gaudium et Spes’”, 26. 155 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 72. 156 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 73-4. 157 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 76-9. 158 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 79-80. 40 individuals to salvation and could be directed from the petitioner towards a holy person or object. Anselm’s prayers also mark out the love that Jesus had for Mary Magdalene, which caused him to appear before her after his death and transformed her sorrow into joy.159 While

Anselm considered Christ’s sacrifice to be the highest manifestation of love, from which all other expressions of love stem, another love was also present in his writings: the mutual love between author and recipient.160 Rhetorical expressions of love appear amongst a close circle of his eminent peers in the English Church. For instance, Anselm composed an impassioned commitment to his mutual love with Bishop Gundulf of Rochester.161 Other contemporaries made use of this vocabulary. Peter Damian and Archbishop Lanfranc of Canterbury

(Anselm’s predecessor) also implemented similar rhetoric in their writings.162 This included several expressions of love; caritas, dilectio, and amor.163 A similar lexicon is employed by

Gregory VII, and an exploration of the rhetorical love in his papal register reveals what the inclusion of these expressions effected.

This lexicon saw extensive use in friendship letters, especially in the letters of twelfth- century writers like Peter the Venerable (c. 1092-1156) and Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-

1153), although the pursuit of friendship through the epistolary genre dates to antiquity and continued into the Renaissance.164 Exploring the context and relationships between the author and audience has been key to unearthing the purpose of displays of affection and love in the letters of Peter and Bernard. For instance, both invoked the friendship of multiple recipients with whom they were at odds. Peter appealed to the amity between himself and Bishop Milo

159 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 81-2. 160 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 82. 161 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 82-5. 162 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 83. 163 I. S. Robinson, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, History 63, no. 207 (1978): 8.; Julian P. Haseldine, “Friendship, Intimacy and Corporate Networking in the Twelfth Century: The Politics of Friendship in the Letters of Peter the Venerable”, The English Historical Review 126, no. 519 (April 2011): 267-8. 164 Giles Constable, Letters and Letter-Collections (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 32.; Megan K. Williams, “Intercepted Love-Letters: Reporting the 1535 Apostolic Nunciature to Hungary”, Viator 44, no. 1 (2013): 376. 41 of Thérouanne before launching into a dispute over cathedral revenue.165 Amongst his other letters are those addressed to King Roger of Sicily, with whom there is little evidence of a close relationship. Peter exhorted the friendship between them in an attempt to secure the protection of the Cluniac Order in Sicily.166 Thus, demonstrations of love could be employed even in the absence of genuine closeness to the recipient, and instead served a political and social purpose in ingratiating the addressee. Peter the Venerable’s letters demonstrate the tactic of using appeals to love to broach a difficult subject or obtain the good favour of authorities. Appeals to friendship consistently occurred in letters where Peter aimed to persuade recipients to join the Cluniacs.167 They also appeared frequently in salutatory letters, which tackle more general affairs, including personal friendships.168 In conciliatory exchanges, Bernard and Peter employed this vocabulary in jocular tones to discuss their rapprochement with ease.169 Such tones were mirrored in the correspondences between Peter of Celle (c. 1115-1183) and John of Salisbury (c. 1115/20-1180).170

While conceptions of love were tied into deeply religious sensitivities, such as the hope of salvation, the inclusion of rhetorical love in eleventh- and twelfth-century letters was not a straightforward indicator of genuine affection between parties. This lexicon was not restricted to those with whom the author had close and long-lasting ties. It appeared in correspondences over disputes as a tool for addressing difficult subjects or as part of an attempt to ingratiate a recipient and craft an image of intimacy for a variety of political purposes. Indeed, we will observe how Gregory VII deployed the lexicon of love partly in service to such aims.

165 Haseldine, “Friendship, Intimacy and Corporate Networking in the Twelfth Century”: 262-3. 166 Haseldine, “Friendship, Intimacy and Corporate Networking in the Twelfth Century”: 263. 167 Haseldine, “Friendship, Intimacy and Corporate Networking in the Twelfth Century”: 263. 168 Haseldine, “Friendship, Intimacy and Corporate Networking in the Twelfth Century”: 266. 169 Haseldine, “Friendship, Intimacy and Corporate Networking in the Twelfth Century”: 274-6. 170 Ronald E. Pepin, “Amicitia Jocosa: Peter of Celle and John of Salisbury”, Florilegium 5 (1983): 148-150. 42

Love in the Papal Letters

Amongst the letters of Gregory VII’s papal register, I have found 338 direct references to love. As Appendix B demonstrates, these occurred regularly throughout the entire register. The Latin terms most commonly translated to love include amor, dilectio, and diligo, in various forms. This proliferation of love can be disaggregated further by considering who is feeling this rhetorical love, and to whom it is directed. This will allow us to determine key targets of, and patterns in, Gregory’s deployment of love. For instance, thirty-one occurrences pertained to the love of various recipients shown towards Gregory, with thirty subsequent incidences of love towards Saint Peter, and a further twenty-eight of love for the Church. Love and devotion towards God on the part of the letter recipient appeared an additional forty-one times. Across all four of these categories, the primary addressees were various important ecclesiastical or lay authorities, such as archbishops or monarchs, as opposed to general audiences such as the residents of a city. There were also thirty-one instances in which love is directed, by Gregory or the recipient, toward a third party. Examples include Gregory’s recommendation in April 1074 that Duke Vratislaus II of

Bohemia love his now-reconciled brother, Bishop Jaromir of Prague.171 In a 1081 letter,

Gregory advises two Swedish kings – Inge I and Halstan – to love each other.172 There are an additional fifty-five miscellaneous manifestations of love, often as an abstract emotion.

The Church’s love for individuals also appeared several times. Across the thirteen instances of this form of love, twelve were directed at lay nobles: kings such as Philip I of

France, or Sweyn II of Denmark. In an April 1074 letter, Gregory petitioned Philip I to amend his behaviour and restore the church at Beauvais through an appeal to ‘what great

171 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.78, 81-2. 172 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 9.14, 414-415. 43 love’ (‘quanta dilectione’) the Church holds him and his ancestors in.173 Similarly, writing to

King Harald III of Denmark in November 1077, Gregory used the example of his late father

Sweyn II to encourage Harald to acts of piety. Gregory remarked on the ‘great constancy of affection and love’ (‘dilectionis et amoris’) that the Church had for Sweyn, asserting that this love was reciprocated.174 The thirteenth appearance of this love was in a March 1074 letter to

Archbishop Manasses of Reims. As he did with Philip I, Gregory invoked the ‘arms of motherly love’ (‘ulnis materne dilectionis’) in which the Church embraced Manasses, in a concentrated effort to resolve the archbishop’s dispute with Abbot Walo of Saint-Remi.175

These attempts at using rhetorical love and its reformative qualities to bind parties closer to

Gregory and rectify their behaviour are also visible in instances of God’s and Peter’s love.

There were only five references to God’s love in Gregory VII’s letters. One such appearance is in a letter to a general audience of faithful Christians, dated to 1073. Within,

Gregory informs the faithful of his prayer that God may ‘confirm you in his love’ (‘vos in eius dilectione corroboret’) so that they may ‘subdue the enemies of God’ and ‘arouse their hearts to penitence’.176 Like the instances of the Church’s love, God’s love appeared in connection with a call to behavioural rehabilitation. However, in this case, love strengthened the faithful so that they might cause others to reform. God’s love also appeared in other contexts. For example, in a November 1079 missive to the monks of Saint-Victor at

Marseille, Gregory remarked on the ‘divine love’ (‘divino amore’) that inspired him to protect the abbey from enemies in recognition of its special significance to the Church.177

The register contains only three references to Peter’s love for others. Amongst these is a 1081 reference to the ‘love and protection of blessed Peter’ (‘amorem et tutelam beati Petri’) over

173 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.75, 78.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 106-7. 174 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 5.10, 255.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 361. 175 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.52, 57.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 78. 176 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.15, 16-7.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 24-5. 177 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 7.8, 332.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 469. 44 a church in his name in the diocese of Poitiers.178 Another instance was directed at Beatrice

(c. 1020-1076) and her daughter Matilda (c. 1046-1115), Margravines of Tuscany who were singled out as ‘daughters most beloved of St Peter’ (‘dilectissime sanctie Petri filie’) in a

June 1073 letter.179 Gregory’s letter concerned the simoniacal bishops of Lombardy, who supported Henry IV’s first candidate for the archbishopric of Milan – the excommunicated subdeacon Godfrey.180 Cautioning the margravines against offering any aid to Godfrey’s party, Gregory added his love to the saintly love bestowed upon them, affirming that they

‘are joined to the very heart in our love’ (‘in nostra dilectione cordetenus vos annexas esse’).181 Here, Peter’s love for the margravines testified to their good character, and

Gregory’s love strengthened the connection between them. Such a connection would prove crucial as Gregory navigated the Italian political landscape during the Investiture

Controversy; Beatrice and Matilda would prove amongst Gregory’s most reliable and trusted allies.182

Finally, Gregory’s own love for various recipients comprised 100 of the total occurrences of love. This was targeted at a wide audience: ecclesiastics, laypeople, and even larger audiences. For instance, letters addressed to the Doge and people of Venice accrued five mentions of rhetorical love.183 In the earliest of these, dated to December 1074, Gregory professed that ‘from an early age we have warmly loved your land and the liberty of this people’.184 Gregory intended to reassure the Venetians of his friendship. He did this through highlighting the favour upon which he has looked on Venice and nearby Grado, even before

178 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 9.7, 408.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 584. 179 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.11, 11.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 18. 180 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.11, 11.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 70, 128.; Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 110. 181 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.11, 12.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 19. 182 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 96. 183 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.39, 129-130; 4.27, 241-2; 9.8, 409. 184 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.39, 129. 45 his papacy, which he contrasts with Pope Leo IX’s preference for Venice’s ecclesiastical rival

Aquileia.185

Beatrice and Matilda of Tuscany were also recurring recipients of papal declarations of affection; Gregory’s love for the pair featured in three letters. In a March 1074 missive,

Gregory exhorted them to commit themselves to pious rule over Tuscany rather than become nuns. Gregory referred to the pair as those ‘whom I love with a sincere heart’ (‘quas sincero corde diligo’), furthermore asserting that ‘if I am loved as I love, I know that no mortal person is preferred to me by you’ (‘si diligor ut diligo, nullum mortalium mihi prepone a vobis cognosco’).186 Gregory took great care to affirm and strengthen the mutual bond between himself and these noblewomen whom he praised for their piety and commitment to the cause of the Church. We will explore this bond further later in this chapter.

Another individual receiving Gregory’s rhetorical affection was Count Robert of

Flanders (c. 1035-1093). In a series of letters, Gregory addressed developments in

Thérouanne, where the simoniacal Bishop Lambert would be excommunicated and deposed by Gregory’s legates.187 Due to his strong support for Lambert, Gregory repeatedly appealed to Robert through love to motivate him to abandon Lambert’s cause. In late 1083 Gregory claimed that he offered Lambert an opportunity to explain his actions in Rome, ‘granted to him by us from love for you’.188 Concurrently, Gregory lengthily mentioned his love for

Robert while addressing the bishops and lay nobles of Flanders, – ‘as I have said already, I have loved him with a very special love’ (‘et illum quadam speciali dilectione, sicut iam prefatus sum, dilexi’).189 Gregory specified that this love is what prompted his actions: ‘For

185 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.39, n2. 186 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.50, 56.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 77. 187 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 339, 346-7.; Robinson, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”: 18. 188 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 9.36, 441. 189 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 9.35, 437.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 624. 46 unless I had greatly loved him, I should not have said so many things to him or about him’.190

Ultimately, throughout Gregory’s letters, Lambert was condemned while Robert was exhorted to righteousness through rhetorical love. Rhetorical love once again facilitated

Gregory’s efforts to reform lay and ecclesiastical figures around him, persuading them to pursue a virtuous path and dissociate themselves from those who have fallen afoul of simony and nicolaitism – the sins to be rooted out by the Gregorian reform movement.

There are numerous letters in which Gregory referred to addressees as ‘beloved’, usually manifesting as declensions of the Latin carissimus/karissimus or dilectissimus. For succinctness, these instances have been retained in the appendix when occurring in connection to other displays of love. Like other instance of rhetorical love, this motif was employed towards a variety of addressees: ecclesiastics, laymen, and general audiences. In a

July 1076 letter addressed to the faithful in the Holy Roman Empire, Gregory called for

Henry IV’s repentance and referred to his supporters as ‘karissimos fratres’, or ‘most beloved brothers’.191 Gregory also referred to noblewomen using this form of address, mentioning

Henry’s mother, Empress Agnes of Poitou as ‘dilectissima filia nostra’ (‘our most beloved daughter’) in a September 1073 letter, and in May 1080 addresses Queen Matilda of England

(c. 1031-1083) as ‘filia karissima’ (‘dearest daughter’).192

The use and effects of affectionate phrases have been explored in the context of twelfth-century epistolography. Julian P. Haseldine’s assessment of letter collections from three monastic authors – Bernard of Clairvaux, Peter the Venerable, and Peter of Celle – sheds light on the presence of phrases such as carissimus or dilectissimus in letters to a

190 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 9.35, 439. 191 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 4.1, 207.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 291. 192 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23; 7.26, 358.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 33, 507. 47 variety of people.193 Haseldine’s analysis of the use of carissimus by these three authors demonstrates that rhetorical affection appears in letters to several different audience groupings and across a variety of contexts. Carissimus does not correlate stronger with close acquaintances than strangers. Rather, it occurs frequently with letters that promote religious ideology and construct images of relationships between the authors and their recipients.194 A similar use is found for dilectus/dilectissimus.195 These terms of address form part of a wider lexicon of rhetorical love employed against a wide audience in an attempt to cultivate and reinforce images of relationships or bonds between writer and recipient. Gregory’s employment of affectionate address mirrors that of his later counterparts. While this language doesn’t necessarily indicate Gregory’s genuine affection, its rhetorical purpose can be ascertained by interrogating the context behind its inclusion in his letters.

Case Studies: Constructed Images of Love

Turning more closely to the examination of specific letters, several key conversations featured the vocabulary of love. One such conversation occurred between Gregory and the

Tuscan margravines Beatrice and Matilda. As mentioned, this formed part of a wider collection of instances in which Gregory appealed to the love of women. Beatrice and

Matilda ware particularly significant recipients of Gregorian letters; the rhetoric of love appeared in five letters addressed to both and in a further two to Matilda alone.196 These letters date from Gregory’s early papacy, between 1073 and 1075. Although Beatrice died in

1076, Matilda continued to be a prominent ally of Gregory throughout the Investiture

Controversy. Her aid was especially notable in 1077 when the Pope took refuge at her

193 Julian P. Haseldine, “Affectionate Terms of Address in Twelfth-Century Latin Epistolography: A Comparative Study of the Letters of Bernard of Clairvaux, Peter the Venerable, and Peter of Celle.”, The Journal of Medieval Latin 23 (2013): 201-254. 194 Haseldine, “Affectionate Terms of Address in Twelfth Century Latin Epistolography”, 212-8. 195 Haseldine, “Affectionate Terms of Address in Twelfth Century Latin Epistolography”, 218-21. 196 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.11, 11-2; 1.40, 45; 1.47, 51-3; 1.50, 55-6; 1.77, 80-1; 2.9, 103-4; 3.5, 179-80. 48 fortress at Canossa, and in a famous episode, she played host to a penitent Henry IV who sought remission from Gregory.197 Matilda and other eminent noblewomen; the king’s mother Agnes of Poitou, and mother-in-law (and Matilda’s second cousin) Marchioness

Adelaide of Turin (c. 1014/20-1091) all played prominent roles mediating the conflict between pope and emperor.198 These women were addressed with affectionate or familial terms; figurative kinship terms were employed extensively as part of the monastic vocabulary of love.199 Amongst our prior examples for Beatrice and Agnes, Matilda and Adelaide were referred to as ‘our daughters’ (‘filiarum nostrarum’) for their interventions at Canossa.200

Matilda and her mother Beatrice were also actively involved in intercessory efforts during the period these letters were written.201 Gregory’s closeness to these two figures was a prominent feature of his correspondences with them.

In the March 1074 letter previously mentioned, Gregory wrote to Beatrice and

Matilda, discussing several matters with them. The first was a plea for their aid in resolving a dispute between Bishop Dodo of Roselle (a Tuscan diocese), and a certain Count Ugolino.

Gregory invoked his closeness to the margravines, indicating his exceptional faith in them:

‘Trusting uniquely in you amongst all the princes of the Roman empire’.202 In doing so,

Gregory crafts the image of a special bond between himself and the noblewomen. He solidified this petition by appealing to both God’s love, and neighbourly love – ‘In truth, from love of God and by holding dear one's neighbour to help the wretched and to assist the

197 Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 123. 198 Alison Creber, “Women at Canossa. The role of royal and aristocratic women in the reconciliation between Pope Gregory VII and Henry IV of Germany”, Storicamente 13 (2017): 2-4. 199 Haseldine, “Friendship, Intimacy and Corporate Networking in the Twelfth Century”, 257-60. 200 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 4.12, 222.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 313. 201 Creber, “Women at Canossa”, 10-12. 202 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.50, 55. 49 oppressed’ (‘Ex amore quidem Dei proximum diligendo adiuvare miseris et oppressis subvenire’).203

The second matter is the question of Matilda and her mother becoming nuns. The gravity of this issue is clear to Gregory – ‘In that I write little to you whom I love with a sincere heart, I make it plain that I am occupied by heavy care’ (‘Quod vobis, quas sincero corde diligo, parum scribe gravi cura me implicatum esse manifesto.’). He entreated them to

‘bring to a perfect end the good thing that you have begun’ in ruling over Tuscany.204

Gregory was adamant about dissuading them, seeing the piety and friendliness of local nobles to the Church as valuable assets. This view would be reiterated in 1079, with his dismay at

Duke Hugh of Burgundy’s abdication to join the Cluny Abbey.205 As we know, Matilda would remain margravine and a strong papal ally until she died in 1115. Gregory cemented his message by addressing the margravines as ‘most dear daughters’ (‘karissimas filias’).206

In this instance, a form of affectionate address appeared in connection with figures with whom he shared a close relationship.207 As with later authors such as Peter the Venerable, the address served the purpose of emphasising and affirming this relationship, as this relationship was key to assuring Beatrice and Matilda they should remain in positions of lay rulership.

Gregory guaranteed the personal nature of the letter, as befit the mutual love between them –

‘For I do not employ some deputy in composing a letter to you about such matters’.208

The significance of love to his message was reinforced by his closing statements. Taking the form of a personal overture to the pair, Gregory claimed that ‘if I am loved as I love, I know that no mortal person is preferred to me by you’.209 The lexicon of love was repetitively

203 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.50, 56.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 76. 204 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.50, 56. 205 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.17, 298-9. 206 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.50, 56.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 77. 207 Robinson, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, 10. 208 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.50, 56. 209 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.50, 56. 50 employed to attest to the relationship between Gregory and the margravines. In appealing to them for their intervention in local power disputes, and in successfully dissuading them from nunhood, Gregory employed the rhetoric of love as an effective tool to achieve his political ends.

Another thread running through Gregory’s mentions of love concerned the election of

Guibert of Ravenna as Antipope Clement III in 1080. As discussed, in June 1080 Henry IV had denounced Gregory and declared his intention to seat Guibert on the papal throne at the synod of Brixen.210 Three successive letters sent from Rome in 1080 were addressed to the

Ravennese and nearby Italian communities as a reaction to these events.211 Love was present as a motif throughout these letters. Gregory employed the lexicon of love to display the connection between the Ravennese and Rome to appeal to the loyalties of Ravenna and the surrounding area and thereby extend papal authority over the region. In his first letter, dated to October 1080, Gregory addressed the people of Ravenna, Fermo, and Tuscany. Referring to the Ravennese Church, Gregory highlighted ‘with what special love she has also cleaved to her mother, the holy Roman church’ (‘quam speciali dilectione matri sue sancte R. ecclesie’).212 The main topic was the condemnation of Guibert’s actions, which Gregory argued had led to Ravenna’s spiritual ruination. It is out of this ‘special love’ between

Ravenna and Rome that Gregory is moved to act, deposing Guibert in this letter and committing himself to the cause of restoring the prestige of Ravenna.213

The second of these October 1080 letters was addressed solely to the clergy and people of Ravenna, concerning Gregory’s directions to elect a new archbishop. It began by reiterating the bond between Rome and Ravenna: ‘We believe it not to be hidden from your

210 Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 126.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 202-4. 211 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.12, 377-8; 8.13, 378-9; 8.14, 379-80. 212 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.12, 377.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 531. 213 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.12, 377-8. 51 knowledge that the church of Ravenna has been accustomed before other churches to cleave very closely to the apostolic see and that she has been especially beloved by her’ (‘Credimus non latere vestram scientiam Ravennatem ecclesiam sedi apostolice pre ceteris vicinius herere solitam fuisse eamque specialiter ab ipsa dilectam’).214 Gregory called on the restorative power of love to return to Ravenna’s idealised previous state as ‘special daughter’ of Rome and ‘bring her back to her ancient form and state of religion’.215 The connection between Ravenna and Rome was personified in the relationship between Saints Peter and

Apollinaris, the traditional martyr and first bishop of Ravenna.216 In his salutation, Gregory appealed to those in Ravenna who ‘love blessed Apollinaris and are obedient to the holy

Roman church as befits Christians’ (‘qui beatum A. diligunt et sancte R. ecclesie sicut christianos oportet obediunt’).217 The love directed towards Apollinaris, as the patron saint of

Ravenna, reappeared in Gregory’s third letter, which makes this connection between

Apollinaris and Peter explicit.

In December 1080, Gregory directed this third letter to the entirety of Ravenna, the

Pentapolis (a set of five cities on Italy’s Adriatic coast), Fermo and Spoleto; together comprising a vast area of northern and central Italy, and called on the residents to support the newly-elected Raidolfus as Archbishop of Ravenna.218 Gregory named Raidolfus a gift that

‘the church of Ravenna has very recently been favoured to receive from the Roman church just as she once received Apollinaris from blessed Peter’.219 He invoked deliberate parallels between himself and Peter, just as he did in his July 1080 missive to the southern Italian bishops. These parallels were drawn between Raidolfus and Apollinaris too; as Peter sent

214 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.13, 378.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 533. 215 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.13, 379. 216 David Farmer, “Apollinaris.” In The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), n.p. 217 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.13, 378.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 532-3. 218 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.14, 379-80. 219 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.14, 380. 52

Apollinaris to establish the see of Ravenna and care for the spiritual needs of the populace, so

Gregory has installed Raidolfus to restore Ravenna to its rightful position and rehabilitate its spiritual health. Gregory, therefore, exhorted the Ravennese to embrace Raidolfus out of

‘love for the most holy martyr’ (‘amorem sanctissimi martyris’), reiterating the role of love in binding the two churches together.220 In doing so, Gregory appealed to the direct love of the

Ravennese for their patron, entreating them to transfer this love to the newly-chosen

Raidolfus and thus love him. Peter and Apollinaris personified an exemplary bond of love to which Gregory hearkened back, to provide a foundation for Ravenna’s future relationship with Rome. The deliberate evocation of the relationship between Apollinaris and Peter was part of a wider scheme to re-assert papal control over Ravenna and its surroundings as part of the papal patrimony, thought to have been granted by Carolingian ruler Pepin the Short in

754.221 Indeed, in the immediate wake of the synod of Brixen, Gregory issued a letter in the summer of 1080, exhorting the faithful to launch a military campaign to recover Ravenna.222

In binding Ravenna to Rome through a vocabulary of love so emphatically, Gregory constructed the image of himself as a loving patron of Ravenna. Gregory’s rhetoric portrayed the cause of his intervention as love for Ravenna, and a desire to return it to its former glory.

This is intended to serve Gregory’s political purposes, depriving Guibert and Henry of a base of support in Italy and bringing Ravenna more closely under papal control instead. The effectiveness of this strategy is, however, in doubt. While the counts of nearby Imola did revolt against Guibert in late 1080, Gregory’s hopes of a military campaign against Ravenna foundered.223 Rather, Ravenna would serve as a military base for Henry’s expeditions into central Italy; in 1081, Henry recruited his army largely from Ravenna and Fermo with

220 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.14, 380.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 535. 221 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 308, 311. 222 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.7, 372-3.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 311. 223 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 201. 53

Guibert’s crucial assistance.224 When Henry returned north to harass Matilda of Tuscany’s possessions, it was Guibert who continued sieging Rome from his base in nearby Tivoli.225

Guibert himself would eventually be enthroned in Rome in 1084, rather than cast down and replaced as Gregory had hoped.226 It is nevertheless clear that Gregory extensively employed displays of love as part of a concerted effort to establish and maintain friendships and alliances in central Italy.

Fourth- and fifth-century Christian thinkers turned to God to inform their understandings of love. Like anger, love held inherent reformatory qualities. Complex vocabularies arose around divine and human love, nurtured and facilitated by Carolingian monasticism. Eleventh- and twelfth-century writers would apply the rhetoric of love to the epistolary genre, deploying the developed lexicon to address a variety of political situations.

Latin terms stemming from caritas, amor, and dilectio, as well as affectionate terms of address, became fixtures of correspondences. This rhetoric served to construct or highlight real or fictive relationships between author and recipient to address a wide range of political or social motivations. Examples of this lexicon of love are consistently displayed across the papal register of Gregory VII.

Examining key threads of correspondence with certain audiences reveals how

Gregory VII, like contemporary authors, used the rhetoric of love as a tool to forge and affirm relationships with specific audiences. With Matilda and Beatrice of Tuscany, expressions of love were employed to convince them to mediate a dispute on Gregory’s behalf and to remain rulers over Tuscany. Love serves to maintain Gregory’s relationship with two important

Italian magnates whose support he would later rely on during crucial moments in his papal

224 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 211-2. 225 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 220. 226 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 205.; Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 229.; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 120. 54 career. A later set of missives to the Ravennese demonstrate Gregory’s employment of this vocabulary in binding Ravenna to Rome. He postulated an ancient love between the two sees that he aimed to restore through the restorative power of love, personified via a personal connection in two parallel relationships: Peter and Apollinaris, and himself and Raidolfus.

Ultimately, Gregory sought to exert papal control over Ravenna and deprive his rival,

Guibert, of support. The vocabulary of love was one of the devices Gregory made use of in his endeavours to create and maintain strategic alliances in the context of the Investiture

Controversy.

55

SORROW

We now turn to sorrow as our final emotion. Gregory's register is rife with expressions of sorrow. The majority of these concerned Gregory’s self-directed grief at the state of the Church over which he has been placed, as well as grief aimed outwards: to specific individuals and communities, or wider Christendom. We will examine Gregory’s displays of sorrow in an epistle to Bishop Rainald of Como, the Ravennese community, and

Abbot Hugh of Cluny. Their roots lay in Gregory’s concerns over the unity of the Church in the face of the political and spiritual struggles over its authority which characterised the

Investiture Controversy. This intense conflict between pope and emperor rent the Christian community in Gregory’s eyes. Thus, sorrow was a natural emotional reaction to grapple with the fracturing of Western Christendom.

Sorrow as an emotion historically shared similarities to the bifold nature of anger theorised by early Christian writers. Like anger, sorrow could be both vicious and redemptive; while vicious sorrow prevented individuals from leading a fulfilling spiritual life, redemptive sorrow brought into focus the mortality of human life and our distance from God.

This realisation inspired penitent tears. Therefore, redemptive sorrow could lead Christians on a renewed path of righteousness towards salvation. For several Christian writers, sorrow contained a physical, penetrative aspect – compunction; a divine pang inspiring repentance.

Tears were also a key signifier of sorrow to Christian monks known as Desert Fathers.

Gregory VII’s sorrow drew on both the physical language of compunction, as well as the redemptive power of tears in efforts to prevent the fracturing of the Church.

56

Understanding sorrow: Between Evagrius and Alcuin

Sorrow formed a key component of Christian spiritual life, and its spiritual role was attested by several early Christian writers. In the writings of the fourth-century monk,

Evagrius of Pontus (345-399), lupe (translated from Greek as sadness) was one of the many obstacles faced by sinners on their path to God.227 Evagrius, guided by the Stoic philosophy, viewed emotions as primarily negative and believed that Christians should aspire to emotional detachment. Emotions and the so-called eight evil thoughts (logismoi) formed barriers which the rational human soul must overcome to unite with God.228 Amongst these eight logismoi were gluttony, lust, greed, anger, sloth, vainglory, pride, and sorrow. In this influential list, Evagrius set out the chief weapons he believed demons used to incite the passionate soul and therefore inspire vices in Christians.229 For instance, through sadness, the soul indulged in the memories of pleasures, and the realisation that these pleasures are now out of reach could cause the individual to lose interest in monastic life.230

Evagrius distinguished between this negative sorrow and godly sorrow. Negative sorrow grew spiritually malignant when unrestrained. Godly sorrow was primarily concerned with the acceptance of an individual’s impending mortality, and the appreciation of this paved the way for a closer relationship with God.231 This distinction between the twofold forms of sorrows mirrored the delineation Christian writers made between the incarnations of anger. Moreover, this distinction reflected the writings of Paul in his Second Epistle to the

227 Douglas Burton-Christie, “Evagrius on Sadness”, Cistercian Studies Quarterly 44, no. 4 (2009): 395, 399. 228 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 34-5. 229 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 34-5.; Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Taking Pleasure in Virtues and Vices: Alcuin’s Manual for Count Wido”, in Pleasure in the Middle Ages, 172. 230 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 35.; Burton-Christie, “Evagrius on Sadness”: 396.; Hunt, Joy- bearing Grief, 10. 231 Burton-Christie, “Evagrius on Sadness”, 400-1.; Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief, 46-9, 70-1. 57

Corinthians – ‘Godly sorrow brings repentance that leads to salvation and leaves no regret, but worldly sorrow brings death’.232

Evagrius also associated sadness with tears, and tears of godly sorrow bound the soul and facilitated a spiritual relationship with God. Godly sorrow became known to later monastic traditions as the Greek term penthos (mourning), closely related to katanyxis

(compunction, translated through Latin compunctio).233 In Evagrius’ Praktikos, compunction was expounded as the penetration of the soul through tears and penitence: a key pathway to a virtuous ‘stillness’ to which monks must aspire.234 This language of physical piercing was crucial to defining compunction to early Christian writers. Evagrius’ compunction was rooted in humility, repentance and the redemptive sorrow (penthos) that could facilitate spiritual peacefulness. Penthos became seen as a marker of piety and a crucial task in the life of a monk.235 In Eulogious, Evagrius emphasised the distinction between penthos, which took on a redemptive purpose, with lupe, which fomented a ‘bitter venom’ in one’s soul.236 The connection between tears and these expressions of sorrow continued beyond Evagrius in the fourth century.

The relationship between tears and godly sorrow was explored by several other early

Christian writers. Much like Evagrius before him, the Sinaite monk John Climacus (c. 579-

649), saw katanyxis as a divinely-sent pang of sorrow that brought Christians closer to

God.237 Climacus continued the use of bodily language in describing the piercing sensations of compunction. Compunction had dual effects: it was both an infliction of pain and

232 2 Cor 7:10 NIV.; Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 35. 233 Burton-Christie, “Evagrius on Sadness”, 401.; John Chryssavgis, “A Spirituality of Imperfection: The Way of Tears in Saint John Climacus”, Cistercian Studies Quarterly 37, no. 4 (2003): 360.; Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief, 15-6, 46. 234 Kevin Corrigan and Gregory Yuri Glazov, “Compunction and Compassion: Two Overlooked Virtues in Evagrius of Pontus”, Journal of Early Christian Studies 22, no. 1 (Spring 2014): 63-6. 235 Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief, 8-9, 45. 236 Corrigan and Glazov, “Compunction and Compassion”: 66. 237 Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief, 69, 78. 58 inspiration for a positive experience.238 Monastic writers saw compunction as a reminder of an individual’s detachment from God, and thus it motivated the individual to achieve spiritual perfection.239 Similarly, penthos was strongly rooted in the pain of God’s distance from man, and the consequent mourning of this distance stimulated a longing for God’s presence. For several Christian writers; Gregory of Nyssa (c. 335-395), Theodoret of Cyrrhus (c. 393-458), and Climacus, this fervent longing inspired tears.240 Climacus notes that a soul afflicted with godly penthos which failed to achieve closer union with the divine turns instead to severe lamentation.241 Through tears, Christians expose their separation from God and ultimately seek to rectify this arrangement. This transformative expression of sorrow encapsulated by penthos was considered the ‘grace’ or ‘gift of tears’ by the Desert Fathers of early Christian monasticism.242 Monks such as Poemen (c. 340-450) turned to Biblical examples of weeping to reason that tears were a true mark of repentance, a persistent theme even into the medieval period.243 It was these Desert Fathers who helped articulate the idea that salvation lay through both heart-piercing compunction and penitent tears that washed away old sins and prepared the soul for its new journey. The spirituality of tears continued as major topics of exposition for eleventh-century writers like John of Fécamp and Peter Damian.244 Damian, in writing his hagiography of Ravennese hermit Romuald, drew on an innate connection between compunction, tears, and love of God – divine compunction and the grace of tears delivered

Romuald from his demonic torture after his appeal to God’s love.245 Thus, sorrow and

238 Chryssavgis, “A Spirituality of Imperfection”, 360.; Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief, 46, 70. 239 Chryssavgis, “A Spirituality of Imperfection”, 360-1.; Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief, 46. 240 Chryssavgis, “A Spirituality of Imperfection”, 363-4. 241 Chryssavgis, “A Spirituality of Imperfection”, 363. 242 Douglas Burton-Christie, “Eschatology, Penthos, and the Struggle against Evil”, in The Word in the Desert: Scripture and the Quest for Holiness in Early Christian Monasticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 185-6.; Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 46-7. 243 Burton-Christie, “Eschatology, Penthos, and the Struggle against Evil”, 186.; Piroska Nagy, “Religious Weeping as Ritual in the Medieval West”, Social Analysis 48, no. 2 (Summer 2004): 126-7.; Hunt, Joy-bearing Grief, 82-4. 244 Nagy, “Religious Weeping as Ritual in the Medieval West”: 123. 245 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 72-3. 59 compunction were reinforced as critical aspects of not only monastic life but key components of Christian spiritual life.246

In the fifth century, John Cassian built on the work of Evagrius and other Desert

Fathers. An associate of Evagrius, he transformed the list of eight logismoi into the eight principal vices.247 Sorrow (tristitia in Latin) remained in Cassian’s list, serving as a precursor to sloth (acedia). Cassian continued to treat sorrow as a hurdle in its own right.248 To Cassian, and Evagrius before him, sorrow could prevent a monk from fulfilling monastic commitments to the fullest. Cassian again distinguished between the spiritually-motivating godly sorrow born of detachment from God and the sorrow caused by frustrated desires.249

This latter sorrow was brought about by internal weakness but could be overcome by focusing on a future of eternal joy.250 Here, Cassian seemed to subvert the relationship between sorrow and the divine: rather than sorrow being the spiritually-inhibiting stumbling block on the penitent’s path to God, it is dispelled by the individual who clings to the promise of salvation. However, sorrow was not treated the same by later writers who composed their own lists of vices. Gregory the Great, who compiled these emotions into the list of seven cogitationes (harmful thoughts) which became the recognisable seven deadly sins, combined the qualities of tristitia and acedia.251 If Christian monastic traditions catalogued tristitia amongst negative emotions and decried its ability to spiritually impede Christians, we must consider how sorrow played a role in the writings and recollections of Gregory VII.

When Gregory the Great conceived his list of seven vices rooted in pride, his aim was the eradication of these vices from the Christian community at large. Nevertheless, like ira

246 Nagy, “Religious Weeping as Ritual in the Medieval West”: 127. 247 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 37. 248 Kenneth C. Russell, “John Cassian on Sadness”, Cistercian Studies Quarterly 38, no. 1 (2003): 7-8. 249 Russell, “John Cassian on Sadness”: 11. 250 Russell, “John Cassian on Sadness”: 15. 251 Russell, “John Cassian on Sadness”: 8. 60

(anger) and the other vices, he believed that tristitia could be channelled positively towards the salvation of the individual when necessary.252 Gregory continued to draw on these themes in building the salvific character of emotions. As the traditional ‘doctor of compunction’, he saw tristitia as a path through which the soul’s desires could be eliminated, especially by penitentiary tears: the gateway to loving God.253 To Alcuin of York (c. 735-804), an English monk, the negative effects of tristitia on the soul included malice, cowardice, despair, bitterness, and rancour. 254 In the same vein, however, tristitia inspired penitence in the sinner when it was caused by their sins.255 Discourse on the negative spiritual continued into the twelfth century, with philosopher and abbess Hildegard of Bingen (c. 1098-1179) writing in her Cause et cure that sadness was a defining state of the sinful.256 Thus, like anger, sorrow retains a twofold function: while negative sorrow could lead to a host of further harms and ultimately the death of the soul, the salvific form of sorrow could move even the most sinful reprobates to reform themselves and seek a relationship with God. In both anger and sorrow, we see how Christian writers drew out virtuous and vicious forms of emotional expressions to navigate the Christian path towards salvation.

Sorrow in the Papal Letters

Understanding that sorrow operated in a bifold manner much like anger could, we are now equipped to tackle Gregory VII’s employment of these expressions. I have pinpointed ninety-one mentions of sorrow in Gregory’s register, including mentions of sorrowful expressions such as weeping and lamentation. Of these, approximately two-thirds occurred in direct reference to Gregory himself, while the remaining thirty-two refer to the sorrow felt by

252 Rosenwein, “Taking Pleasure in Virtues and Vices”, 172. 253 Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages, 83-4.; Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 47. 254 Rosenwein, “Alcuin’s therapy”, 80.; Rosenwein, “Taking Pleasure in Virtues and Vices”, 176. 255 Rosenwein, “Alcuin’s therapy”, 80.; Rosenwein, “Taking Pleasure in Virtues and Vices”, 176. 256 Boquet and Nagy, Medieval Sensibilities, 141. 61 various other individuals, or in some cases as a reference to a general sorrowful sentiment.

Analysis of the specific events and challenges during which Gregory evoked this emotion helps determine why these re-occurring expressions of sorrow were so prevalent.

Gregory’s sixty-two expressions of personal grief concerned several different events throughout his papacy. Many displays centred on the spiritual and physical integrity of the

Church, and in tandem, the integrity of specific churches, monasteries, and abbeys. The terminology of sorrow that Gregory employed incorporates forms of tristitia as well as dolere

- a Latin term connected to both feelings of pain as well as grief and sorrow. This use of dolere mirrored the fixations of the early Christian writers on katanyxis, the physical pain of compunction intertwined within sorrow. Both tristitia and dolere saw use in Jerome’s

Vulgate, through which they entered the vocabulary of emotion.257 Gregory also sparingly employed a term used extensively by Jerome - ‘heu’, translated to ‘alas’. Occurring only thrice in Gregory’s register, ‘heu’ appeared twice in connection with Gregory’s dismay at the actions of others – the disobedience of Bishops Isembert of Poitiers and Liemar of Bremen.

The former stood accused of insubordination after being placed under interdict by Gregory’s legates in France, the latter was admonished for impeding Gregory’s German legates in their duties.258 The final instance concerned a letter to Abbot Hugh of Cluny, a case we will elaborate on.

Of these sixty-two manifestations of Gregory’s own sorrow, sixteen referred to the state of specific religious sites and their communities across Western Europe. Amongst these targets were a range of churches and abbeys with their respective clerical and lay communities – at Saint-Gilles, Bamberg, Arles, and Orléans for example.259 Gregory also

257 Rosenwein, “Emotion Words”, 103. 258 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.2, 93; 2.49, 140. 259 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.68, 71; 3.3, 177; 6.21, 305; 6.23, 306-7. 62 turned his attention to more general dangers afflicting the various churches in Christian kingdoms, notably France and Germany, where aforesaid churches were endangered by royal authorities who, in Gregory’s mind, ought to be protecting them. For example, we have mentioned the September 1074 letter Gregory addressed to the French episcopate, discussing the havoc inflicted upon churches by King Philip.260 Gregory’s sorrow arose from the spiritual, and sometimes physical endangerment with which these communities were afflicted, and the context behind such perils was almost invariably the conflict over ecclesiastical authority which became entangled in the Investiture Controversy.

Addressing the clergy and people of Arles in 1079, Gregory wrote that he feels both

‘oppressed by much solicitude for you’ and ‘pierced by much sorrow’ (‘multo dolore compugnimur’). 261 The use of ‘compugnimur’ echoed the penetrative language of katanyxis/compunction described by Evagrius and Climacus. Elaborating on the situation,

Gregory noted that the Arletians had been ‘destitute of the vigilance of a shepherd and of the rule of a suitable governor’, as Archbishop Aicard had been excommunicated by Gregory for his continued support of Henry IV.262 Similar situations occurred earlier at Bamberg and

Orléans, whose bishops had been accused of simony and thus left their congregations without worthy spiritual leadership.263 Gregory remarked that ‘the matter has been for us of greater sadness’ (‘maioris nobis tristitie causa consistit’).264 To remedy this situation, Gregory sent a delegation to Arles to oversee the election of a new archbishop, for the Arletians ‘will never live in safety unless you have someone who may rule you on his behalf and […] protect you against the inroads of the cunning deceiver with assiduous vigilance’.265 The political turmoil

260 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.5, 97. 261 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.21, 305.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 433. 262 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.21, 305, n1. 263 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 5.8, 253; 6.23, 306-7 264 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.21, 305.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 433. 265 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 6.21, 305. 63 of the Investiture Controversy deprived the Arletians of their ecclesiastical leadership; the perilous state of their spiritual health elicited Gregory’s expressions of sorrow.

Case Studies: Sympathy through Sorrow

We see an established pattern in the way that Gregory employed sorrow as a reaction to threats against the Church. This is visible as early as September of his inaugural year -

1073. It appears in Gregory’s reply to Bishop Rainald of Como. This missive came in response to a now-lost letter from Rainald which explicated an attack upon the bishop by an unknown party.266 News of this attack sparked an outpouring of grief on Gregory’s part.

Gregory explained ‘we have sympathized with you from the heart and we have been saddened from the heart by deep grief’ (‘ex corde tibi compassi, ex corde merore gravi sumus contristati’).267 While the root of Gregory’s sorrow was the attack on Rainald, he treated this with great severity and interpreted it as an injury inflicted upon the entire Church, claiming that ‘the affront, that has happened to you—or, rather, to ourself and also to the whole of holy church [sic]’.268 As Gregory clarified in his other letters, the role of priests was one of utmost importance to the spiritual community of an area. He often drew on the pastoral imagery of

Biblical parables, describing clerical leaders as shepherds who protect their flocks from both thieves and ravenous wolves.269 Following this, the ability of the priest to provide spiritual leadership was of critical value – an attack on a priest would therefore endanger the spiritual health of his community in the same way having a wayward and heretical archbishop would.

Gregory expressed his deepest sorrow to sympathise with Rainald, and in return requested his aid in bringing this attacker to justice to prevent further offences against the

Church. Gregory communicated the gravity of this attack by emphasising the weight that

266 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23n1. 267 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 33. 268 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23. 269 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 541-3. 64 papal sympathy carried – he ‘would have been deeply aggrieved, and also compelled by the duty of our office to share the sorrow’ (‘graviter compateremur, oficii etiam nostril debito condolere congeremur’) even if this had occurred to a stranger.270 What, then, is he to make of such an affront to a staunch ally ‘whom we have set first amongst the members of the holy

Roman church, and whom we cherish in the bosom of our love as a most beloved brother’?271

Gregory employed another bodily expression to convey his sorrow - ‘We open the [viscera] of compassion, the [viscera] of especial grief, as for a most dear brother’ (‘Viscera compassionis, viscera doloris eximii ut pro fratre karissimo aperimus’).272 This grief was

‘especial’ due to Rainald’s position as Gregory’s ‘most dear brother’. We have previously explored how the rhetoric of love and friendship did not always evince an intimate relationship. However, Rainald was and would continue to be a close collaborator of Gregory throughout his conflict with Henry IV. He would assist Agnes of Poitou in her attempts to mediate between pope and emperor and would remain Gregory’s steadfast ally even after being captured by Henry’s supporters in 1076.273 Gregory also consulted Rainald on how to punish his attacker such that ‘unfaithful servants of yourself and of other bishops may be deterred by the example of this man and so that men may rejoice in a good hope that such a great and unheard-of offence may not be repeated’.274 We have observed that concerns about the fracturing of the Christian community due to the Investiture Controversy were the ultimate cause of Gregory’s sorrow; his sorrow was then invoked to prevent further attacks on the Church.

270 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 33. 271 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23. 272 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 33.; Cowdrey translates Latin ‘viscera’ as bowels but English ‘viscera’ has been preserved to better represent the gravity of the quote. 273 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 98, 293, 398.; Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 130-2.; Stroll, Popes and Antipopes, 239. 274 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.20, 23. 65

Gregory’s dealings with Ravenna, which we have already explored in our considerations of anger and love, also reveal a great deal about the use of sorrow. Here, sorrow was employed to buttress the effects of love. Two of Gregory’s letters to the clergy and people of Ravenna, both issued in October 1080, came in the wake of Guibert of

Ravenna’s nomination as Gregory’s rival, Antipope Clement III. As we previously explored, such a pivotal event inspired both Gregory’s anger at Guibert’s supporters amongst the Italian clergy and his professions of love for the Ravennese, whom he claimed to wish to restore to righteousness.

In the first of these 1080 correspondences, addressed to the people of Ravenna,

Tuscany, and Fermo, Gregory decried the current state of the Ravennese church and condemned the actions of Guibert.275 Much like the Arletian congregation, the Ravennese had been led astray by a heretical archbishop, pulled from the arms of the Church by the political conflicts of the eleventh century. Guibert’s actions had a deleterious impact on the glory of

Ravenna. Such an injury was worthy of sorrow: Gregory wrote ‘In truth, when we recall her ancient glory in spiritual and in secular matters, we do not now without great sorrow see her labouring in such great devastation’ (‘Cuius antiquum decus in spiritualibus et secularibus profecto cum reminiscimur non sine gravi merore eam in tanta devastatione laborantem nunc cernimus’).276 As seen earlier with love, the use of sorrow here highlighted Gregory’s supposed concern for the prosperity and spiritual health of the Ravennese. His sorrow was brought about by Ravenna’s misfortunes under Guibert’s rule. He continued his lamentation

– ‘that her invader and destroyer, Guibert the so-called archbishop, should so have destroyed her religion and wasted her goods is something that we bear with scarcely less grief than if in his boldness he had done likewise to the holy Roman church’.277 Gregory again drew

275 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.12, 377. 276 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.12, 377.; Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, 531. 277 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.12, 377. 66 connections and construct closeness between the Ravennese and Roman churches with this outpouring of sorrow, just as with displays of love. The degree of his mourning was measured in comparison to his imagined sorrow at a similar fate for Rome. As with Rainald of Como, Gregory augmented the severity of his grief; just as the attack on Rainald was construed as an affront to the unity of the entire Church, Guibert’s actions have not only ruined Ravenna but it was almost as if he had inflicted this wound on Rome itself.

Gregory’s second 1080 missive to the Ravennese carried similar sentiments. Writing now to the Ravennese clergy and laity, he instructed them to prepare to elect Guibert’s replacement.278 This again provided an opportunity to knit closer ties between Rome and

Ravenna. He explained that ‘accounting the devastation of your church to be nothing alien but grieving as it were for our own church whose special daughter she is’, he wished to restore Ravenna to its ‘ancient form and state of religion’.279 The Ravennese letters demonstrate a pattern of Gregory using sorrow to communicate the idea that Rome and

Ravenna shared a close bond – likened here to the relationship between mother and daughter.

The political implications for this special relationship have been touched on. Namely, depriving Guibert of support in the strategic province of Ravenna by more closely exerting papal authority over it would help to solidify northern and central Italy for the Gregorian party in the conflicts with Henry IV.280 Gregory thus deployed the rhetoric of sorrow partly to fulfil these goals. We have briefly addressed the efficacy of Gregory’s approach. Despite his numerous petitions, it appears that no decisive action would be taken by Gregory’s allies against Ravenna, which would instead remain a base for Henry’s military operations in Italy.

278 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.13, 378. 279 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 8.13, 379. 280 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 308. 67

Nevertheless, expressions of sorrow issued forth from Gregory’s deep concerns over the integrity and wellbeing of the Church, a primary concern of his.281 Ultimately, in the case of Ravenna, sorrow became a tool implemented to strengthen ties, much like love. However, as with anger, Gregory invoked these emotions out of a concern for the state of the Church under his guidance. The conflict over who wielded authority over the Church and its clerics brought about the fracturing of communities in the Christian West. It is this fracturing that ignited Gregory’s expressions of sorrow, and like the salvific sorrow of the Desert Fathers, the purpose of Gregory’s sorrow was both preventative and curative. As with love, it aimed to restore Ravenna to its ancient status and glory, while seeking to avert further schism in the

Church by ensuring the spiritual health of the Ravennese and depriving Guibert of his supporters in northern Italy.

Gregory’s anxieties about the state of eleventh-century Christendom, and the sorrow that elicited within him, were displayed in his correspondences with his friend and supporter,

Abbot Hugh of Cluny (1024-1109). A moderate reformer, Hugh the Great was deemed an exceptionally warm confidant by Gregory, who often considered them to be pursuing reform in harmony with one another.282 He was amongst those present at Canossa in 1077 where, alongside other key figures, he helped mediate between Gregory and his own godson

Henry.283 He attempted this again, unsuccessfully, at Sutri in 1083 during Henry’s siege of

Rome.284 He would also serve as a papal legate in France.285 In late January 1075, Gregory penned a candid letter expounding his troubles and fears regarding the Church to Hugh. At its outset, Gregory besought Hugh – ‘If it were possible, I should wish you fully to know what

281 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 583. 282 Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 116.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 671-2.; Robinson, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”: 5, 8, 22.: Robinson, The Papacy, 226. 283 Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 123.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 156. 284 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 223. 285 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 369-70. 68 great tribulation oppresses me and what great labour daily renewed wearies and, as it increases, exceedingly disturbs me’.286 What followed was a mournful relation of Gregory’s predicaments, and his desire for God’s mercy to deliver him from the ordeals he faced as pope. Gregory indicated the gravity of his situation, ‘For immeasurable grief and universal sorrow fence me round’.287 Although not as severe as the pang of compunction, the tribulations of leading the eleventh-century papacy fomented an intense sorrow that took on physical characteristics, becoming a restrictive force around Gregory that closes him off from the world.

Gregory raised several Church issues to Hugh; many were intimately connected to his reform programme; a shortage of bishops who ‘rule the Christian people from love of Christ and not from secular ambition’, the spiritual deficiency of secular princes who fail to prioritise God’s will over their own, and fears that the devil ‘is everywhere slaying

Christians’.288 These tribulations caused immense grief to Gregory, and he related that

‘between distress which is daily renewed in me and hope which is, alas! only too prolonged, I am buffeted by a thousand storms’ (‘inter dolorem , qui cotidie in me renovatur, et spem, que nimis heu protenditur, mille quassatus tempestatibus’), accounting for our final instance of

‘heu’.289 Gregory’s ultimate aim in sharing these feelings with Hugh was ‘so that according to the tribulations of my heart brotherly compassion might incline you to me and in profusion of tears might pour out your heart before God’.290 This is one of many instances in which Gregory invoked tears, and indeed contemporary hagiographers

286 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.49, 139. 287 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.49, 139. 288 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.49, 139.; Kriston R. Rennie, “Extending Gregory VII’s ‘Friendship Network’: Social Contacts in Late Eleventh-Century France”, History 93, no. 4 (312) (October 2008): 482-3. 289 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.49, 140. 290 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.49, 139. 69 remarked on Gregory’s tears during mass as a marker of God’s grace.291 Here, however, the tears of Hugh must wash away Gregory’s sorrow. This letter formed part of a wider campaign of appealing to religious communities, particularly in the early years of his pontificate: such appeals went out to Abbot Desiderius of Montecassino (future Pope

Victor III, r. 1086-7), Bishop Remigius of Lincoln and twice more to Hugh himself.292 It is difficult to assess the effectiveness of this technique, however, it is noteworthy that

Gregory’s associations with Desiderius and Hugh remained largely positive, while

Remigius is not mentioned further in the register. We have discussed Hugh’s activities, and Desiderius (though a conciliatory pontiff) remained a loyal Gregorian and a vital tool in negotiations with Norman princes.293 Finally, Gregory turned to the mercy of God, another Biblical topos: ‘I find that I am so burdened by the weight of my own activity that no hope of salvation is left unless in the sole mercy of Christ.’.294 The responsibilities of the papacy during this time caused Gregory much sorrow, but through the redemptive tears of Hugh and the Cluniacs, the sorrow may be washed away and Gregory’s strength restored to pursue reform more vigorously despite his opposition from various corners.

Sorrow has a long and complicated history. Since the writings of the Desert

Fathers, it occupied a role much like anger, separated into the dual forms of sin and salvation. Even into the eleventh century, Christian writers spoke of sorrow in connection to both compunction and the ‘gift of tears’. Both served to accentuate the potential of sorrow as a stepping stone on the path to deliverance. It was these themes that Gregory drew upon to wield sorrow in his papal letters.

291 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 694. 292 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1.1, 2; 1.2, 3; 1.3, 3-4; 1.6, 5-7; 1.34, 39; 1.62, 65-66. 293 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 62, 204, 213, 322-3, 432-5, 495, 667-9. 294 Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 2.49, 140. 70

The pervasiveness of emotive language in Gregory’s letters testifies to the power of emotions as rhetorical and political tools. Sorrow is no exception – Gregory made use of intense expressions of grief over the state of the Church in the wake of the Investiture

Controversy. These expressions were directed at specific communities, such as Arles and

Ravenna, in which Gregory highlighted the negative impacts of their leaders in the face of their opposition to his reforms. Ultimately, sorrow formed a conduit through which

Gregory can build on relationships by either displaying his sympathies or appealing to the sympathy of others. Writing to Rainald of Como, and the Ravennese, Gregory extended his sympathies and emphasised the gravity of spiritual attacks on these addressees while committing to redress these issues and prevent further damage to the Church. Invoking the redemptive power of tears, Gregory also petitioned Hugh of Cluny; the tears of the

Cluniacs were intended to spiritually reinvigorate Gregory and provide him with the strength to lead the Church throughout this period of contention with royal authority.

Much like love, Gregory used sorrow to display his sympathies or invoke the sympathies of others, reinforcing his closeness to secure their support for his reform agenda.

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CONCLUSION

Emotions enlivened the politics and religion of the medieval period. This holds true for the eleventh-century politics of the Investiture Controversy, a period when papal and royal powers grappled for authority. We see this at work in the papal letters of Gregory VII.

Through an extensive analysis of three crucial emotions that weave their way through

Gregory’s papal register, we can appreciate the extent to which emotional rhetoric propelled the pope’s agenda forward. Emotion became more than words on a page; it became a valuable tool for Pope Gregory VII to exert his will.

All three emotions that we have explored – anger, love, and sorrow – had their parts to play in Gregory’s papal letters. Their roles were shaped by centuries of Christian philosophising. Their reformative and salvatory powers were expressed by influential thinkers from Lactantius and Augustine to Gregory the Great. We have traced the path of anger and sorrow from vice to virtue, as Christian writers reconfigured the vicious and spiritually-harmful nature of these emotions. Both anger and sorrow were theorised to have zealous manifestations and, when oriented properly, contributed to the spiritual lives of monastic and lay Christians. Love, on the other hand, did not originate from vice. Upholding the example of God’s love, Christian writers retained love’s inherently reformative qualities.

We have also observed the lexicon of love used in terms of affectionate address that were deployed for political intentions by Gregory VII’s contemporaries.

By focusing our in-depth investigations on key correspondences with a range of communities and individuals with lay and ecclesiastical backgrounds, we began to craft an emotional portrait of Gregory VII. Each case study into anger, love, and sorrow, considered a

72 new facet of Gregory’s emotional strategies in writing to different audiences, and how they worked in the context of the Investiture Controversy.

We considered how Gregory harnessed the power of rhetorical anger in two cases. In the first example, Gregory implemented mild expressions of anger to reprove the Prince-

Bishop of Liège for his disobedience to papal authority. In doing so, Gregory effectively redressed their relationship and reaffirmed his papal authority. With our second case study,

Gregory’s expressions of anger took a more serious tone against challenges to his authority.

No clear path remained to reconcile Gregory and Guibert of Ravenna, so a more intense zealous anger was deployed intending to secure the support of southern Italian bishops against Gregory’s enemies. Both examples showcased Gregory’s reaction to those who threatened the hierarchy of the Church and challenged his power. Thus, in both instances, emotional displays of anger were a means to the singular end of preserving Church and papal authority.

We then turned to Gregory’s use of love. Writing to Margravines Beatrice and

Matilda, Gregory employed terms of familial address and other displays of love to reinforce an image of intimate friendship with these women he sought to preserve as key allies. In writing to the Ravennese, Gregory constructed a similar relationship on a larger scale: the image of a close relationship between the cities of Rome and Ravenna personified through their patron saints, Peter and Apollinaris. Gregory used these expressions of love to exhort the Ravennese to lend their full support to Guibert’s replacement, demonstrating an attempt to secure Ravenna for his partisans. The purpose of these displays of love, therefore, was to craft and preserve key relationships that Gregory pursued for his political objectives by both creating and maintaining allies against Henry IV.

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Lastly, we explored Gregory’s use of sorrow. To Rainald of Como, his ally who had been attacked, he expressed deep sympathy, considering this attack as an assault on the entire

Church. This concern with the welfare of the Church is observable in Gregory’s other displays. His letters to the Ravennese empathised with social and religious upheavals there.

Sorrow reinforced the expressions of love that Gregory used to bind them closer to himself.

Endeavouring to extend his influence through installing a loyal archbishop, Gregory justified his actions through displays of sorrow. Grief for the dilapidated state of the Ravennese

Church was presented as the root of his intervention. To Hugh of Cluny, Gregory displayed an outpouring of tension and grief, baring his anxieties about the direction of the Church.

Invoking lachrymal imagery, Gregory called on Hugh and his community of monks to lend him strength through their shared sorrow, so that Gregory might continue to lead the Church.

Tears of sorrow provided the path to salvation that Gregory sought. Sorrow highlighted

Gregory’s concerns about the Church in light of what he saw as rampant misconduct and simony. Through this grief, Gregory displayed his closeness to others and enlisted their support in his political and spiritual agenda.

There is undoubtedly room for further study here. For instance, we may question whether Gregory VII’s employment of emotional rhetoric is an outlier for his time. In this case, the lack of preserved writings from popes of his era makes it harder to provide concrete answers. Gregory’s is the only intact papal register from the late ninth to thirteenth centuries and is preceded by only fragmentary documentation; this hinders comparisons with the emotional rhetoric of his close contemporaries during the Investiture Controversy. This thesis has necessarily been confined to English secondary literature; incorporating non-English scholarship in future studies would prove fruitful to those with the capabilities. This study was also limited by difficulties in providing a detailed study of the efficacy of Gregory’s efforts. The nature of Gregory’s register means only a select few correspondences addressed

74 to him are preserved, and many replies that may have been sent to him are lost. Indeed, several letters Gregory specifically replies to are themselves missing. Thus, piecing together how Gregory’s addressees received his emotional displays is no easy task.

There is a limited intersection between papal history and the history of emotions. We may note that emotion continues to be a tool of papal writing even today. Further research into this juncture could provide points of comparison, revealing patterns or discrepancies in papal applications of emotional rhetoric throughout the medieval period. Gregory’s writings are also home to other emotions currently unstudied, such as fear. Similarly, there is room to examine the writings of other figures, secular and ecclesiastical, such as Henry IV, Matilda of

Tuscany, Archbishop Siegfried of Mainz, or prominent polemicists. Nevertheless, this study into Gregory’s implementation of emotional displays demonstrates the high complexity with which emotions were utilised in the eleventh century.

In consideration of existing scholarship into the medieval application of emotions, we have determined how Gregory implemented emotional appeals in attempts to further his objectives against the backdrop of the Investiture Controversy. Gregory’s true affective states are unknowable to modern audiences, but his letters provide our clearest insight into what these might have been. Thus, it remains important to examine how he used emotional displays, whether real or constructed, as a rhetorical tool to elicit responses from his audiences. It is apparent that he extensively employed the emotional rhetoric of anger, love, and sorrow in correspondences to a variety of recipients – individual men and women as well as communities, from lay and ecclesiastical backgrounds. In the cases we have examined,

Gregory’s reform agenda, especially in light of his budding conflict with Henry IV, shaped the political and spiritual objectives he pursued through his letters. Expressions of emotion thus became key instruments for Gregory in his attempts to secure his authority, make and preserve alliances, and garner support for his reforms.

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The emotional portrait developed in this thesis helps advance our view of Gregory’s highly-contested legacy. Contemporary polemics painted him in conflicting lights. Lambert of Hersfeld (c. 1028-1082/5) characterised Gregory as a passionate firebrand in his Annales, while Paul of Bernried’s Vita Gregorii VII (c. 1128) praised him for his pursuit of reform.295

Divergent images of the man exist today: Gregory is the subversive renegade bent on overthrowing tradition, or the paragon martyred for the reformist cause.296 Brian Tierney assessed Gregory as ‘not a dispassionate intellectual’ but ‘a man of action, filled with tumultuous energy, prone to make impetuous decisions’.297 Cowdrey was nuanced but positive: Gregory was a charismatic believer in reform, but often contradictory in his navigation of eleventh-century politics.298 An emotional reading of Gregory’s letters reinforces this nuanced characterisation. His comparatively restrained use of anger is uncharacteristic of an incendiary preacher, and his reflective letters to Hugh of Cluny are indicative of the ‘self-analysis’ Tierney deprived him of.299 However, he often invoked impassioned outpourings of love and sorrow to strengthen ties with his allies. These passions were skilfully evoked to preserve papal authority and zealously pursue reform in the face of considerable opposition. The papal register shows how this dynamic figure carefully and purposefully enacted a policy of emotional appeal, harnessing the rhetoric of real or imagined emotion for his own ends. All in all, Gregory was motivated by religious concern but remained cognisant of the political implications of his reform efforts. Gregory’s adroit use of affective displays, built on foundational emotional theories, demonstrates a tactful and deliberate policy of emotional appeals throughout his letters and in service of his agenda.

295 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 128.; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 253.; I. S. Robinson, ed. and trans., The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: Lives of Pope Leo IX and Pope Gregory VII (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 17, 64. 296 Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, 118.; Morris, “The Discord of Empire and Papacy”, 129. 297 Tierney, “The Program of Gregory VII”, 46. 298 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 683-98. 299 Tierney, “The Program of Gregory VII”, 46. 76

APPENDICES

Entries are numbered as they appear in Cowdrey’s translation and organised by publication year. Italicised entries refer to additional materials, such as records of Lenten synods. Appendix A: Letters featuring displays of anger 1073 1.11; 1.13; 1.15; 1.17; 1.22; 1.35 1074 1.55; 1.58; 1.60; 1.65; 1.66; 1.67; 1.68; 1.69; 2.5; 2.6; 2.10; 2.18; 2.28; 2.31; 2.32 1075 2.56; 2.67; 2.69; 3.2; 3.4 1076 3.6; 3.12; 3.17; 3.18; 4.1; 4.2; 4.3; 4.6; 4.7; 4.9 1077 4.12; 4.16; 4.28; 5.6; 5.9 1078 5.13; 5.16; 5.20; 6.3; 6.4; 6.5b, 6.10; 6.11 1079 6.17a; 6.25; 6.28; 6.31; 6.34; 6.36; 6.37; 6.40; 7.1; 7.2; 7.4; 7.9 1080 7.13; 7.19; 7.21; 8.2; 8.3; 8.5; 8.7; 8.13; 8.15; 8.18 1081 9.2; 9.5; 9.23 1082 9.21; 9.27 1082-3 9.24; 1083 9.30; 9.31; 9.35; 9.35a; 9.36

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Appendix B: Letters featuring displays of love 1073 1.1; 1.3; 1.5; 1.6; 1.9; 1.11; 1.13; 1.15; 1.18; 1.19; 1.20; 1.21; 1.22; 1.24; 1.30; 1.32; 1.38; 1.39 1074 1.40; 1.46; 1.47; 1.49; 1.50; 1.52; 1.53; 1.56; 1.58; 1.59; 1.61; 1.62; 1.63; 1.70; 1.71; 1.75; 1.76; 1.77; 1.78; 1.79; 1.83; 1.85; 2.3; 2.6; 27; 2.8; 2.9; 2.12; 2.13; 2.18; 2.28; 2.29; 2.30; 2.32; 2.33; 2.37; 2.39; 1075 2.44; 2.49; 2.50; 2.51; 2.54; 2.59; 2.60; 2.63; 2.66; 2.67; 2.69; 2.72; 2.73; 2.75; 3.4; 3.5; 3.7; 3.8; 3.9; 3.10 1076 3.11; 3.12; 3.14; 3.15; 3.20; 3.21; 4.1; 4.2; 4.3; 4.5 1077 4.12; 4.17; 4.23; 4.24; 4.26; 4.27; 4.28; 5.4; 5.7; 5.10 1078 5.16; 5.19; 5.21; 6.2; 6.10; 6.13; 6.14 1079 6.15; 6.16; 6.17; 6.18; 6.20; 6.23; 6.26; 6.26; 6.29; 6.30; 6.35; 6.37; 6.38; 7.2; 7.3; 7.6; 7.8 1080 7.11; 7.21; 7.23; 7.25; 7.26; 7.27; 8.2; 8.3; 8.6; 8.12; 8.13; 8.14; 8.15; 8.16; 8.20 1081 8.21; 8.22; 9.2; 9.3; 9.5; 9.7; 9.8; 9.9; 9.11; 9.14; 9.17; 9.23 1082 9.20, 9.21; 9.27 1082-3 9.19; 9.30 1083 9.25; 9.33; 9.34; 9.35; 9.36; 9.37

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Appendix C: Letters featuring displays of sorrow 1073 1.3; 1.5; 1.9; 1.11; 1.17; 1.20; 1.22; 1.30 1074 1.47; 1.49; 1.52; 1.63; 1.68; 1.70; 1.73; 1.82; 2.5; 2.9; 2.18; 2.28; 2.31; 2.37, 2.39 1075 2.44; 2.49; 2.61; 2.69; 2.73; 2.77; 3.2; 3.3; 3.6; 3.7; 3.10 1076 3.12; 3.14 1077 4.12; 4.24; 4.27; 4.28; 5.6 1078 5.16; 5.21 1079 6.15; 6.16; 6.17; 6.21; 6.23; 7.6; 7.7; 7.8 1080 7.13; 7.14; 7.14a; 7.21; 7.27; 8.1; 8.2; 8.4; 8.12; 8.13 1081 8.21; 9.2; 9.23 1082-3 9.30; 9.32 1083 9.35; 9.36; 9.37 Undetermined 9.27 (after June 1082); 9.35a (after Nov. 1083)

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