UNIVERSITY OF ANTANANARIVO

FACULTY OF ARTS AND HUMAN SCIENCES

ANGLOPHONE STUDIES DEPARTMENT

Presented for getting MASTERS DEGREE DIPLOMA IN SCIENCES OF LANGUAGE OPTION SOCIOLINGUISTICS

By

HERINIAINA Marie Aimee

THE FUNCTIONING OF THE INTERACTION ADMINISTRATOR- CITIZEN IN RURAL AREAS: CASES OF THE RURAL COMMUNES OF AND AMBOHIBARY SAMBAINA

The Board of Examiners : Professor Lucien RAZANADRAKOTO Professor Andrea CLEMONS Dissertation advisor : Professor Gil Dany RANDRIAMASITIANA

Presentation on 27th of June, 2008

Academic Year 2007- 2008

“…if I have the gift of prophecy and can fathom all mysteries and all knowledge, but have not love, I’m nothing…” I Cor 13, 4

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express all my gratitude to the Almighty God for His blessing which, during my five years’ study, allows me to come eventually to the achievement of this work. Thank you Lord!

I’m also deeply grateful to my dissertation advisor, Professor Gil Dany RANDRIAMASITIANA, for despite his infinite responsibilities and occupations, he has always been generous with time, knowledge and experience. Not only is he a dynamic advisor but he also teaches me to do things properly.

My deepest appreciation is similarly addressed to - Professor Lucien RAZANADRAKOTO and Professor Andrea CLEMONS for their good willing to evaluate the present work.

Similar thanks are addressed to the following people: - Mr Jean de la Croix MALAZAMANANA for his revision of some phonological hints. - The administrative staff of the rural communes of Belazao and Ambohibary Sambaina for their warm reception.

But I would like also to thank my family especially my parents for their financial and moral supports and anyone who has contributed to the achievement of the present work

May God’s ampleness reward you all a hundred times over!

THANK YOU!

INTRODUCTION

Rural world has been the focus of many universal studies in recent years. At present, it has become more and more interesting that several researchers or groups of researchers from powerful countries as well as from developing ones do not cease publishing books and journals aimed at rural development. As for the southern countries, “grain de sel” is an inter- network gathering 3000 members spread in about sixty countries all over the world when the two-thirds of which are in the sub-Saharan Africa: it consists of a bank of ideas in which debates, exchanges and training on rural subject are discussed in a joint publication, a journal published every three months.

Countless countries all over the world are therefore turning to rural concerns. In too, the current government is giving priority to rural development. But why is it so important to develop rural world?

It is a fact that rural development contributes largely not only to the economic but also the general development of a country. However, this is not the main reason why we have chosen to conduct a study on rural society. Aware of the fact that it is not only a problem of administrative, financial or economic nature but rather human problems, we have decided to conduct a study that targets peasants or rural people who represent approximately the 85, 5% of the Malagasy population and who are but our compatriots. According to the agricultural campaign 2004-2005, the island has counted 13.950.000 (thirteen million and nine hundred fifty thousand) rural individuals1. This big majority of population deserves an appeal for some betterment within social frameworks. Rural development is already included among the eight commitments intended for the implementation of the so called Bold and Exciting Plan for Rapid Development; the Madagascar Action Plan or MAP. But how can we reach there if we do not consider first rural realities? Or if we are not aware of what really happens there?

Rural concern covers a relatively vast field which has already been viewed from various domains: agricultural, economic and social. For the last domain, education improvement and health services were already carried out. Also, in the MAP, the fourth commitment which is “Rural Development and a Green Revolution” is made up of six great

1 Recensement de L’Agriculture - Campagne agricole 2004-2005, p 3

1 challenges namely “(1) secure land tenure, (2) improve access to affordable rural financing, (3) launch a sustainable green revolution, (4) promote market oriented activities, (5) diversify rural activities and (6) increase the agricultural value added and promote agribusiness”2. The matter is that when referring to rural land, communication is the last element to come to our mind. Very little consideration is given to communication and its existence is even almost forgotten. We should have noticed that none of these challenges deals with improving communication. Yet, there is no denying that an effective communication is what rural world lacks more particularly in our country. Bringing about revolution and development would be impossible without the consent and persuasion of rural people. Yet, due to their traditional culture, rural people need a particular logic to accept a change and to be fully integrated in a new culture or civilization. Communication is then fundamental to the development of rural world.

The Malagasy government has already taken an initiative to this element; it is noted in the MAP that better roads and communication networks will be established in order to further support rapid rural development. But this would not touch the “rural” himself. Considering the fact that even thinking of entering village hall office makes peasants afraid, we would rather direct the approach of communication to the context of administration and bureaucracy. In L’Administration Publique à Madagascar, MASSIOT, M. postulates that in Madagascar, the participation of rural populations to public life still remains a badly solved problem and that the forms of decentralized administration in the countries of the Third World still need to be further studied. As such, the urgency of the situation compelled us to refer to communication which is the first and foremost best way to get to the reduction of this gap between the government and rural people. To contribute to this issue, we have chosen to focus particularly on administrative communication in rural area. But as WATZLAWICK notes it ”Un phénomène demeure incompréhensible tant que le chant d’observation n’est pas suffisamment large pour qu”y soit inclus le contexte dans lequel le dit phénomène se produit”3 , our focus consists primarily of an authentic observation of the interactions between administrators and citizens in communal offices. By so doing, we have studied in particular the cases of the rural communes of Ambohibary Sambaina and Belazao which are both parts

2 Madagascar Action Plan 2007-2012, p. 064 3 Alex Muchielli, Jean Antoine Corbalan, Valérie Fernandez, Théorie de processus de la communication, Armand Colin (Masson), Paris, 1998, p. 15

2 of the Sous prefecture of II. We have made lots of raids in the two places and recorded some useful pieces of conversation and discourse. But we have also enriched information from an intensive reading about the theoretical and experimental frameworks of the research. We have particularly focused our study on the observation of two particular sections: copy of act of birth and register office practice. As such, we have tried to determine the problems of the interaction, understand peasants’ expectations and aspirations, and suggest some solutions adapted to rural logic. Then, we realize that “communicational problems constitute a determining factor of behaviour change of rural people”. Interacting in an administrative or bureaucratic context is a strange and different phenomenon for peasants that if they have the chance to, they would escape from it in their daily lives.

So to begin with, the first part will present with details the settings of the research: description of the two places of investigation, theoretical and experimental frameworks of the research and the methodology used. Then, in the second part, we will concentrate on the culture of the two rural communes as seen through administrative practices: users ‘presentation, social divisions of work, civil marriage practice and language use. At last, we will focus on the correlation between different factors resulting in a failing administration and communication while suggesting at the same time some appropriate remedies to these failures.

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PART I: PRESENTATION OF THE RESEARCH SETTINGS

I.1. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PLACES OF INVESTIGATION

Our research is conducted in two rural communes in the region: Belazao and Ambohibary Sambaina. Both communes are parts of the “sous-prefecture” of Antsirabe II, the Prefecture of Vakinankaratra, and the autonomous province of Antananarivo.

Picture n° 1 Location map of the places of investigation

FTM-BD 500

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I.1.1. The rural commune of belazao

I.1.1.1. Historical and geographical background

I.1.1.1.1. Historical insight The commune of Belazao was in the old time the site of a market of reputation. People do come there to make purchases but mainly to exchange information which never knows an end, hence the name “BELAZAO” (much information).

I.1.1.1.2. Geographical location of the commune The rural commune of Belazao is demarcated by the four following communes North: South: Mangarano and East: Antsirabe I West: Tritriva Leaving from Antsirabe city and following the national road RN° 34 until reaching the village of Talata Andraikiba, one just turns off to the left and runs 4 kilometres of the RIP to be welcome to Belazao4.

I.1.1.1.3. Territorial organization The rural commune of Belazao is made up of 7 Fokontany: Belazao which is the administrative centre, Amboniavaratra, Anjanamiakatra, Miadakofeno, Andranonandriana, Tsarahasina and Ambohinapetraka. It covers an area of 38, 89 km2. It is densely populated with about 243 inhabitants per square kilometre.

I.1.1.2. Sociological background

I.1.1.2.1. Demographical data The rural commune of Belazao is populated of 13000 inhabitants. The following chart is representing its distribution per sex and age per Fokontany.

4 1mile=1609m so 1,609km

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Tableau n° 1 Distribution per sex and age of the population of Belazao

FOKONTANY/age -5 6_10 11_18 19-49 50_59 60+ total TOTAL sex. M F M F M F M F M F M F M F general Ambohinapetraka 124 133 112 93 195 184 403 420 91 110 37 56 962 996 1958 Amboniavaratra Sud 73 63 60 63 115 116 163 136 32 37 29 32 472 447 919 Andranonandriana 118 105 181 159 236 215 445 443 84 85 62 69 1126 1076 2202 Anjanamiakatra 170 200 167 132 250 195 433 384 69 84 60 71 1165 1041 2206 Belazao 116 107 92 83 152 160 379 374 70 62 62 64 870 872 1742 Miadakofeno Sud 166 182 95 98 210 205 382 383 62 49 49 67 972 997 1969 Tsarahasina 64 67 162 172 198 214 432 408 70 76 76 65 1008 996 2004 Total 831 861 869 800 13056 1289 2637 2548 478 503 375 424 6575 6425 13000 PCD (2004) of Belazao We can observe from this table that Belazao has a very young population. The 60% of it are between 11 and 49 years old; 20% from 11 to 18 and 40% from 19 to 49. This is best seen in the age pyramid of this population.5

Tableau n° 2 Some percentages of the young population of Belazao BELAZAO AGE YOUNG PEOPLE % ] 11 – 18] 2 645 20% ] 19 – 49] 5 185 40% Total 7 830 60% TOTAL 13 000 100% HERINAINA Marie Aimée (April 2008)

I.1.1.2.2. Education Six out of seven Fokontany have primary schools; this seventh fokontany is Ambohinapetraka. There are two lower secondary schools and both of them are in the fokontany of Belazao. The one is a pubic secondary school and the other is a private, that is, a catholic one. The commune is not yet equipped with high school or lycée. These schools have at their disposal an insufficient teaching staff: there are only 24 teachers for 1699 children, which means one teacher for more than 71 pupils. But classrooms also are insufficient for Primary Public Schools (EPP) and for the General Teaching Centres (CEG) as well.

5 See appendix V

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I.1.1.2.3. Social characteristics Health: The commune has a Basic Health Centre II (CSBII), 4 organisms of SECALINE, one drug agent and two doctors. But these bodies have no access to tap water or electricity. The number of doctors is inadequate to the number of the population. Sports and leisure: There is a library in the Fokontany of Belazao. There isn’t a suitable ground for sports yet.

I.1.1.2.4. Other activities: Apart from farming and cultivation, there are some activities which manufacture produces. There are six husking mills, five butter-dairies, fifteen cheese-dairies, five weavers, two hundred twenty nine masons, one hundred fifty four carpenters, three blacksmiths, three milk collectors and one jam maker LECOFRUIT.

I.1.2. The rural commune of AMBOHIBARY SAMBAINA

I.1.2.1. Historical and geographical background

I.1.2.1.1. history As for Ambohibary Sambaina, the commune had been during many years a desert place overrun with unhealthy swamp that the older people described as “the country of water, tall grass and birds”. Human occupancy started only in the beginning of the nineteenth century few moments after the Merina conquest of Andrianampoinimerina. Up to then, only fewer hamlets and families lived on “tanety”, on the southern edge of the plain at the current place of the village of Sahabe and Mahatsinjo. The Ankaratra was at that time an empty mountain sparsely populated by out of law refugees. The commune constituted then a “noman’s land” between the two opposing kingdoms of the highlands; the Merina and the Betsileo. Immigration to the plain of Ambohibary seems first to be pursued during the ninetieth century. It was booming again around 1910 when the first measures of cleaning up of the swamp were conducted. According to certain verbal tradition, the first pioneer of the commune was called Ravorona, a brave man. He gave the name Morarano to the low-lying

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part of the commune because of the abundance of springs and swampy zones. After the fitting out of those zones, rice yield or paddy produce was so satisfying that he gave the name “Ambohibary” which literally means village of rice. This name remains the same till the present time.

I.1.2.1.2. Geographical location The neighbouring communes of Ambohibary are the following: In the north: and Ambatofotsy In the south: and In the east: In the west: . The commune is situated at 130km or so from the city (Antananarivo) by the RN n°7. At this kilometre marker, you are already welcome to one of its nineteen fokontany called Sambaina Gara. To reach the chef lieu of the commune, Ambohibary Iray Tsy Mivaky, you just have to run 4 km of the forked road that leads to Faratsiho. This side road is at 40km from the city of water or Antsirabe.

I.1.2.1.1.3. Territorial organization The rural commune of Ambohibary covers about 225 square kilometers (km2). It is made up of 19 Fokontany namely AMBOHIBARY Iray Tsy Mivaky which is the administrative centre, AMBATOMAINTY Fihaonana, FARAVOHITRA Sambaina, AMBOHIMARINA Fenomanana, AMBOHIMADINIKA Madera, INANOBE Manerinerina, AMBOHIMANDROSO II, KIANJASOA Atsimondapa, AMBOHITRANDRIANA Miray, MAHATSINJO Miaradia, ANDRANOKELY, MORODRANO Trafonomby, ANKENIHENY III, Fiarahamiasa, ANTSOFOMBATO Telomiray (Anosy), MORARANO Tsarafiraisana III, SAMBAINA Gara, TSARAZAZAMANDIMBY and SAHABE Tetezana. Seven out of nineteen of these Fokontany are situated from 25km (in miles) away from the administrative centre which makes the administrative management difficult especially during rain period because of the destruction of some road infrastructures and the enclosure of some hamlets.

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I.1.2.2. Sociological background

I.1.2.1. Human circle/background According to the last census of April 20th 2007, the commune of Ambohibary counts in total 54.870 inhabitants. The density of population is about 240 inhabitants per square kilometre. The following chart will present its distribution per sex and age. Tableau n° 3 Distribution per sex and age of the population of Ambohibary Sambaina AGES - 5 6_10 11_18 19-49 50_59 60+ Total N FOKONTANY M F M F M F M F M F M F M F 1 Anosy Antsofombato 327 341 152 154 141 153 325 319 320 322 59 73 1324 1362 Faravohitra 2 Sambaina 217 209 159 156 132 158 209 207 204 202 44 51 985 988 3 Morarano III 191 227 119 122 121 123 168 151 165 157 451 51 809 831 4 Andranokely 227 264 143 152 147 151 217 201 203 204 67 63 1054 1035 5 Abohimandroso II 228 253 192 193 183 197 214 212 164 168 61 68 1042 1091 Morarano 6 Trafonomby 249 291 379 332 381 387 232 237 193 184 21 36 1455 1467 Inanobe 7 Manerinerina 263 252 147 149 141 145 188 183 161 167 76 66 976 952 Madera 8 Ambohimadinika 327 387 233 256 219 253 237 232 199 198 59 72 1274 1698 Kianjasoa 9 Atsimondapa 669 579 339 305 332 309 431 417 402 397 75 82 2248 2089 10 Mandritsara F/miasa 186 142 207 210 209 204 222 231 215 214 36 34 1075 1055 11 AMBOHIBARY I.T.M 2287 2392 1429 1284 1437 1287 589 584 561 560 176 204 6479 6311 12 Tsarazazamandimby 509 577 293 321 297 325 247 242 206 209 87 122 1639 1881 13 Ankeniheny III 268 272 153 144 162 152 149 141 137 134 51 67 920 911 14 Mahatsinjo Miaradia 279 382 157 205 122 206 262 259 241 245 181 183 1242 1476 15 Sahabe Tetezana 69 88 51 27 63 28 68 63 62 60 15 17 333 285 16 Sambaina Gara 67 86 84 64 77 78 164 130 128 133 37 39 527 530 Ambatomainty 17 F/nana 595 623 258 341 269 311 288 286 277 279 108 119 1795 1559 Fenomanana 18 A/marina 317 402 237 253 232 251 179 177 171 173 69 71 1205 1327 19 AmbohitrandrianaM 189 182 149 147 145 142 148 143 145 141 58 53 832 808 Total 7514 7950 4883 4818 4800 4800 4500 4501 4154 4147 1317 1471 27214 27656 TOTAL 54870 PCD (2004) of Ambohibary Sambaina.

We can draw from these figures that the population of Ambohibary is also young but what differs it from that of Belazao is that these young are made up of children under or equal 10 years old. We can notice immediately that the age pyramid of this population is very large in the basis. 6 But here are also some percentages which represent it.

6 See also the age-pyramid of the population of Ambohibary in appendixV

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Tableau n° 4 Presentation of the young population of Ambohibary AMBOHIBARY AGE CHILDREN % ] 0 – 5] 15 464 28% ] 5 – 10] 9 701 18% Total 25 165 46% TOTAL 54 870 100% HERINIAINA Marie Aimée (April 2008)

There are 2 kinds of migratory influx in Ambohibary: Immigration: the rural commune of Ambohibary attracts lots of immigrants because of its dimension and the existence of its important market. Most of immigrants are merchants and civil servants who have received a posting.

Emigration: a great number of its inhabitants leave the commune mainly for educational reason. Because the commune does not have a high school or lycée, the young who have finished the secondary school continue their studies in Antsirabe or Antananarivo and decide to live there or outside the commune. Despite the existence of the Adventist University, they also prefer to go to private ones in Antsirabe or in Antananarivo. But there are also those who leave the country for survival reasons: finding a better paid job in town or even working in free zone companies.

I.1.2.2.2. Education circle School attending: Three fokontany out of nineteen do not possess a school or a training centre. These are Ankeniheny III, Sahabe tetezana and Faravohitra

Tableau n° 5 List of schools in Ambohibary Sambaina

Primary school Secondary school Pupils Teachers Public 19 1 5027 96 + 477 Private 16 2 2828 55 PCD (2004) of Ambohibary. S

7 96 paid by the State and 47 by the FRAM

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The number of children from 5 to 17 supposed to go to school is 19089. Yet, 7571 or the 39,66% of them only are sent to school and the rest which mak up the 61,34% do not have this opportunity because of various reasons such as - Parents do not have means to afford it; - The considerable distance between the school and their village; - The enclosure of some villages during rain period.

Technical training: There is a technical training centre, TEFISO in the administrative centre of the commune and this is the only one for the whole sous- prefecture of Antsirabe II. It counts currently about 160 students/pupils distributed in four different fields mainly welding, joinery, hand embroidery and building trade.

Higher education: There is also an Adventist University in Ankofafabe, fokontany of Sambaina Gara. Created in 1999, the university is endowed with four fields: theology, commerce, management and informatics.

I.1.2.2.3. Social circle Health: The commune possesses three health establishments; 1 CSBII and 2 CSBI

Tourism: From 1960 to 1970, that is, during the First Republic, there was a forestry station in Antsampandrano, in the Fokontany of Kianjasoa Atsimondapa, at 14 km away from Ambohibary ITM. It was a special place with a beautiful waterfall. It had seven buildings, a residential villa, and accommodation for Water Forest employees. Nowadays, the ministry of Water and Forest has entrusted this area of 1326Ha to a foreign lessor called “L’ auberge du relais des volcans”. The latter has arranged the station, the buildings and the surrounding and converted the place into a tourist site equipped with reception infrastructures: hotel and catering businesses, swimming and walking in an exceptional place. This operator does not cease improving its activities while hampering the development of its reception/welcome network. It is now called “Les relais des volcans”

Religion: The major cult division is mainly protestant and catholic. But there are also other religions which we will present in the following.

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Tableau n° 6 List of churches in Ambohibary .S

Religion Churches Catholic 14 Lutheran 13 Adventist 6 MKPMM 1 Jesosy Mamonjy 1 Témoin de Jehovah 1 PCD (2004) of Ambohibary.S

I.1.2.2.4. Economic circle: Small manufacturing industries: - Sawmills There are currently 14 sawmills that transform wood into manufactured products like batten or wood cladding. Products are mainly destined for Antsirabe and Antananarivo. - Husking There are 9 husking mills in the commune and the majority of the population is no longer grinding their paddy produces with hands. - Bakery Only one bakery assures the provision of the whole commune.

Infrastructures: ƒ Roads and transport Two national roads pass by the commune: - the RN 7 that is connecting the province of Antananarivo and Fianarantsoa - the RN 43 connecting Sambaina and Faratsiho. ƒ Electricity and tap water Twelve fokontany out of nineteen have access to electricity. Seven fokontany still suffer from this element. As for tap water, four fokontany have access to it. Each of these fokontany possesses at least two taps. There are also many homes equipped with tap water. The rest should fetch water from public taps or springs.

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I.2. THEORETICAL AND EXPERIMENTAL FRAMEWORK

I.2.1. Generalities Any researcher who wants to conduct a study on any subject should above all review the past of this particular subject. He needs to know what had happened and what had been ever done in the past. Similarly, planning some projects in the future cannot be achieved without giving value to the past. An overall glance at the history of the Public Administration of Madagascar will be therefore a good start. But it would be interesting to proceed first to a sociological reading of bureaucracy and administration.8

I.2.1.1. What do we learn from bureaucracy and administration.

I.2.1.1.1. From Touraine’s, Weber’s and Crozier’s perspectives. Generally, the bureaucrat is him who works in offices more particularly in administrative ones. For Touraine, A. “From the same word bureaucracy, language refers to three distinct realities. 1- A type of organization defined by a specific and hierarchy organized system of functions and not of individuals whose rights and duties are set in an impersonal, official and in theory rational way; 2- A type of functioning of organizations marked by an excessive attachment to the letter of regulations, and a routine which resists to the transformation of these regulations; 3- The power exercised by the directors of great organizations especially voluntary ones” Influenced by the form of the Parisian State, Weber M. defines the “bureaucratic administrative direction” as a model of legal domination. For him, the purest type of bureaucratic organization is constituted by a ruling power in accordance with functional and rational rules. There is typical bureaucracy if the direction governs state employees who are 1. personally free, obeying only to the objective duties of the function, 2. in an hierarchy of the firmly established function, 3. with the competences of the firmly established function, 4. pursuant to an agreement, so

8 Inspired by Bremond, J. and Gélédan , A. (1990) Dictionnaire économique et social, Paris, Hatier, p.47-49 – Morin, J-M. (1996) Précis de sociologie, Paris, Nathan, p. 56-63.

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5. in theory, founded on an open selection according to professional qualification: in the most rational case, they are named (not elected) according to a professional qualification revealed by the exam and proved by the diploma; 6. --- 7. paid by fixed salary…graduated according to the hierarchic rank as well as the assumed responsibilities…; 8. seeing a carrier opening up to them… their progress depending on their superiors; 9. working…without appropriation of employments; 10. submitted to a strict and homogeneous discipline of their function and a control (Economie et Société, T-1, Plan)

Even if these rules, characteristics of a bureaucratic administration, are often found in private firms of big dimension and the Weberian bureaucratic model in societies such as army and churches, we think that they are applicable to the functioning of public administration in a general way. But the sociological approach of administration or bureaucracy would be incomplete without mentioning the contribution of CROZIER, M. The latter has studied the French administrative organizations, that is, bureaucratic organizations. Far from functioning in a rational and efficient way, these organizations can bloc the initiative, entail routine, make the decision tense and curb productivity. According to MARCHAND, a way of designing commands by circular or regulation is bureaucratic in a general way; it is opposed to authority personalization, to chief- subordinates “face to face” on one hand and to management by delegates and committees or direct democracy on the other hand. Any attempt to correct departures from the norm can be implemented only by the institution of new norms. There where flexibility would be required, rigidities are increased. From the Crozerian perspective to which we are subscribing, a bureaucratic system will be mentioned when 1- A ruling group decides on the majority about the directions and choices without real control. 2- The group uses the means of the organization in order to implement its line. 3- The functioning of the organization creates between its managers collective interests which are different from that of its members.

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4- The members of the direction get personal advantages from their (theoretically) managing activity; they get power, financial advantages from the use of the goods and employees of the organization. 5- The leading group creates a unity of behaviour, a language, an ideology, relationships and implicit cultural references which basically make them different from the ruled people. 6- Mechanisms of power appropriation permit to limit recruitment, close the leading group from/by a new members’ selection which is conform to the collective interest of the bureaucratic group. 7- The power of the leading group tends to exclude the ruled ones from the drafting of decisions, from information which permits to comprehend directions and control them. What’s more, CROZIER postulates that in any organization, everything is based on the zone of uncertainty controlled by the actor. In fact, this is the sphere of action in which the latter excels and which makes him unforeseen. Thanks to his competences, information, knowledge of internal or environmental rules (professional…), each actor makes the most of his zone of uncertainty in order to maintain a part of autonomy and to point out his issue. For example, a warfare between train drivers or postal workers does not represent the same potential of disaster as a stopping of work in window cleaners. Indeed, the latter will have more difficulty to point out their issues (payment, security, carrier, etc…)

I.2.1.1.2. From FAYOR, H’s viewpoint After analyzing the guiding principles and the modes of functioning of administration and organization in TOURAINE, WEBER and CROZIER, let us see now another figure to be reckoned with of administrative and organizational circle, Henri FAYOR in his book Administration industrielle et générale (1916). He states 14 principles of administration: 1- Division of work 2- Authority responsibility 3- Discipline 4- Unity of command

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5- Unity of direction 6- Subordination to general interest 7- Payment 8- Centralization 9- Hierarchy 10- Order 11- Equity 12- Stability of the staff 13- Initiative 14- Union of the staff. These principles can be respected by complying with an approach of five elements: Planning – Organizing – Commanding – Coordinating – Controlling. But it should be emphasized with DURKHEIM that a new form of solidarity is established inside administrative and organizational circle. The latter notices a division of work at the dawn of the twentieth century. It will result from the increase of the volume and the density of the society. So, according to him, we are passing from a mechanical solidarity in which specialization is weak, exchanges are less numerous but collective conscience is strong, to an organic solidarity in which specialization is advanced, exchanges are numerous but individualism is strong. This gets back in part to Crozerian approach. If we examine the organizing chart of an administration or an organization, we realize that there are roughly three types of structure: 1. The hierarchical structure is similar to that of the army; each subordinate receives order only from the same chief to whom he must give an account of his activity. Information and decisions follow the right channels. As such, in the following example, the relationships between C1 and C4 should pass by A

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Graph n° 1 Presentation of the hierarchical structure

A Level A

Level B B1 B2

Level C C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 C6

B1: Chief of C1, C2, C3. A: Chief of B1 and B2

2. The functional structure had particularly been made an appraisal by TAYLOR. Taylor stresses on the multiplicity of the interventions of managers in hierarchical structures and on the impossibility of getting from it competent managers. He recommends a functional diversion of the authority.

Graph n° 2 Presentation of the functional structure B1 B2

C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 C6

B1 and B2 are the hierarchical chiefs of the level C. B1 is the hierarchical chief of the eight persons situated in C but only for the domain which concerns him. (For example responsible of the security, budget…)

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3. Staff and line It is about a compromise between hierarchical and functional structures…there are two types of link inside the same firm: the one hierarchical and the other functional.

Graph n° 3 Presentation of the staff and line structure

B1 A B2

C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 C6

B1 and B2 are of functional position. A is the immediate superior of the persons holding the posts C1 and C6.

Among these three types of structure, the last one is what corresponds to the structure of organization of both communes. As we can observe in the organization chart9, there is a combination of the hierarchical and functional structures. As such, the Mayor is the immediate superior of the two Deputy Mayors as well as the General Secretary when the latter, in his turn, is the immediate superior of the people in the financial and economic service, technical service, land service and registry office service, who are all of functional position.

After dealing with these theories of administration, let us see now the different passages that the Malagasy community has undergone until coming eventually to the current state of commune.

9 See appendix IV

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I.2.1.2. Public administration in Madagascar

I.2.1.2.1. History of the public administration in Madagascar

The administrative organization of the Merina Monarchy: The word Administration had already been used from the very beginning of the Malagasy Independent kingdom. There had been an administrative organization of the Merina Monarchy which began with the unification of Imerina by the King ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. Pursued by the conquest of RANAVALONA I and RADAMA I, the administration has known some changes; organization of some provinces and regions. Then in 1864 to 1895, the rule of the Prime Minister RAINILAIARIVONY brought about the constitution of territorial administration, the creation of Ministries by central administration and the regulation of the Fokonolona. After this came again the Malagasy kingdom in 1895. But from October 1st 1895 to September 27th1896, Madagascar was ruled under the French Protectorate when the latter was but a failure.

The evolutionary policy of GALLIÉNI: the decentralizing inspiration: A more exciting situation was known by the changing policy of GALLIÉNI from September 28th 1896 to May 13th 1905: a decentralization inspiration is implemented by conquest and pacification; creation of the central organisms and the army. The French and the local administrations were the action means of this pacification. But there was also the formation and the constitution of the Malagasy executives. The direction to a decentralizing policy had introduced for the first time the creation of “communes” in towns. The centralizing reaction of GALLIÉNI’s successors followed once again by the decentralizing direction of OLIVIER and CAYLA’s reforms: Yet, from June 1905 to February 1924, a centralizing reaction had risen from the successors of GALLIÉNI which brought about changes in territorial circumscriptions: a simplification of the French administration; new geographical distribution of provinces and communes. Then, with the reforms of OLIVIER and CAYLA, from February 1924 to the end of the WWII came again a decentralizing trend which is explained by a reorganization of administrative circumscriptions and an evolution towards decentralization: modification of local statute and creation and transformation of communes. In addition to that, a decentralizing option took place from the end of the W W II to October 1958. It begins with a

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context of reforms; a new international relations and the evolution of the colonial doctrine mainly the resistance movement projects resulting in the two constitutional texts of 1946 which had passed through an administrative reorganization, that is, deconcentrated administrative reforms, extension of decentralization and eventually a federal system: the period of “Loi-cadre” (April 17th 1957-October 14th 1958). From this time began the organization according to the Loi-cadre; decrease of the role of central organs, increase of the authority of provincial organs, multiplication of decentralized communities and changes within deconcentrated administration mainly Malagasization and reinforcement of administrative supervision. The Malagasy First Republic leanings:10 May the 1st 1959, PHILIBERT TSIRANANA was elected the first President of the Malagasy First Republic for seven years. Independence was proclaimed on June 26th 1960 but administrative framework was still carried out in accordance with the administrative circumscription divisions existing in France. Then, on October the 8th 1972, the population had granted confidence in RAMANANTSOA by a referendum. This Government is based on three institutions but a forth one should be added: the Fokonolona which should be instituted for constituting the revolutionary basis of the system. At that time was reinforced the creation of organisms supporting the Fokonolona; the SINPA , the CEAMP and the COSYCO etc.… But RAMANANTSOA had discharged his government on January 25th 1975 and on February 11th 1975, the colonel RATSIMANDRAVA came to the throne. But the latter’s rule lasted six days only. His first task was the mopping-up of the shady affairs in the army and the setting up of decentralized structures. He added that decentralization of powers should be realized as soon as possible and that Fokonolona should be created even amid big towns whereas during this day itself, he was assassinated. Throughout the Malagasy Second Republic: The referendum of December the 21st 1975 gave the way to the President Didier RATSIRAKA The latter combined the general policy of April the 12th 1975 with the Malagasy Socialist Revolution Charter known as “Livre Rouge”11 . The internal policy was

10 RANDRIANARISOA, P. Madagascar d’une République à l’autre (1958 – 1982), Antananarivo, Papeteries de Madagascar, 1991 11 « Red Book »

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concerned with the institutional and administrative restructurings or the democratic centralism: - At local level, the socialist Fokonolona will be the starting point of democratization and effective decentralization. - As a structure of expression, the socialist Fokonolona is the trait of essentials between the population and the administration. (Concentration, planification, execution of decisions). Let us remind that RATSIRAKA’s government had maintained the decentralized structures as set during RAMANANTSOA’s: the State decentralized collectivities were: - the Fokontany, - the Firaisampokontany, - the Fivondronampokontany - and the Faritany.

Towards the Malagasy Third Republic:12 During the period of transition towards the Third Republic, all the remits of the elected individuals in the Faritany, Fivondronampokontany and Firaisampokontany are exercised by the “delegations spéciales”. Then, under the rule of RATSIRAKA still, the Law n°93.005 of January 1994 still brought about a general direction of the decentralizing policy. The decentralized collectivities were: - the Regions - the Departments - and the Communes But the Decree n°99-952 of December 1999 brought about control of creation, organization and functioning of a Public Organism of Intercommunal Cooperation or OPCI. But the arrival of the incumbent President Marc RAVALOMANANA has brought considerable changes in the administrative organization. The Law n°2004-001 of June 17th 2004 announces a new territorial division: each autonomous province is now constituted by different regions; ƒ ANTSIRANANA: 1- DIANA 2- SAVA

12 Personal data

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ƒ ANTANANARIVO: 3- ITASY 4- ANALAMANGA 5- VAKINANKARATRA 6- BONGOLAVA ƒ MAHAJANGA: 7- SOFIA 8-BOENY 9-BETSIBOKA 10- MELAKY ƒ TOAMASINA: 11- ALAOTRA MANGORO 12- ATSINANANA 13- ANALANJIROFO ƒ FIANARANTSOA: 14- AMORON’I MANIA 15- HAUTE MATSIATRA 16- VATOVAVY - FITOVINANY 17- ATSIMO - ATSINANANA 18- IHOROMBE ƒ TOLIARA: 19- MENABE 20- ATSIMO – ANDREFANA 21- ANDROY 22- ANOSY Later on, the Decree n° 2005- 012 of January 11th 2005 added the creation of Districts and administrative “arrondissements”. The island counts nowadays 116 Districts. These Districts are of course made up of rural as well as urban communes and communes made up of Fokontany.

I.2.1.2.2. Discussion We can draw from this history that Public Administration in Madagascar is much influenced by France. MASSIOT, M. found it hard to give a general appreciation to the administrative work of France in Madagascar. For him, in the field of deconcentrated

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administration, the assessment can be considered as positive; the setting of an administrative network organized into hierarchy in circumscriptions had made the construction of the Malagasy State easier. However, the work appears to be unhappy in the creation of public local communities, the contribution of the population to public life is still imperfect. Concerning continuity, the Inspector JAQUIER says: « A Madagascar, plus qu’ailleurs, le passé commande le présent et la politique de la table rase n’a jamais donné de bon résultat »13. The creation of Provinces in 1946 for example does but corresponds to the former Regions. We should have also noticed that administration is marked by the alternating routes between decentralization and centralization until it reaches the creation of rural “communes”. Such is the sequence of administrative organizations in our country that JEAN COMTE affirms that our conception and definition of “commune” is somewhat related to that of the French either it is about the notion of administrative circumscription or the management organ of this circumscription14. Different definitions of “commune” are available. The prescription of August 24th 1960 says for example: « La commune se définit comme une réunion de personnes habitant une circonscription territoriale délimitée, soumises pour les affaires locales à une même administration, constituant légalement une collectivité territoriale décentralisée prévue à l’article 55 de la Constitution du 29 Avril1959, et dotée de la personnalité morale »15 . Also, in accordance to the French administration dictionary of 1905 or LITTRÉ’s definition, commune is a « Division territoriale administrée par un maire et un conseil municipal » When dealing with rural commune and political life, JEAN COMTE16 added that currently, the exercise of Democracy remains theoretical. Democracy which is “the government of the people by the people and for the people” supposes that the latter should really take part in the management of public affairs. Yet, what we can see is but the opposite. Citizens especially in rural communes fear the government. But we cannot approach the root

13 « Provinces ou Préfectures », Rapport d’Avril 1962 14 « Les communes malgaches », Jean Compte (Les Codes Bleus Malgaches), Tananarive, Edition de la Librairie de Madagascar, 1963. p137. 15 “Commune is defined as a meeting of people inhabiting a demarcated territorial circumscription subjected for local affairs to the same administration forming legally a decentralized territorial community planned to the article 55 of the Constitution of April 29th 1959 and endowed with moral personality”(our translation) “Commune is a territorial division administered by a mayor and a town council.” ( our translation) 16 Jean Compte, op cit, p140

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of this fact without approaching first rural sociology. Lots of authors have studied about rural world but we will limit our study in the light of HOYOIS, G.’s work “Sociologie Rurale”.

I.2.1.3. Rural sociology

I.2.1.3.1. Etymology17: Him who says “rural” refers necessarily to the countryside. Used with Latin and English languages, the word “rural” comes from the Latin “rus” which means country. From this substantive which gives “ruris” are two similar adjectives ‘rusticus’ and ‘ruralis’, which, with diverse nuances both indicate that a thing has a trait with the countryside. But what is countryside? In daily language, country implies primarily a certain kind of landscape. It is a large territory manifestly cultivated by mankind at his means: agriculture and farming. The landscape is known by this productive occupation and fields, orchards, meadows and other pastures are its main components. So to talk about the country, agrarian activity should, in its large sense, put its traces on the soil. If it is about grounds abandoned on a very large space, we should never use the term “ countryside”, we should rather say “moor”, “heath”, “scrubland” or even “desert”. As we are studying rural area, it is obvious that we study its people too. A person can be defined as rural from diverse reasons. The fact of living the countryside makes first one rural. Exercising an activity in the countryside or having passed his childhood there and got from it a personal stamp can also qualify an individual as rural. These are mode of membership.

I.2.1.3.2. What do we learn from rural sociology?

Rural Sociology is a variety of Sociology. It shares with general sociology the same body of doctrine and methods. Its specificity consists in limiting itself to the examination of the social features and of the gender of culture that concern rural world. Rural sociology is connected with many other disciplines mainly ethics, the science of nature, geography, psychology, history, right, sociography and the synthesis of the human fact18 but we will deal only with the ones which are most relevant to our theme.

17 Hoyois, G, Sociologie Rurale, Editions Universitaires, Paris, 1968, p 47-48. 18 Hoyois, op. cit, p 19

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According to the surveys we have conducted, Ethics is the one to be underlined first. Once approaching rural sociology, one should always bear in mind that his viewpoint is not that of a moralist who appreciates a human fact according to its conformity to an ideal one or its rectitude in comparison with a destiny. He should never wonder either a human behaviour especially a rural one is good or bad. Describing human phenomena that are moral by nature is expressing an ethic but never choosing one among these. Anyone who is not familiar with rural world often has the impression that everything is different in the countryside and that is the reason why he should have in advance this kind of ethic. The second discipline that we cannot skip is Psychology. A social phenomenon cannot be fully explained without a resort to the analysis of the psychic factors that intervene in it. These factors are not only of individual nature, they can also be social. If the sociology wants to know not only social layout but also their causes, if it collects and deepens motivations, if it requires after the subconscient impulses of behaviour, it approaches fatally the domain of Psychology. All this tells us that survey in rural area demands special caution because of the natural suspicion of the peasant world towards what is stranger to him. Note also that when referring to the dimension of rural sociology, HOYOIS points out that “rural sociologists” have so far limited the object of their discipline to an agricultural world and its varieties. Aware of this fact especially in our country, we have chosen to focus particularly on another object which is communication in rural administrative world. To better approach this communication, we need to know first the characteristics of the established relationships in the countryside. The first to be cited is the relationship knotted between man and the land. The contact with the world outside is not considerable. Each village constitutes an “isolate”. Information comes from the visitors; pilgrims of passage, a peddler, a beggar who is doing a regular roundabout route. These assure the function of gazette and tell the news of the whole country. Peasantry relationships are confined in an isolating atmosphere within two elementary groups: the family and the local community. To formulate his judgements, rural life disposes a code of rules and practices written in heads and transmitted from generation to generation. These norms are indefinitely transmitted within the local community or the small region by speech and example. Tradition is the expression of a close rural society. Such is the social control in rural traditional world that effects obviously appear: conformism and conservatism. Most of these descriptions are taken from HOYOIS’ opinion but later in the second part of this work, we will see with details that these really correspond to what we have seen and experienced during the survey.

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I.2.1.4. The correlation between the theme and the current government’s policy

One of the most worthwhile reasons that have pushed us to focus on this theme is its topical feature. As we have mentioned in the introduction, anxious to bring about a rapid development, the current Malagasy government under the presidency of Marc RAVALOMANANA has built a Bold and Exciting Plan, the Madagascar Action Plan 2007- 2012. The fourth commitment of this plan appears to be the closest to our study. This is “Rural Development and a Green Revolution”. The matter is that though it is mentioned there that better roads and communication networks will be established in order to further support rapid rural development, these are not included in the six challenges of this commitment. All of its challenges are rather economic ones which require the familiarisation of peasants with administrative affairs. There is exactly where the problem lies. It is a clear and an undeniable fact that peasants and rural people fear the government and everything around it. How can they then converse with it if such is their attitude towards it or if they know nothing about it? Regarding the other commitments, the three first ones also appear to be very relevant and helpful to us even if they are not at rural world level but at national level. The very first one deals with a “Responsible Government”. Its fifth challenge ‘strengthen the provision of public services‘ is exactly what we are approaching here and is also what rural people expect; a cooperative and quality service. As for the second commitment, “Connected Infrastructure” (p47), the fifth challenge is also appropriate to our study: ‘ensure efficient and affordable communication system. Finally, the third commitment is “Educational Transformation” aimed at universal primary education achievement; all children will complete primary school by 2015. The first challenge consists of ‘’ensure access of all children to developmental opportunities before official school entry”, the second, “create a successful primary education” and the sixth, “end illiteracy”. According to the data we have collected from the survey, education and illiteracy still constitute a major problem that blocs the functioning of administrative communication in the countryside. Among the eight commitments of the MAP, we find these four first ones as the most appropriate to our work.

I.2.2. Conceptual references So far, we have been talking about etymology, history and current realities into which our study should knock its root. Now, let us move to the conceptual references on which it is based.

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I.2.2.1. Symbolic Interactionnism

First of all, the word interaction is worth being considered. Any interaction implies two participants at least. Administrators cannot be considered as such without citizens. The existence of symbols one sees or gets from the “others” constitutes the basis of social communication hence the notion of “symbolic interactionnism”. But given a subjective conscience, each one of these participants has his own capacity to seize these symbols. BEITONE and al. postulate that « L’interactionnisme refuse une conception hypersocialisée de l’homme et insiste sur l’autonomie dont dispose les individus. La société est donc envisagée comme un ordre interactionnel. L’interaction est définie, selon COULON, comme un ordre négocié, temporaire, fragile, qui doit être reconstruit en permanence afin d’interpréter le monde.»19 The search of mutual intelligibility has then given birth to the notion of “common sense” which constitutes the basis of social constructions. And it is from his improvement of the knowledge of this common sense that GARFINKEL H. manages to draw a conclusion which he called “Ethnomethodology” which means “logos”; science or theory and “ethnomethods”; ethnos meaning ‘group’ and ethnomethods the ‘ordinary and ingenious techniques that the members of this group use, as they know them, for the continuous accomplishment of daily life planned activities’. This author argues that social reality is a permanent construction which has nothing external to the individual.

Ethnomethodology is then the exploration of the roots of rationality in everyday practices of life and in profane investigations20. We might be wondering why there are still confrontations of ideologies and misunderstanding within the same group. An example of this is what we have seen during the fieldwork.. It appears that peasants enter in interaction at the village hall office without knowing in which context they are. Everything seems to be difficult and unfamiliar to them. This fact leads us to think about GOFFMAN, E.’ s view on the reduction of social interaction into a “jeu de paraître social”(appearance playing) in which individuals search above all to “save the face”, that is, the most important is not human activity at all but rather an appearance that is acceptable to others.

19Beitone, A. and al. (2002), Sciences sociales 3è édition, Paris, Ed. Sirey, p.124 “Interactionnism refuses a hypersocialised conception of man and stresses on the autonomy individuals possess. Society is then considered as an interactional order. According to Coulon, interaction is defined as a negotiated, temporary, frail order which should be permanently reconstructed in order to interpret the world.” ( Our translation) 20 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ethnomethodology

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I.2.2.2. Communication

To synthesize all this, PALO ALTO21 appears to be so significant when saying that “everything is communication “. Though peasants do not speak, their behaviour is expressing something. For social psychology, communication constitutes one of the fundamental modalities of human behaviour. By establishing the inseparable link between behaviour, relationship and communication, FISCHER also argues that “not to communicate is impossible”. As for WIENER (1947), communication is “a theory of auto regulated complex systems in animals and in machines as well.” This model suggests a scheme of communication defined as a process of transmission of information which involves five distinct elements: - A sender can be an individual, a group or an institution, who transforms the information by coding it. - A channel of information, it means a physical system in which messages flow. - A receiver who receives the information by transforming it. - A repertory of signs or common elements in which the sender and the receiver draw either for constructing a message or identifying its nature. - A feed-back which designates the process of information back from the receiver to the sender of a message. According to one of the very first analyses, “communication is defined as the “the mechanism thanks to which human relationships exist and develop” (COOLEY, 1902). Communication is a whole; it can be verbal or non verbal. In social perspective, the study of language intervenes as an essential factor of communication. Language is the expression of this communication. It can also be verbal or not. Non verbal communication includes body language, dress language, sign language and so on. But in order to concentrate on the linguistic aspect of the study, we will view language (langue) as - “a human system of communication which uses structured vocal sounds and can be embodied in other media such as writing, print…” the Oxford Companion to the English language edited by ARTHUR] or as - “a complex sound system to convey meanings, used by a particular country to communicate” [Microsoft Encarta 2005].

21 Fischer, GN. Les concepts fondamentaux de la psychologie sociale, Paris, Bordas, 1987, p. 147

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Being the first means of communication, language ensures many different functions. The study of language has developed according to several directions among which we have to restrain here: conversational analysis and pragmatics

I.2.2.3. Conversational analysis

The notion of conversational analysis is based on the idea that all verbal communication is an interlocution; that is, an interactive process during which produced exchanges are considered as the result of a reciprocity which is expressed as a joint construction activity. As such, we will then analyse rural people use of language from their conversations during the interactions at the office. We will study also the speeches that the representatives of the administration, that is, the Mayor or the Deputy Mayor and his secretary, and the representatives of citizens produce during civil wedding ceremony. According to Wikipedia, discourse analysis is a methodological approach in social sciences and humanities. It is a multidisciplinary qualitative and quantitative approach which studies the context and the content of an oral or written discourse. But before going through it, let us consider first the following definitions of speech - “The act of delivering a formal spoken communication to an audience” (From the Thesaurus Legend) and - “The exchange of spoken words during conversation”. We will see how these people; administrators and citizens, interact between themselves. Each speaker will be evaluated from his contribution. It is exactly for this aim that GRICE, P.22 suggests: “Make your contribution such as it is required, at the stage at which it occurs, by the accepted purpose or direction of the talk exchange in which you are engaged.” To make this contribution ideal, he suggested the “cooperative principle” which was broken down into ‘four maxims’ namely, Manner maxim; the contribution be clear Quality maxim; its content be true Quantity maxim; it gives as much information as needed, and Relation maxim; the contribution be relevant. Similar to those formulated by GRICE, LEECH, G. extends conversational maxims in “Politeness Principle”. ‘Politeness is the expression of the speaker’s intention to mitigate face

22 http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/Pragmatics

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threats carried by certain face threatening acts towards another’. Being polite therefore consists of attempting to save face for another. He listed six maxims: - The Tact maxim: “Minimize the expression of benefits which imply cost to other, maximize the expression of beliefs which imply benefits of other”. The first part of this maxim fits in the negative politeness strategy minimizing the imposition when the second part reflects the positive politeness of attending to the hearer’s interests, wants and needs. “Could I interrupt you for a second? If I could just clarify this then…” - The Generosity maxim: “Minimize the expression of benefit to self; minimize the expression of cost to self”. It focuses on the speaker and says that others should be put first instead of the self: “you relax and let me do the dishes! You must come and have dinner with us”. - The Approbation maxim: “Minimize the expression of beliefs which express dispraise of other, maximize the expression of beliefs which express praise of other” (possibly through use of euphemisms or to remain silent). The first part avoids a disagreement; the second part intends to make other people feel good by showing solidarity. “John, I know you’re a genius, would you know how to solve this problem here? - The Modesty maxim: “Minimize the expression of praise of self, maximize the expression of dispraise of self” Oh, I’m so stupid- I didn’t make a note of our lecture! Did you? - The Agreement maxim: “Minimize the expression of disagreement between self and other; maximize the expression of agreement between self and other”. This means “seek agreement” and “avoid disagreement” A - “I don’t want my daughter to do this; I want my daughter to do that” B - “Yes, but Ma’am, I thought we resolved this already on your last visit”

- The Sympathy maxim: “Minimize antipathy between self and other; maximize sympathy between self and other”. This includes a small group of speech acts such as congratulation, commiseration, and expressing condolences. “I was sorry to hear about your father.” Note that these maxims vary from one culture to another; what may be considered as polite in one culture may be downright rude or strange in another.

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I.2.2.4. Pragmatics

According to JAQUES, F. « “La pragmatique aborde le langage comme phénomène à la fois discursif, communicatif et social.” Le langage est conçu par elle comme un ensemble intersubjectif de signe dont l’usage est déterminé par des règles partagées. Elle concerne “l’ensemble des conditions de possibilité du discours”. »23 But “Pragmatics” is also ‘the study of the aspects of meaning and language use that are dependent on the speaker, the addressee and the other features of the context of utterance’24 In his book How to Do Things with Words, AUSTIN, JL. is very significant when developing the notion of ‘performative utterances’; not to say something but to perform a certain kind of action. If the mayor says, for example, to his audience: “Ambarako etoana fa mpivady ara-dalana ara-panjakana I Andriamatoa RA………………..sy Ramatoa RA………manomboka izao anio izao”, it is true that he is saying something but effectively, he is indeed doing an action, it means that from then on, the man and the woman actually become a couple, that is, wife and husband. This act is what we know by “speech act” or “illocutionary act”. To successfully perform it, speech act requires the use of some particular expressions such as PEIRCE, C.’ deictic expressions and perfomative verbs. A deictic expression is an expression that refers to the personal, temporal, or spatial aspect of an utterance and whose meaning depends on the context in which it is used. Deixis include personal pronouns (I, you), demonstrative adjectives and pronouns (this, that), and a certain adverbs such as ‘here’, ‘there’, ‘now’. ‘To declare, to nominate, to congratulate, to promise, to greet, to order, to apologise, to sentence and so on are performative verbs. All these references will be therefore used for evaluating the communication and exchanges between peasants themselves. We will see the details later in the development.

23 Cited by ARMENGAUD, F. (1993) La pragmatique, 3è édition, Paris, P.U.F., p. 5 « Pragmatics approaches language as a phenomenon which is at the same time discursive, communicative and social » It sees language as an intersubjective set of signs whose use is determined by shared rules. It is the “set of conditions of possibility of the discourse” 24 http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/Pragmatics

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I.2.2.5. Language contact

Because there is no denying that speakers of languages are in contact especially in the current days because of globalization, contact between languages is also obvious. It is not amazing then if many French expressions are used in Malagasy administration: ‘état civil’, ‘commune’, ‘maire’, ‘bulletin de naissance’ and so on and so forth. This explains the contact between the French and the Malagasy during colonization which we have mentioned above. The Malagasy administration has much inherited from that of the French. As for the English language, its contact with Malagasy took place when missionaries came into the country to bring the gospel.

I.2.2.5.1. Borrowing phenomenon Consequences of language contact are various. There are short-time effects such as borrowing and code switching. As no language is self-sufficient, borrowing phenomenon is unavoidable. In Life with two languages, GROSJEAN, F.25 makes the difference between lexical borrowing and code switching. There are four kinds of “borrowings”. The first one is loanword or loan or total loan or integral loan such as ‘état civil’, ‘commune’ etc. The graph and spelling do not change. Then, there are integrated or partial loans whose pronunciation and spelling are adapted to the language which borrows:, “boky” for ‘book’, “birao” for ‘bureau’; then, the third one is calque which translates the word from its literal sense: “borborintany” for ‘arrondissement’, “kara-panondro” for ‘carte d’identité’ and the last one is hybrid which is made up of two items: the first item is borrowed and the second is native. Examples: radiom-pirenena, mandat tsotra…. The other form of borrowing is at individual level. For example an administrator asks a citizen: “Efa nitondra ny ‘droit’ sy ny ‘copie originale’ ve ianao? or “Mbola miandry ny ‘signaturen’I ‘Monsieur le Maire’ azafady”.26 But there are also long-term effects of language contact: diglossia, bilingualism and multilingualism.

25 Grosjean, F. Life with two languages, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1982. 26 “Have you already got the fee and the original copy?” – “sorry, we should wait for the mayor to sign it”(to sign the file)

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I.2.2.5.2. Diglossia “Diglossia is a relatively stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include a standard or regional standards), there is a divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and a respected body of written literature, either of an earlier period or in another speech community, which is learnt largely by formal education and is used for most written and formal spoken purposes but which is not used by any sector of the community for ordinary conversation.” (FERGUSON (1959). The case of the Malagasy/French in our country illustrates this well. It is very common that when we enter offices, notices are often in French; “défense d’ entrer”, “silence s’il vous plait”, “frapper avant d’entrer”…French is used as a High variety and is learnt in a formal education setting whereas Malagasy is a Low variety used in informal situations.

I.2.2.5.3. Bilingualism and multilingualism The term bilingualism refers to the use of two languages which can involve four skills namely speaking, understanding, writing and reading. Multilingualism would thus involve the speaker being able to use the four skills in all the languages he or she communicates in. Note that these aspects of language contact especially diglossia, in their turn, give birth to linguistic conflicts: linguistic prejudices, linguistic security and insecurity (negative effects). Monolingual people do not feel secure when they are amid bilingual or multilingual people. This is exactly what we have met during the survey. Even if it is about a very rural area, borrowing and code switching still occur. Rural people immediately feel incapable and once they speak, the surrounding people evaluate them from their speeches. These reactions are what we called “auto and hetero evaluation”. Their local dialect is far from being qualified as “bon usage”. We think it is worth noting here that the post-independence bilingualism in Madagascar is rather an institutional bilingualism. The government publication listing new acts, laws etc…are bilingual (French-Malagasy), French is the teaching language but since 1965, explanations had been bilingual or monolingual, that is, official or regional Malagasy; etc. Since 2007, the new institution has inserted a third official language, the language of Shakespeare. However, the post -72 malagasization failures have generated a subtractive bilingualism to the detriment of the mother tongue (official). Some sociolinguists even dare to

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talk about semilinguism, in other words speakers or learners do not master neither the mother tongue nor the foreign language.

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I.3. METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

I.3.1. The research

I.3.1.1. Descriptive research

As its name refers to, this type of research attempts to describe the different aspects of an issue by conducting a survey. It is then aimed at getting as much information as possible on a problem. As such, it enabled us to describe with precision problems citizens and administrators in the countryside are facing. It has also helped us to understand their aspirations.

I.3.1.2. Explorative research

But our research is primarily an exploratory one. Field work is not only aimed at describing the problems but mostly at finding out their main causes and their impacts on people lives. This type of research has been very useful for us in studying the phenomena which entail peasants’ behavioural changes. As our theme is a more or less original one, the Inductivo-Hypothetico-Deductive Approach serves us as the best way to approach it: parting from the study of the particular, that is, of two particular places: the rural communes of Belazao and Ambohibary Sambaina, in order to draw a general conclusion. To find out the possible similarities and differences between the two rural communes is the reason of the choice of two different places of investigation. We have seen above that the characteristics of these places differ between themselves in many points. It is obvious then if we can also find differences in terms of administrative practices and communication. Furthermore, HOYOIS affirms that “the definite rural” does not exist, it can change according to different variables such as geography, economy, culture, history and so on.

I.3.1.3. The different stages of the research

The seven stages inspired by QUIVY, R and CAMPENHOUDT, LV27 appear to be the most appropriate to the conduction of the research. The problem statement which is presented in a question is a good start; “What can be the factors of the malfunctioning of the interactions between administrators and citizens in rural areas?”

27 Quivy, R et Campenhoudt, LV; Manuel de recherche en sciences sociales, Dunod, Paris, 1988.

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Then, the exploration of this question by reading had already given some answers. But the specification of this question by the problematic leads us to have precision in the study: “In which measure communicational problems constitute a determining factor of peasants’ behaviour change?” Then, the construction of analysis enables us to approach this question added to direct observation. Finally, the analysis of the data and information collected from this observation allows us to draw conclusions.

I.3.2. Data collection

I.3.2.1. Typology of situation

Given that we have here two groups of population to be questioned, we have also two types of situation. As citizens who come to the village hall are questioned outside their daily life surroundings, we have a “created situation”. The second one is a “natural situation”, which releases speech according to De KETEELE and RODGIERS (1993), as we questioned administrators or the administrative staff of the commune at their places of work. The same case happens for citizens who are questioned at home, that is, in their daily lives’ environment but not at the office department.

I.3.2.2 Participant observation

Familiar with the place of investigation, precisely Ambohibary Sambaina, which is but our native village and of which we had in advance enough knowledge, we had the opportunity to take at the same time the place of, user, administrator and external observer. This is, of course, correspondent to participant observation which is “A major strategy which aims at gaining a close and intimate familiarity with a given group of individuals and their practices through an intensive involvement with people in their natural environment…”28

28Bless,C and Achola, P (1990) Fundamentals of social research method, Lusaka, Printed by the government Printer, p 76

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This strategy is what allows us best to get as much and authentic information as possible. You can see and hear directly and without the least modification the process of the interaction.

I.3.2.3. Method used

Regarding method, we have chosen sampling method particularly quotas sampling29. Because the population cannot be questioned as a whole, we have decided to conduct a hetero-administrated survey. As such, we have formulated three types of questionnaires appropriate to the three variables of population: administrators, users and external observers. As it is also impossible to question them all, we have taken some numbers which represent each as a sample of each population. It is worth noticing that representatives of administrators are made up of four individuals in the registry office namely the mayor, the deputy mayor and two secretaries for each commune. Note also that external observers are concerned with citizens who are outside the village hall department; some of them were questioned at home, some in the streets and some in the fields. Here is the representation per sex per commune of the different variables of population.

Tableau n° 7 Distribution per sex of the studied micro population

COMMUNE AMBOHIBARY BELAZAO TOTAL % SEX MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE USERS 25 5 20 10 60 72% OBSERVERS 4 3 3 5 15 18% ADMINISTRATORS 4 0 3 1 8 10% TOTAL 33 8 26 16 83 100% HERINIAINA Marie Aimée (September 2007)

As the main target of the study is focused on rural users, here is also another chart representing their division per age.

29 Bless, C and Achola, P (1990), op. cit, p 76.

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Tableau n° 8 Distribution per sex and age of the studied users

AMBOHIBARY BELAZAO TOTAL AGE M F M F - 20 5 0 0 0 5 20-35 11 1 6 5 23 36-45 5 3 8 1 17 46-55 1 1 4 3 9 56 + 3 0 2 1 6 TOTAL 25 5 20 10 60 TOTAL/COMMUNE 30 30 HERINIAINA Marie Aimée (September 2007)

I.3.2.4. Data collection technique

I.3.2.4.1. The process of the survey As we have always mentioned before, we have conducted a survey in two rural communes of the Vakinankaratra region, Ambohibary Sambaina and Belazao, for data collection. This survey had lasted a month and a half; from May 8th 2007 to June 21st 2007. We have carried out in total thirty two raids, that is, sixteen for each commune; from May 8th (Tuesday) to 31st (Thursday) in Belazao and from June 4th (Monday) to 21st (Thursday) in Ambohibary.

I.3.2.4.2. Questionnaire technique As people in the countryside are not familiar with a survey concerning bureaucracy and administration, we have used the technique by questionnaire30. We find this technique more appropriate to rural people since it consists of posing to the representatives of the sample population a series of simple questions related to their social situations, their attitudes towards the functioning of administrative interaction, their opinions and aspirations about this subject. In other words, this technique does not require answers of long reflection. We have prepared in advance these questions and all they have to do is choosing an answer from the pre-established ones. We have chosen particularly questionnaire of indirect administration, that is, we note down the answers ourselves because many of rural people don’t know writing

30 Loubet Del Bayle ; Introduction aux méthodes des sciences sociales, Paris, Privat 1989, pp13-23

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or reading. But the main reason too is to avoid stereotypes and complexes. We request to these people as little service as possible.

I.3.2.4.2. Documentary technique But questionnaire is not enough for getting ample information about the study so we have made a somewhat intensive reading. As such, we have consulted scriptural-audio-visual documents such as parish records, books, articles, journals and so on. But there are also published documents that we get from the internet.

I.3.2.4.3. Recording and video-making In order to further approach the linguistic dimension of the research, we have decided to make some recordings which contain some pieces of discourse produced by some individuals during the surveys. By so doing, we have used a discreet device, that is, a tape recorder. But we have also videoed partly a section of a conversation and discourse during civil wedding ceremony. These techniques have allowed the collection of precise and complete data that show best the attitudes and behaviours of the interacting people.

I.3.3. Types of analysis Both quantitative and qualitative analyses have something to contribute to the present corpus study. A recent trend of social science is the multi-method approaches which tend to reject the narrow analytical paradigms in favour of the breadth of information which the use of more than one method may provide. This multi-method approach suits more particularly sociolinguistic study. The statistically reliable and generalisable results of quantitative analysis added to the richness and precision of qualitative analysis are complementary enough to provide more satisfying results.

I.3.3.1. Quantitative analysis

Quantitative analysis allows us here to classify phenomena according to the frequency and rarity of their occurrences. It helps for example in discovering who codemix more between men and women; in which case does this phenomenon happen most. It also enables the comparative study of the communes, that is, the identification of in which features they

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are similar and in which ones they are different. What’s more, quantitative analysis is applicable to a larger population and its results are generalisable as they can be applied to other communes.

I.3.3.2. Qualitative analysis:

The presentation of data into a number of classifications met in quantitative analysis is not complete enough. We do need qualitative analysis whose aim is a complete, detailed description. Ambiguities which are inherent in human language can be recognized in this type of analysis. Statistics cannot describe the abstract features of language such as voice quality, sense of words, phonological items and so on. Furthermore, SCHMIED (1993) notes that “In any case, a stage of qualitative research is often precursor for quantitative analysis, since before linguistic phenomena can be classified and counted; the categories for classification must be first identified.”

The preceding part has outlined with details the settings of the research. Though the rural communes of Belazao and Ambohibary Sambaina are both parts of Antsirabe II, we have seen that their monographs differentiate between themselves in many points namely territorial organization; number of fokontany and measure of the area, demographical data, education and social characteristics, and economic feature. However, given that the main focus of the observation is the same, the study of both cases is also based on the same theoretical framework. Nevertheless, the application of these theories or experimental framework in these places may be different. But the methodology used is undoubtedly the same and the procedure of the surveys too is the same: the number of the micro population studied, the number of participant observations conducted in each commune and so on and so forth. Before moving to the second part, it is worth reminding that as its title refers to, our work deals with the functioning of interactions between administrators and citizens in rural areas. Among all practices that may occur in a village hall office, we have focused particularly on registry office services namely “copy of act of birth” and “civil wedding”. The observation of these practices has enabled us to learn a lot about the land’s culture. So, as

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preliminaries, it would be helpful to give some definitions of culture. Then we will concentrate on the four points that characterize the culture of the two communes.

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PART II: ADMINISTRATIVE PRACTICES AS REFLECTIONS OF THE LAND’S CULTURE

Preliminaries

To enable us to deal well with this new part, it would be very helpful to give some key notions of culture. Etymology The Latin word “colere”, “to live in”, “to cultivate” or to “to honour” suggests that culture refers generally to human activity. This word can have different or even contradictory meanings according to the contexts in which we use it. Definitions According to the UNESCO31; “In its largest sense, culture is considered as all distinctive; spiritual, material, intellectual and affective features of a society or a social group. In addition to arts and humanities, it also includes ways of life, human being fundamental rights, systems of value and beliefs”. At individual level, culture is the combination of all acquired knowledge and instruction of a human being. At collective level, culture also represents the social, religious…structures and the collective behaviours such as intellectual, artistic expressions that characterize a society.

31 . http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture

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II.1. USERS’ PRESENTATION AS IMAGE OF RURAL CULTURE IN GENERAL

I.1.1. The influence of administrative environment on rural citizens

Today, environments are more varied and unstable than heretofore that their contribution to behaviour variance is enhanced. Both science and society ask with greater urgency than previously: what are environments like? How do environments select and shape the people who inhabit them?32 These are important questions for the study of the behaviour of rural people who interact within administration.

II.1.1.1. The shape of the communal village hall

As we have said previously, him who says “rural” refers necessarily to the countryside. Habitat in the countryside is generally characterised by isolated houses, small groups of residences forming hamlets or more concentrated village. These elements are ordered according to diverse arrangements; there are open countries except the thick core that punctuates the whole. In both communes, tall houses are concentrated in the administrative centres, that is, in the fokontany of Belazao and Ambohibary Iray Tsy Mivaky. Although there are some of them in the other fokontany, the most of the latter are made of hamlets of

small houses.

Picture n°2 : The rural commune of Belazao It seems a bit obvious then if even the form or shape of the village hall itself has an influence on the behaviours of the .people living in these fokontany. Used to live in or to enter their small huts, they feel more at ease to make queue or to get information at the village hall when it is a low house. This explains the case of Belazao whose village hall is made up of two The rural commune of Belazao low houses having each three rooms. Once introduced in the hall apartment, people can direct easily to the service they want to join. In addition to that, the modernity, that is, the height of the houses in the administrative centre does not make big difference. Given also that the distance between the commune of Belazao and Talata Andraikiba which is quite urbanized is

32 In Sociolinguistics p294; Excerpts from C.B.Cazden’s “ The situation: a neglected source of social class differences in language use” Journal of Social Issues, vol 26, n 2, 1970 pp 35-60

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only 4km of RIP, people are already accustomed to beautiful and big houses. They have even the possibility to join daily the city of Antsirabe by cycling or by paying only four hundred Ariary as bus fare. Thus, they are already used to having contact with towns. As for Ambohibary, the shape of the house itself appears to be embarrassing for the very rural people coming from the remotest fokontany of the commune. This village hall is somewhat big with a floor and a more or less long corridor. Users often hesitate to go upstairs in order to get information about where is the x room, making sure of the exact place where to be. But they are also anxious of meeting strange or unfamiliar people in the corridor. Added to the long distance they have made by foot or by bicycle, they feel to be outside of their usual land. Notice that some fokontany of the commune of Ambohibary are about 25 km away from the village centre. Ambohibary is the most modernized place they can meet. They hardly have the chance to go to Antsirabe city. they have to walk or cycle first to reach the fokontany of Ambohibary. Then, they have to take a car to reach the city. But the case is different for the inhabitants of the village centres. The latter are already accustomed to tall and big houses which are their own or at least hospitals or churches or schools.

II.1.1.2. The place where citizens are questioned

The shape of the house is not the only factor that affects rural people behaviours when presenting to the village hall. To be questioned inside and outside the hall apartment does make difference too for them. Answers are the explanation of that. You can get more satisfying ones when you question them outside and especially miles away from the gate of the hall. In these places, people feel safe to express their problems and aspirations about the quality of administrative services. The surrounding will think that like anybody else, they seem just to have some private conversation with you. In the opposite case, it means inside the apartment, they really feel annoyed from your questions. Before you question them, they question you first: (1) “Fa inona moa zany zao ny anton’ty fanadihadena ataonareo ty?” (2) “Hono ho aho aloha, anareo zao avy aia?” (3) “So ay de mba apetsona am ‘ty zavatr ‘ty ko!”. Some just reply, (4) “Maika be ahako!” (5) “Sambany ay zao vo nakaty de tsary misy zavatra hainay!”

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(6) “Anay an olona tsa mba nianatra de tsary mahay fa ze nahita fianarana anontaniana”, The three first statements more or less accept the request but still, pose a series of questions so as to dispel one’s doubt. The three last ones signal that the speakers refuse flatly any exchange. However, these questions are not reassuring enough for these users to answer properly to the questions. The point is that even if they agree to reply you, they give but very short and unsatisfying answers. Despite the anxiety and dissatisfaction you can see or read in their faces, they always say that the services are very good and everything is going well. In spite of the long time, hours or even days that civil servants make them wait; they still say that the service is rapid. As for the cost, when you ask either it is cheap or expensive, not few reply that because it concerns the government’s order, nobody has the right to bargain it. It is a duty towards the administration and all you have to do is to pay it. This fact shows us that rural people fear everything about the government. With the latter’s restraint, they cannot express openly what they really feel. It does but explains the dominance of the administration over rural people and vice-versa the restriction of rural people towards the administration.

Picture n° 3 : Auserinsidetheoffice II.1.2. Users’ physical appearance

The way we appear to others can tell the latter a great deal about ourselves. Even if we are not so often aware of that, people

Picture n° 4 : Users making queue get a notion about us first from our physical appearance. The way we dress, do our hairs, put on make up, shoes or sandals associated with colours or any other element communicate a lot of things. Stereotypes or people judgement can be then subordinate to appearance and that is why one should be very careful with it. So, to make a good choice on that, we should first take into account of in which situation we are.

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This situation is mainly defined by the place and the time of the interaction. It wouldn’t be pleasant at all to put on sport wear at church. According to GOFFMAN, someone can be said well or badly dressed for public situations such as in a residential street of faubourg or at a chic supermarket in New York33. In these public places, you may meet lots of people of different social status. But the case is somewhat different from that of a face to face interaction. Our author seems to be very significant also in his own theory while drawing on theatre as a rich source of metaphor for explaining the performer-audience relationship. Putting an emphasis on the individual, he compares the latter with an actor who is playing a part on a stage. The actor is the user here, the stage is the office and the action is the service. An urban actor often shows himself to be up to fashion in order to convey an important impression of him to his Picture n° 5 : Users’ presentation to the office audience. It is common then that in town, people do care about wearing clean and fine clothes when they enter offices. But such is not the case in the countryside. So busy with their land and farming, rural people do not care much about clothing. It is fine for them to wear the same clothes from the rice field to the communal office. Barefooted or with sandals, people all appear to be alike. This is not for citizens only but for some administrators too. Apparently, appearance does not make big difference for them and this fact is one of the characteristics of rural homogeneity. Among the 60 persons we have questioned in the two rural communes, 28 (46, 66%) are barefooted, 26 (43, 33%) with sandals and the rest 6 (10%) with shoes . Compared with the two first numbers, the last one appears to be the smallest. Only 10% of the population is wearing shoes. This percentage represents particularly the fewer persons that differ from the villagers and peasants who are notably the majority. These people are called by HOYOIS the “notables”. They often portray the culture of urban people which is somewhat opposite to that of the rural ones. They differ from the latter mainly with their social status which are so often priest, doctor, elite and so on and so forth. As for peasants, the traditional culture still remains strongly maintained. The dust and the mud in the field or on the way to the village hall are a good reason for them for going bare footed. The daily care of one’s patch of land has priority over any other occupations. Furthermore, modesty makes you

33Goffman, E. La Mise en scène de la vie quotidienne ; 2) Les Relations en Publique, Les Editions de Minuit, 1973, p 39.

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similar to everyone. Even if it concerns a civil wedding, people dress almost the same way as in everyday life, the difference is that during this special moment, they wear cleaner clothes. If you pretend to be noticeable from the totality, you are threatened exclusion.

II.1.3. Users’ levels of instruction One may find it a shock to discover that there are still people who cannot read or write. Yet, we would rather say that it is a fact. Though education has been recently much promoted in the very rural areas of the island, we have seen that it still poses a big issue and that traditional education still holds a big place.

II.1.3.1. Illiteracy

Illiteracy is one of the most accurate elements that characterize rural people. It is most shown by the few users who sign by “lavotondro”34. During the survey, we have counted three persons who do so in the commune of Belazao. It has always been the practice of Malagasy people long years ago because they didn’t know writing yet. But these three people represent now those who never had the opportunity to take a pen and draw anything they can. But there are also many who hardly can write their names when signing. These are those who had the least chance to be taught by a close person, more often their children, only the few letters that make up their names. You can notice from the very first sight that the drawing of the signature is very awkward. Consider the following example.

Picture n° 6 : An illiterate users’ signature

These people never had the chance to learn writing or reading at school. Many of them do not know or remember their dates of birth and because they also did not learn counting, obviously they do not know how old they are. Usually when you inquiry about their ages, they guess it by saying “I was born around 1968” or “I’m about 52 years old”. If it happens that they know the exact year of birth, they cannot count it. All this shows that in rural people eyes, illiteracy or inability to write and read is not as an acute danger as we see it. For them,

34 A very old Malagasy practice; one signs by plunging the top of his finger on a black ink and puts it on a paper which should be signed. The trace of the ink is recognized as the signature.

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learning to work in farming and on the fields are enough for one to survive. Despite the changes that are brought by the changing of time, they still maintain traditional education. Notice that thirteen users out of sixty, eight in Belazao and five in Ambohibary were never provided with schooling. In addition to that, they are not willing to learn how to write or read. Notice that most of them are adult and also of female sex.

II.1.3.2. Very low level of instruction

II.1.3.2.1. Administrators Problem of education in rural areas does not concern citizens only. It also affects administrators. In both communes, among the eight inquired employees, only one got a university diploma (DUEL 1); this is the treasury secretary of the commune of Belazao. The Mayors of both places did not even go beyond the baccalaureate; BACC for Ambohibary and BEPC for Belazao. None of the rest too, that is, secretaries and Deputy Mayors had surpassed the level of Higher Secondary School.

II.1.3.2.2. Users As far as users are concerned, consider the following chart: Tableau n° 9 : Presentation of users ‘levels of instruction

Commune Not provided Primary Lower Higher Higher Total with school Secondary Secondary education schooling school School Belazao 8 16 3 2 1 30 Ambohibary 5 17 5 3 0 30 HERINIAINA Marie Aimée (September 2007)

We can draw from this chart that peasant’s level of instruction is very low. Among all questioned users, only one has reached academic study, five had attended Higher Secondary School or lycée and the majority stopped at Lower Secondary School and mostly in Primary School. More than half did not get the lowest diploma CEPE. It does but confirms rural people opinion about education: knowing to count till a thousand and to read and write his names and some words would be enough to classify one among the majority people. What you get in primary school would be enough for living. It is also common that secondary school or CEG does not exist

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in the countryside. Either it is very far from the village itself35 or there is not in the whole commune. As such, parents do not want to send their children to continue their studies outside the village or the commune. It happens sometimes that there is a private secondary school in the place, more often a catholic one, but the cost of it is a bit expensive for them. The problem also is that if children are clever enough to finish secondary school, they are obliged to stop because their parents cannot afford all expenses they will make outside the commune: travelling and schooling expenses, the rent of the house where to live, and the food supplies and so on and so forth. Added to the worry about how their children are going on, these responsibilities are so heavy for rural parents to assume. In Ambohibary, if children from the remotest fokontany like Inanobe Manerinerina finish primary school, they have to move to the fokontany of Ambohibary if they are willing to attend secondary school. They choose between the Saint Joseph College and the CEG. All pupils who have succeeded there have to move once again to the city of Antsirabe as there is no lycée or high school in the whole commune. As for Belazao, having finished secondary school in the commune itself (there, fokontany are not as remote as that of Ambohibary), children can continue their studies in Talata Andraikiba where there are already high schools. If it happens that they want to go on with academi studies, they have to move to Antsirabe or Antananarivo where there are universities. But this chance is very seldom because of the difficulties we have enumerated before. Even if there is an Adventist University in the commune of Ambohibary, in the fokontany of Sambaina Gara, parents’ worries added to children’s to get adapted to a new way of living outside their natal village do not allow the latter to finish secondary and high school. Once they compare themselves with their classmates, they feel different. Also, their parents are far from being able to satisfy their needs in school requisites, in clothing and in travelling which includes bus fare, taxi brousse and so on. These reasons lessen or even take away motivation of both children and parents. Moreover, tasks in agriculture are so numerous and important that those parents want their children to help them; labouring rice fields, taking care of the cattle, cooking and so on. Their ambition is to make their children experts in farming and cultivation so that the latter will become their heirs later on. Children too prefer to stay home to do these works rather than enduring alone life harshness in town or in an unusual place.

35 In Ambohibary there should be a walk of more than twenty kilometres to reach the school

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II.1.4. Users’ attitudes: attitudes towards something very new and unfamiliar

II.1.4.1. What is learnt by “attitude”?

We’ve seen above that the way rural people appear to the office reflects their culture. But appearance is not the only clue that lets us learn about the land’s culture. Attitude is also an important one. ALLPORT gives the following definition: «On appelle attitude l’état mental et neurophysiologique déterminé par l’expérience et qui exerce une influence dynamique sur l’individu en le préparant à agir d’une manière particulière à un certain nombre d’objets ou d’événements ». He added; « l’attitude, c’est ce qui est supposé être derrière le comportement. C'est-à- dire que les attitudes sont des présuppositions à agir. L’attitude est une cause de comportement. C’est une cause relativement cachée ou inconsciente, ce qui d’ailleurs la distingue de l’opinion qui est la manifestation explicite de l’attitude. »36 But in the largest and more linguistic viewpoint, the term “linguistic attitude” refers to representation, subjective norm and evaluation, judgement, and opinion to designate all phenomena of epilinguistic nature.

II.1.4.2. What do users feel and how do they behave?

Keeping in mind GOFFMAN’s vision of “life being a stage”37, we have come here again to the actor-stage-audience relationship. A peasant who is an actor is supposed to enter the office which is the stage and ask his audience, that is, the civil servant to make a copy of act of birth for him. His audience can judge or measure the actor’s performance in accordance to his behaviour and attitude. It is common for one who goes on stage for the first time to be embarrassed. He may feel shame, anxiety or fear. That is exactly what happens in rural areas when citizen in general enter the office. According to ALLPORT’s opinion about attitude being the cause of behaviour, what a user may feel automatically pushes him to prepare some sorts of behaviour. Then, a series of questions comes to his mind: should I knock at the door

36 Jean Claude Abric, Psychologie de la communication_ théories et Méthodes, 1999, Armand Colin, Paris, p 26 “Attitude is the mental and neurophysiologic state which is determined by experience and which exercises a dynamic influence over the individual while preparing the latter to behave in particular way towards a certain number of subjects or events” – “attitude is what is supposed to be behind behaviour. That is to say, attitudes are presuppositions for acting. Attitude is a cause of behaviour. It is a cause relatively hidden or unconscious that rather distinguishes it from opinion which is the explicit expression of attitude” (our translation) 37Goffman, E. La mise en scène de la vie quotidienne ; 1) La présentation de soi, 1973, Les Editions de Minuit.

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and take off my hat? Should I greet them? What should I say first and so on and so forth. This kind of attitude tells us that administration, in its decentralized form had always been absent and came very late to rural culture. Rural society was once administered by itself according to the local culture or tradition life. It has its root driven into the solidarity of the Fokonolona led by the elders in the society. It is very hard for rural people to accept a new culture. Then, it does take time for them to learn it and get adapted to it. As such, rural people feel unable and awkward towards administrative practices. According to the questionnaire, 33% or 32 out of 60 of the inquired persons in the two rural communes feel inability, 25% or 15 out of 60 feel fear and 21, 66% or 13 out of 60 feel shame. All this shows us that rural people do not join frequently offices especially that of the commune. They just feel compelled to go there because of life’s obligation. For example their children need a certain kind of file at school or parents should register their new born children. There is no piece of sympathy or motivation for this practice. If they had the choice to, they would prefer not to go there.

II.1.4.3. They come numerous

Remember that we are not meant to criticise peasants’ attitudes here. We just need to know and understand facts. However, it might be funny for urban people to hear or see that in the countryside; more than three or four persons enter the office at the same time to do the same file. Almost half of the users in Ambohibary come to the office at least two by two. To be of a group is more reassuring because if it happens that something wrong occurs, to be two is better than alone. So doing, there is another person not only with whom you can share the problem but also to whom the tension of this problem is concentrated. As such, users don’t dare performing their action alone, they need companions. But this is also due to the belief that the expression of a group is far convincing than the expression of an individual. Besides, to behave as a group has always been one of the most significant features of rural people. Only, they often need a leader as an ice-breaker, if possible an old one having enough experience. According to statistics, 56, 67% of them come alone; 36, 67% with a member of the family; 3, 33% with a neighbour and 3, 33% with a friend. In Belazao, this case happens too but it is not as considerable as that of Ambohibary: 86, 67% of its users come alone, the percentage is little and similar for companion: 3, 33% either with a member of the family or a friend or a neighbour or others. They may think also that the employee will be easily convinced when seeing them numerous which is unfortunately not the case. On the contrary,

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the latter is annoyed by their number. Administrative practices remain then unfamiliar to rural people.

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II.2. SOCIAL DIVISIONS OF WORK AND RESPONSIBILITY: SOME TRADITIONS IN RURAL AREAS

II.2.1. Age division

II.2.1.1. In citizens

Another or a third clue that makes us refer to rural people is the social divisions of tasks and responsibility. Among these divisions is age division. The more your age increases, the more responsible you are. Your knowledge and experience will be then measured by how old you are. People begin to see you as a mature person compared to others when you reach the age of 30 or so and especially when you get married. It appears obvious then if the 75% of the users we have questioned are more than 45 years old and among them all, only 5 are still single. Note that the 3 of these young users are students who were born in these communes and should take their papers there although they are no longer living there permanently. Notice also that going to do something at the village hall or more precisely entering state offices is a difficult and challenging task for rural people. Parents feel unease to send their children to do it. They prefer to do it themselves despite the infinite tasks they have to finish. Instead, they would rather entrust these tasks to children. As such, young people under their fate are scarcely involved in this kind of occupation. At their age, they deserve only daily work like ploughing or taking care of the livestock. Yet, we have seen previously that the poplations of both communes are young. People also think that employees in the administration will show more favouritism to older persons than to younger ones. They would be ashamed to make people who are older than them wait for a long. They would show more respect and consideration to them.

II.2.1.2. In administrators

But this division is seen not only in users but within the administration itself too. Used to be ruled once by elders, rural people put an emphasis on being of enough age to rule or to administer. It is worth noticing that the only and youngest employee in both communes is 30 and all the left are more than 45. To deserve such position requires maturity and to be considered mature, one should have the criterion which rural people describe in Malagasy language as “ voky taona” which means literally someone who has already swallowed many ages or who is old enough. Although there are young people who have gone so far with their studies, they are viewed in people’ eyes but as “zaza vao iray ranon’orana”, meaning, with

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very little experience in social life. It is heavily shown by the case of Belazao whose Mayor is 62 years old. It reflects once again the appreciation and confidence that rural people approve to elder persons. To talk a little bit about this Mayor, he had been a teacher and from parents- teacher relationship, people should have found him kindly and appreciated his status. Though he has stopped earlier in school, that is, very low in instruction level; he did not pass beyond primary school (3è in Malagasy education system), his good reputation in the society has pushed him to gain people’ sympathy. He is more a father than an administrator for them. But the case is somewhat different for Ambohibary Sambaina whose mayor is only 46 which can be the explanation of the administrative staff’ lack of respect towards him. We will talk more about it in the third part. In sum, age takes an important place in rural society. It can be used as an instrument with which the others measure your value.

II.2.2. Gender division

II.2.2.1. At level of users

But these social divisions are best shown by gender division. The 73% of users in interaction are men. To be precise, almost of them are fathers. This fact reflects in some way the patriarchal feature of rural society. Fathers are holding the highest place in the family. This usage is inherited from the very primitive society in which fathers own the absolute authority and have priority over any decision taking. As we have said above that going to do something to the village hall is a challenging task for rural people, fathers are the first ones who can ensure it. Instead of sending their wives because of the quantity of their tasks, they devote time to do it and even though they are made wait for hours and even some days, they still insist in doing it by themselves. HOYOIS38 has given a description of this “man in the countryside”. Being at the same time a husband and a father, he is also the boss. He plays then two distinctive roles: familial and employer. He is the first responsible in the education of his sons; by giving them practices and theories, he works as if he is the latter’s training officer. As for women, this division may vary from a region to another but we can assert that in most cases, women are not given as big responsibility as men. In their turns, women are wives, mothers and housewives. They are often those who work hard in cultivation or in farming especially on harvest time. It happens too, mostly in Ambohibary, that the man is a craftsman or a carpenter or exercising another occupation outside and all the tasks in the farm are put on women’s shoulders. They are so busy with agricultural works such as clearing the cowshed,

38 Hoyois, Sociologie Rurale, op. cit. p133

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digging the rice field and so on. Their main task is then the combination of housework and farm. They are less involved in other tasks such administrative affairs. They do so only in cases such as the absence of their husbands.

II.2.2.2. At level of administrative staff

But we can also observe this division mostly in the administration. For the commune of Ambohibary, the five (5) employees; Mayor, Deputy Mayor, the three registry office secretaries are all men and fathers. The other employees in the other positions also are all men. This fact leads us to consider HOYOIS’ opinion on the dichotomy that opposes paid employment and domestic activity. Rural practice puts stress on the idea that a wife is meant to bustle about household whereas a husband earns his living or that of the family by practicing another job outside. Even if it happens that a woman has the chance to work outside the house like in the administration or in other organisations, there is still a considerable division but in another form: the position given to this woman is often limited to secretaryship which is but the expression of HOYOIS’ term “labour” in which the place of intellectuality is derisory and subordinate. Feminine work is so often associated with the accomplishment of manual tasks socially judged as inferior or rather degrading compared with the tasks traditionally reserved for men. Sexual dimension is incontestably a fact of physiologic differentiation which is, of course, a social fact or reality too. Women are usually given simple tasks like copyist, mail sorter, document filer, dactylographer and so on, tasks which entirely suggest LAUFER (1985, p73)’s expression “from a sewing machine to a typewriter, there is but a step”. SERDJÉNIAN (1988 pp171-216) added that statistics show clearly that in their big majority women are occupying less qualified employments in huge companies39. So, their investment in professional life is considered as secondary and thus regarded as an extension of their domestic activities. Note that the mayors of both communes are men and neither of them is ever ruled by a woman. To commit oneself to a mayor position would be funny for women in the countryside and similarly, to accept to be ruled by a woman too would also be a stupidity.

39 De Coster, M. Sociologie du travail et gestion des ressources humaines, Bruxelles, De Boeck Université, 1999

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II.3. REGISTER OFFICE PRACTICE, A SIGNIFICANT INDICATOR OF THE CUSTOMS OF THE REGION The second element to be dealt with in the registry office services after copy of act of birth is civil wedding. The variety of elements that can be studied in this service is the main reason for the choice. The study of three points that characterize rural couple; marriage age, choice of partner, social status will help us learn about the practices and customs of the region. As such, we have attended 7 practices of wedding and inquired 6 couples; 3 in Belazao and 3 in Ambohibary.

II.3.1. Marriage age One of the relevant notices we have made is the age of marriage. Among the 6 wives we have questioned, 4 are under 20 years old. It varies from 16 to 19, and the 2 left are respectively 24 and 29 which are generally considered as mature age for women to marry. This fact tells us in some way that in the countryside, girls are meant to get married at early age. To be married at the age of 16 seems to be normal for them. They are not supposed to go further with school. As for men, the age of marriage appears to be influenced by the needs of the family. Parents more particularly fathers tend to use their sons as arms for farming. Given a part of responsibility in it, young boys are indirectly compelled to stay some years in the family house and this gives way to the delay of marriage. Among the 6 husbands we have questioned, 21 is the only and youngest one and we have here 2 cases in which the age gap between the couple is too much; the men are respectively 12 and 9 years older than the women. But the opposite case occurs too; the women are respectively a year and 3 years older than the men. These figures show us that in the countryside, age does not make much concern for marriage.

II.3.2. Choice of partner In terms of choice of partner, we can notice a slight difference in the two communes. Generally, rural young people do not give much concern to that. They are not intended to search a partner in other further places or outside their village. Usually, the choice does not go beyond the neighbouring fokontany. The narrowness of the place and the lack of communication limit the choice mostly in Belazao. This is what HOYOIS calls geographical endogamy. As for Ambohibary, the commune is quite large and the distant 19 Fokontany

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allow a wider choice. Otherwise, in both places, the choice is still considerably influenced by parents. Much concerned about the future of their children, parents direct and push the latter to marry with a person having the same social class as themselves. What we have here is another form of endogamy which is called by HOYOIS ‘social endogamy’. Parents would prefer to marry their daughter or son with a person who is able to work hard and who has a big farming and a large surface of land for a better future. As such, marriage strengthens the tie between the related families and moves aside those who are not bonded by any relationship. They don’t find the least interest in marrying their children with an urban person even if the latter has gone very far with studies or even if he has wide experience in other fields apart from farming. This endogamy is still a noticeable characteristic of conjugal state of rural people. It shows once again the hostility of rural people towards strangers or people who do not share the same culture as them.

II.3.3. Couples’ socio-economic status. Socio-economic status constitutes the third noticeable feature of couples in rural areas. None of the 6 questioned men have another occupation than cultivating. For women, they are all farmers. This is commonly what you can observe in almost parish records. Each time they are inquired about their jobs, they used to say “mpamboly” (cultivator) for men and “mpiompy” (farmer) for women. Yet, they are also working as sellers, carpenters, dressmakers or transporters mostly in Ambohibary. There are also those who, without own possession or definite occupation still marry and added to the difficulty in leading a new family life, the son introduces his wife home and the new couple stays and lives with the big family while the son goes on helping the father in the cultivation. Similarly, the daughter in law is helping the mother in the farm. Thus, all the members of the family remain farmers. Sometimes the new couple offers services to their parents or to the neighbouring people by labour. Nobody thinks of going beyond this tradition. It explains then the conservatism attitude of rural people. The imperious force of what is established in the old time results in the maintenance of this way of living.

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II.4. PEASANTS’ USE OF LANGUAGE: AN EFFECTIVE CLUE FOR THE STUDY OF THE LANDS’ ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOLOGY OF COMMUNICATION

Language use covers a so large field that we will limit the present study with spoken language. Peasants’ use of language will be analyzed then from their oral exchanges during the interactions: their speeches and conversations. This analysis will help us learn more about the ethnography and ethnology of the region.

II.4.1. The region’s ethnography of communication

II.4.1.1. What is ethnography of communication?

Ethnography is the description of behaviour in a particular culture typically resulting from fieldwork. Ethnography of communication is then the description of communication in a particular culture40. In his article the ethnography of speaking (1962), HYMES has given another essay of definition of ethnography of communication while assuming that « La parole est un processus de communication à étudier dans son contexte social à la manière des ethnographes ». Then, around him and GUMPERS was born a group of researchers (among which are GOFFMAN, FRAKE, ERVING-TRIPP, SACKS, HALL, LABOV etc.) who build the bases on a new discipline – The ethnography of communication – whose objective is the description of the use of language in social life, and more precisely, the pointing out of a set of norms which control the functioning of the interactions in a given society. They pointed out two essential characteristics of this trend: a “global” conception of competence and a decisive importance given to physical and sociocultural context in which the interaction takes place.41 Both of these definitions suggest that “ethnography of communication” explores how and why language is used, and how its use varies in different cultures42. Regarding this variation, MOREAU, ML43 distinguishes four major ones; diachronic variation which is related to time; diatopic variation which is defined by geographical axe,

40 [email protected] by Madeline M.Maxwell, PhD 41 In Les interactions verbales ; Catherine, Kebrat-Orecchioni, Tome 1, Armand Colin, Paris, 1990

42http://books.google.com/books?id=2gbfdyxtqm4c&printsec=frontcover&dq=ethnography+of+communicathe ethnography of communication introduction by Muriel Saville Stroike 43 M. Louise Moreau, article « variation » in Sociolinguistique, concepts de base, Mardaga, 1997 p284

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that is, differences or changes within a language according to regions; diastratic variation; according to different social classes and diaphasic variation according to context or situation. Also, BRIGHT, W and A.K RAMANUJAN44 argue that no language is as monolithic as our descriptive grammars sometimes suggest it; wherever sufficient data are available, we find diversity within languages on all levels: phonological, grammatical and lexical. Such diversity can be studied along three synchronic dimensions; geographical, social and stylistic.

II.4.1.2. Along geographical dimension

II.4.1.2.1. Identification of the language Within the Malagasy language are many other varieties such as the official or standard Malagasy, the Betsileo, the Tandroy, and the Betsimisaraka etc. These are called dialects. By definition, dialect is “A variety of a language used by the members of a group” or “a regional variety of language distinguished by features of vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation from other regional varieties and constituting together with them a single language45. Hiroshi KUROKAWA has classified the different Malagasy regional dialects into two main categories: the “Western” including the Sakalava, the Vezo, the Mahafaly, the Tandroy, the Bara Imamono etc…which are in the western and southern areas of the island and the “Eastern” which includes the central and the eastern areas namely the Merina, the Sihanaka, the Bezanozano, the Betsileo the Betsimisaraka, the Tsimihety, the Tanala, the Taimoro, the Taifasy, the Taisaka and the Bara. The Tankarana and Tanosy are mixed ethnic groups of the two main dialects. The language we are studying here is a variety of the Malagasy standard variety or more precisely the Merina variety. It consists of a Vakinankaratra dialect, the variety spoken throughout the region of Antsirabe and once again it is a variety of this particular variety. As we have said above, diversity within this same dialect exists in all levels; phonological, grammatical and lexical, we will study these variations respectively.

44 In “Sociolinguistics”, Pride, JB. and Holmes, J. Penguin Books, 1972

45 http://m-w.com/dictionary/dialect

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II.4.1.2.2. Phonological variation As we have seen previously that the Malagasy language once had a very close contact with the French during the colonial period, it is obvious if the latter exercises an important influence on it. Not few of administrative terms used in our days were inherited from the French language. Diversity in the pronunciation of these loan words is evident from one region or community to another. Differences are most seen between speakers from urban areas and those from rural ones.

At level of vowels

Compare the following trapeziums which figure the vocalic systems of French and Malagasy.

Picture n° 7 Comparison of the vocalic systems of French and Malagasy language Malagasy French u u (y)

e (Ø) o o ə ε •

a Fig.1 Fig.2

We can observe from these figures that the French has sixteen vocalic phonemes whereas the Malagasy has only five of it. Malagasy language does not possess labial front vowels (the ones between parentheses in the trapezium): /y/ like in the French word vue, /ǿ/ like in peu and /œ/ like in peur. The absence of these sounds result in their wrong realizations. This mistake in pronunciation is much more observed in rural speakers because unlike learners, they did not have the opportunity to learn and practice French at school. That is the reason why peasants of these areas did not manage to pronounce correctly these phonemes. Instead of saying commune /komyn/, they say [kjomin]; bulletin /byltε/, they say [bilta] and bus /bys/ they say [bisi] Similarly, jeu / / in jeu video is realized as [ze] And “chauffeur” = / / is realized as [sofera]

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In addition to that, there is no distinction between the different sounds: [є] like in “père”, [ǿ] like in “peu”, [œ] like in chauffeur, [ə] like in “je”. Their realization is the same for these peasants: [е] like in “été”

Examples: maire, secrétaire, dispensaire and ma soeur are realized respectively as the following mera, sekreter (a), dispenser(a), maser(a). Though different, “ai”, “eu”, “œu”, “e” which should be realized as /ε/, / ə /, /œ/, /e / are all identified to /e/ like in été

Nasal vowel sounds too are absent in Malagasy that their realization by rural people is almost impossible: [ε] , [ ], [ ] and [ ]. Most of the time, these sounds are realized as /a / except /ŏ/ Bulletin [ ] is realized as [bilta] Adjoint [ ] [adzoa] Armand [ ] [arma] Franc [ ] [fra] Edmond [ ] [edmo]

The pronunciation of speakers from the countryside of these sounds is really different from that of speakers from urban areas. For the latter, we would say the difference from the native speaker is a nuance but for the peasants, the difference is too big that you are no longer able to distinguish which sound it should be. Between “adjoint”, “franc” and “bulletin” for example. But we can also have this phonological variation even within the Malagasy language itself. Within the Merina variety, we can notice some variations in the variety spoken in this region. We are referring here to internal variation. The phonemes “–ina”, “-iana” are often realized “–ena”. Example in fanambadiana, fodiana, rahoviana which become fanambadena, fodena, rovena The same for –iaka in “mikiakiaka” and “mangatsiaka” which become “mikekeka”and “mangatseka”. These pronunciations are typical to this region, that is, you can hear them only there or by people from there. Because Malagasy is their first tongue/language, peasants don’t need to learn how to pronounce it well. Yet, we still find these variations. These are often due to weariness or laziness. People don’t want to worry about pronouncing properly the whole word

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with all the phonemes that make it up. They would rather shorten it so that they can utter it as quickly as possible.

At level of consonants We have seen that many vowel sound variations can be observed in the dialect spoken in the region of Vakinankaratra, more precisely in the region of Antsirabe II. Also, we can notice variations at level of consonants. However, there is less difference between the consonant system of Malagasy and French. One feature of this difference is explained by the sporadic dorso-velar realization of “r” by rural people. But the main diversity is most seen in the pronunciation of the two French palatal alveolar fricatives: [ ] and [ ] They tend to pronounce [ ] as [s] like in “machine à écrire” which becomes “masine à écrire”, “cachet” [ kasé ]etc. The same for [ ] as [z] like in “cage” [ kaze] and “Roger” [roze] The sounds become the intermediary of [s]and [ ] and of [z] and [ ]. But these variations can be also met in urban people who do not learn much French language. Note that we are referring to variation only when the words are viewed as loanwords from the French. But it is another thing when it concerns fanagasiana.. With the latter, some rules accept the pronunciation of “ch” / /as [s] like in “masinina”, “cachet” as “kasé” … RAKOTOJAONA Job46 appears to be very strict with this fanagasiana. He pointed out that a foreign word should be malagasized - first into the official Malagasy variety if there is an appropriate word there; - Then, into the other regional varieties; - By compounding two or three words from the official Malagasy; - By compounding two or three words from regional varieties; - According to the pronunciation or the orthography of the foreign word. But our speakers here do not follow any of these rules. They just use these words unconsciously. It can be then considered as variation. Also, Fanagasiana is much concerned with grammar and written language.

46 Ireo Fitsipika Folon’ny Fisorateny Vahiny Gasiana. p 5-6

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II.4.1.2.3. Lexical variation Though the region of Vakinankaratra is part of the central highlands of Madagascar, there are also considerable lexical variation between the Merina variety and the dialect spoken in these two communes. This variation is more particularly met within pronouns.

Relative pronouns: Look at the following presentation. STANDARD MALAGASY VARIETY LOCAL VARIETY EXAMPLES Izaho, aho (I) ahako, akony tsy afaka ahako, akony (I can’t come) Ianao ( you) anao tara anao(You are late) Isika (we) atsika iaraka atsika ( We ‘ll go together) Ianareo (you) anareo Anareo taia? (where have you been?)

We can draw from this comparison that the local variety often tends to mix the use of the definite form of personal pronouns47: izaho/aho, ianao, isika, izahay, ianareo, izy with that of the non definite form ones: ahy, anao, antsika, anay, anareo, azy.48 Instead of saying for example “taiza ianareo?” local people used to saying “taia anareo?” or “anareo taia?” We can notice that the variation is once again still influenced by pronunciation. The differences are not so important.

Demonstrative and locative pronouns: But difference can also be seen within demonstrative pronouns. People in this region have the trend to add something to the pronoun “ity” (this). It becomes “tikatra”. Example; “tazomy kely aloha ity” “Tazomy kely loha tikatra” (Please, hold this for a minute) The case is similar with locative pronouns. The regional variety tends to adding “- katra” to the pronouns Ety/Aty = here atikatra/ erikatra Ary = there arikatra/ tarikatra Izary = overthere zarikatra

47 In Grammaire Moderne de la Langue Malgache, vol 1 by Narivelo Rajaonarimanana, p 45 48 These are the disjunctive definite form pronouns but there are also the conjunctive ones namely –(k)o, -(nao), -(n)tsika, -(n)ay, - (n)areo and –ny.

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“Ilay” and “Ikala”, another form of relative pronoun: But there are some relative pronouns whose use is somewhat proper to this region. These pronouns are “ilay” and “ikala” which are put before a proper noun often to designate a person or a domestic animal. But these are also used mostly to distinguish gender: Le (ilay) Faly; to designate Faly; a little boy Kala (ikala) Ravo; to designate Ravo; a little girl.

The word “anga”: The use of the word “anga” is so recurrent that it worth a particular explanation. It is mainly used for two reasons: - Polite request: “mba mijanona anga moa e!” [ please, stay with us ] - Confirmation: “zany anga fa hitantsika izy e!" [ Isn’ it true that we met her]

Terms/vocabulary peculiar to the region: Apart from what we have cited above, there are still many other lexical that we can meet only in this region but we will list only those which we heard during the survey. We will present these in a chart.

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Tableau n° 10 : List of some lexical peculiar to the region

MALAGASY WORD VARIETY VARIETY EXAMPLES CLASS STANDARD Tsa tsy negation tsa fantatro (Idon’t know) Sefa rehefa adverb of time sefa anina ndray ahako mandalo (I will pass again next time) Njory mandehana/ndàna Verb Njory tonga dia mandeha. (go, I’m (imperative coming)_ form) Misia mivily verb Mandeha mahitsy anao dia misia miankavanana ( you go straight and turn right) Dotra Tafidotra, past participle Dotra ny tongotro ( I have hurt my tafintohina (verb) legg/foot) Katraka/pot latsaka/nianjera Past participle katraka le taratasy (the paper has fallen) raka Maharendr mahasorena adj Maharendrena ilay andro mafana be (the ena oppressive height is boring) Kaondrana adala adj Aza mikaondrakaondrana aty amin’ny birao aty (don’t be so crazy, we are in an office) Azelazela haingankaingana adv Azelazela fa tara ‘tsika (quickly ‘cause we’re late) HERINIAINA Marie Aimée (October 2007)

II.4.1.2.4. Grammatical variation: As our study is limited into oral language, we will study grammar only at level of syntax. Although oral language does not often follow rules in grammar, the non respect of syntax rules is remarkable in this region. Affirmative form: there is no big difference; “faly izy” Exclamative form: “reraka aho izany!” - “Ahako zany reraka!” Interrogative form: “taiza ianare?”- “Anareo taia?”

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Negative form: “tsy tonga tany ‘zay!” “Anay tsa tonga tany!”

We can draw from these examples that sentences are often produced of opposite structure. The subject usually appears at the beginning of the sentence whereas in the standard Malagasy grammar, it comes at the end of the sentence. Phrases are generally short, grammatically false, often non finite, of poor syntax and produced in a very particular tone which is really proper to the region.

In a word, this long description points out that users in both communes do not make the difference between home language and bureaucratic language. Almost the variations we have cited above are somewhat colloquial. Yet, bureaucratic interaction is a formal one. Unconscious of this, rural users always speak in their daily life language and address civil servants the same way as they address one of their family members. Consider the following piece of conversation49: User 1: -“Mba hanao fangatahana ay!”50 (Then, speaking to the person who accompanies her): “aia r’ty le taratasy a!” - “‘ko le taratasy az zany ty tsary tongan’ikal ‘anona ty aty kory ko! Inona ro atao? Vô ividy zan ay de aia zao ro misy mpivarotra? Mandaiz aingan r’ty a!”

This state of thing is often interpreted by the secretary as impoliteness and of course blocs the communication. The following statement witnesses this; A secretary in the commune of Ambohibary: “Misy le tambanivohitra mandreraka be fa tsy mahalala fomba mihitsy nefa ianao moa aninona fa tsy maintsy eo satria efa io ny asanao! Hiteny azy tsirairay ve tsy ianao no reraka foana eo!” 51 The word “tambanivohitra” is used here in a very pejorative sense. To answer back to this “negative” behaviour, secretaries too somehow react in a somewhat indifferent linguistic behaviour:

49 Note « A » administrator and « U » user 50 We will do an application!” – (Now to the person who accompanies her: “ wher’s the paper?” –“but even the paper is not here with me, what to do? we will buy another once again? “quickly! Search one!” 51 “There are boring ‘rurals’ who are really impolite but otherwise what can you do as this is but your work!”

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Secretary 1: “Mbola manao demande adresena amin’I Mr le maire ianao vao afaka manao an’io dia tsy aty aminay koa fa any ambany any, ny resaka kopia sy ny sisa no aty aminay fa tsy izany!”52 The little peasant does not understand here what he means by “demande”, “adresena” amin’I “Mr le maire”. Neither has he known how to write out this application whereas there is no more explanation given. Then, when the user checks the notices in the apartment, he does not understand it clearly. • Etat Civil: - Légalisation - Certification - Kopia • Ben’ny tanàna • Adjoint au Maire • Bureau des conseillers When it happens that the user is an illiterate person, he understands nothing. But in most cases, the user can read and write Malagasy only and if the employee goes on being indifferent, that is, if he does not give enough explanation, the user feels unease and does things according to his knowledge. Examples: SARANY - Kopia ……………………………200 Ar - Bulletin de naissance…………….200 Ar ………………………………………. … - GRATUIT SI A USAGE SCOLAIRE. We should have noticed from the first sight that the code used here switches between Malagasy and French. Though rural users are generally monolingual, that is, they understand and speak Malagasy only which is their mother tongue; they just know the place, for example the office of the Deputy Mayor by habit. It is always the same person who is already used to going there who is sent to do the task. But the last notice “gratuit si à usage scolaire” deserves a particular interpretation. Normally, files intended for school should be free, that is, people are not supposed to pay for it. Yet, rural people of course do not know this rule. Also, they understand nothing about the whole phrase as it is deliberately written in French. As a result, they always pay for it while most of their files are for this use. The notice is then of no true necessity for it does not change anything. Either there is or not, people always pay. Here

52 “ you should first make a demand/an application addressed to the Mayo rand you don’t do it here but downstairs, what we do here are copy and so on and no this.”

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is therefore a big problem of code of communication. The way bilingual civil servants use their linguistic skills contradicts what GROSJEAN, F. has suggested: “…bilinguals usually develop enough kills in their weaker language to communicate satisfactorily with monolinguals, and the latter quickly grow accustomed to a foreign accent, a styled syntax, and words with slightly different meanings. Language conservatives magnify the significance of interferences, which are usually of small import to the persons communicating…”53 What we have here is accordingly a rather negative aspect of bilingualism.

II.4.1.3. Along social dimension

The study of the ethnography of communication along social dimension is concerned particularly with the relationship between users’ use of language and their social classes. It has been said over and over again that our use of language can tell our listener a great deal about ourselves, in particular, about our social background, level of education, occupation and personality. A major function of language is the expression of not only personal but also social identity. Also, language is said to reflect and encourage the differentiation of society into groups and categories whose members are using the same variety of language.54 As such, the variations observed in users’ use of this particular dialect have helped us to classify them into three different categories: the working class, the middle class and the higher class. Note that social stratification is not made according to speakers’ economic status here but rather according to their levels of instruction; poor as well as wealthy people can be classified in the same linguistic community. But what does linguistic community exactly refer to? Various definitions have been given: - «…une communauté née d’une communication intensive et/ou d’une intégration symbolique en relation avec la possibilité de communication, sans tenir compte du nombre de langues ou de variétés employées »55 - « La communauté linguistique se définit moins par un accord explicite quant à l’emploi des éléments du langage que par une participation conjointe à un ensemble de normes »56

53 Grosjean, F. Life with two languages, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, p299-300. 54 Le Vocabulaire des Sciences Sociales, Boudon, R et Lazarsfeld, 1965, Paris, Mouton. p.88 55 J.A. Fishman in Sociolinguistique, éd. De Minuit, 1971, p 46-47). “ …a community sprung from an intensive communication and/or from a symbolic integration related to the possibility of communication, without taking into account of the number of languages or varieties used “(our translation)

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The writers pointed out that the principal characteristics of these two definitions are the ‘intensity of communication’ and the ‘shared norms’. This social stratification will be then studied in the light of these characteristics

II.4.1.3.1. How can you recognize the working class? The working class gathers the majority of the population, that is, those who are purely peasants and who never had or hardly had the opportunity to go to school or to receive the least formation or education. This group includes generally people from the very rural and remotest fokontany of the commune. We learn from intensity of communication that the members of a linguistic community talk more between themselves than with strangers. This is most emphasized here with the members of this working class who hardly speak when they are inside the village hall apartment and who, once having joined their usual territory; market, field, street, talk very loudly and openly as if they are the only persons in the surrounding. Almost the variations we have cited above are met in these people. Consider the following conversation of two women who meet in the market: A - “Taok ‘ty ay nandalo tao aminareo fa tsary nisy ol e!” B – “Anay s ‘le rangahy ngah tao fa nanao zavatra tatsy am kominina! Ry le akizy koa varena tam raharaha teny antsaha aby.”57 Added to a very particular intonation, these expressions made us immediately refer to the very rural people of this class. Members are all unified by ‘shared norms’ which could be irritating for the non members but which made members at ease and familiar with the others who share the same linguistic community as them. Also, they are not willing to differ from what is set by the community they belong to. Such attitude is considered as a manifestation of hostility towards their family, their mates and neighbours. Then, their use of the words ‘ tok ‘ty’, ‘ay’, tsary, anay’, ‘le akizy’ served for us as clues signalling who these people are and where they belong. But there are also variables which vary according to the attention given to it by the speakers. These variables are called “marquers” by LABOV. A good illustration of this here

56 William Labov, Sociolinguistic pattern, 1973 ; trad.française, sociolinguistique, éd de Minuit, 1976, p.187 “Linguistic community is less defined by an explicit agreement concerning the usage of the elements of the language than by a joint participation to a set of norms”. 57 We had passed at your home but nobody was there”. “Oh! My husband and me were not there, we were gone to make some files in the communal office. Children too were all busy with fieldworks!”.

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is the pronunciation of the word “bulletin” in “bulletin de naissance”. All members of the working class without distinction pronounce it [bilta]. This homogeneity is due to the fact that these people never had the opportunity to live in a different communicative context than their own, that is, around cultivation and farming so in the village or in the fields. They are also strongly attached to their environment, neighbouring and class.

II.4.1.3.2. Identifying the middle class This second social variable includes the part of the population who had received education and learnt to read and write Malagasy as well as French languages. The majority of them have finished the lower secondary school and very few have come to the higher secondary school. Most of them are living the village centre of the communes, that is, the fokontany of Belazao and Ambohibary and they have always known a contact with the world outside, that is, the surrounding villages or towns. This group is generally made up of sellers, workers exercising an activity outside the commune or in Antsirabe I, and of self made men running a husking mill, butter - dairy, a cheese counter, a bakery or a milk collector company. Still, we can have the different variations we have mentioned above but they are slightly nuanced here. Let us take again the preceding conversation while exploring how different are the two classes speeches. A - “Nandalo tao aminareo ‘zay fa tsary nisy ol!” B – “zay s ‘le rangahy ngah tao fa nanao zavatra tatsy am kominina! Ny ankizy koa variana tam raharaha teny antsaha aby. We can notice here the repetition of: ‘tsary’, ‘le’, ‘ngah’, and ‘aby’; the replacement of “ay” and “anay” by “’zay”; “ry le” by “ny” and “varena” by “variana” but also the omission of “taok ‘ty”, These variations are proper enough to the region that listeners easily recognize the dialect and its speakers. Yet, these differences make this group differ from the majority we have described above. Now, let us use the ‘marquer’ ‘bulletin’ to better identify this middle class. Members of this group often believe to have the correct pronunciation of this word. It is true that they differ from the working class; if the latter pronounces it [bilta], this second one says [biltз]. This pronunciation is half correct. Middle class speakers unconsciously say [i] instead of [u] and they pretend to be fully right differentiating themselves from the working class and

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imitating those who are in the higher class. In this case, the latter serves for them as a reference group.

II.4.1.3.3. Who can be classified among the higher class? It is so obvious that the last group is made up of the least part of the population. It includes the fewer number of users who are not yet cited in the two first classes namely teachers, civil servants, doctors, priests or more precisely the notables. It includes also the few individuals from the middle class who have gone far with their studies and became the elites of the communes. Members of this group are not so often originated from the communes. Usually, they come there because of their occupation and they may stay there only for a limited time. Thus, some of them are but passengers. They are also the ones who can pronounce correctly the social “marquer” ‘bulletin’. They can operate a larger choice between the variations and the sous-codes of the language they speak, and more particularly according to their social status. They are those who code mix most. Sometimes they deliberately speak the local dialect and even imitate the working class practices so as to be fully integrated in the latter’s society. Their social roles should correspond to what is expected from them in a given society and their verbal repertories should be the reflection of their role repertories. No matter there be difference between the majority and themselves, they have to, by no means, adapt their verbal behaviours to the factual situations. 58

The main point in identifying these three classes is that civil servants often evaluate users according to their linguistic productions. The social “marquers”we have just cited help them recognize that the person in front of him belong to the majority or middle or highest class. Then, they treat these users according to their social classes. They treat and serve well those who appear to be respectable to them. Contrary to this, they never show themselves to be respectful to the very rural people of the working class. The following piece of conversation witnesses this (A= Administrator and U=User): A: - Manaraka! (Next! (With a harsh and a curt tone) Efa hoe miditra tsirairay! (One by one I said!) U: - Kory aby, saika mba hanao kopia. (Good morning, I am about to do a copy.) A: - Saika sa tena hanao ? Dia mahay mamaky teny sa tsy mahay? Misy soratra mivandravandra be aloha ao ambadika ao hoe esory ny satroka! (Are you only thinking

58 Boudon, R et Lazarsfeld, op cit, p. 90

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about doing it or did you come to really do it? And do you know reading? There is a big writing overthere saying remove your hat!) - Teraka tamin’ny taona firy? (The date of birth!) U: - F’angaha moa zao tadidiko akory! (Oh, but I don’t remember it!) A: - Daty nahaterahanao ve rangahy ‘ty dia ts y fantatrao a! (You don’t remember your date of birth?) U: - Tsary ahako an le iz fa an’le zafekeliko nasainao nivoaka teo, ala lo ary izy atsok’ vetivety. ( but it’s not mine, it’s my grandchild’s to whom you’ve just told to go out, let me call him quickly) A: - Ela loatra ‘zany fa miandry indray lo zany enao kah! Manaraka! (No, it’s too late; you must wait for the next turn! next)

We should learn from this conversation that the user is not given the least time for explaining the situation. Neither is he allowed to show his reactions. He realizes now that he must have said something unpleasant to the administrator. May be he should have said it in a different way or it would be better if he goes out instead of his grandchild so as the latter can answer to all the questions. But he also worries about the latter is not accustomed to the situation so he too would say something wrong. Both of them are therefore affected by linguistic insecurity. Here is a statement of a user belonging to the working class (of Ambohibary) when he is asked about the administrator’s attitude: “Misy zany le mpiasa ao mba mandray olona tsara ihany fa misy dia mikitakita ery nefa na sendra azy aiza enao tsy maintsy atao io koa anao ro mila azy!”59 Such is the way peasants are addressed when they come to the communal offices. As most users are of the lowest class, even notices are written in an imperative form which shows a great deal of imposition: - “ Midira tsirairay” - “ Esory ny satroka” - “ Dondony vao miditra” Here is once again another aspect of communication blocking. This implies in some way JAQUENET, M’s opinion:

59 « There are some employees who are somewhat welcoming but there are those who really mistreat you but you must approach them because it’s you who need them.”

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“From the study of conflict talk we can draw some broader conclusions about the relationship between language and power. First, we must understand that most techno- political devices are intentionally staged, performative acts. People in positions of dominance stage these acts in order to perform their power (with of course some helpful aids, such as dilution of responsibility in case their performance fails). Thus the outcome of any attempt to gain control over communicative resources is never predetermined. Second, the study of conflict talk forces u to look at communication as verbal hygiene, in which proper and correct, “clean” forms of talk are activated ass techniques for achieving cohesion and solidarityin a context of postcolonial and national languages, linguistic minorities, and class and gender consciousness. Third, conflict talk teaches us to avoid a simplistic correlation between speech forms and power: its techno-political devices are deployed from all positions, from the core as well as the inferior. Different forms of domination produce different configurations of language use. Any linguistic form gains different meanings and cross different social and political effects within specific institutional and ideological contexts.”60 Administrators are perfoming their power by imposing users.

II.4.1.4. Along Stylistic dimension

We have been so far describing variations that are common to both communes. We have studied their use of language with a holistic approach while viewing them as belonging to the same region. Now, let us make a comparison of these communes with an atomistic approach, that is, at individual intent by analysing two pieces of discourse produced by each administrative representative. As we have mentioned before, we will focus only on spoken language so on spoken discourse or speech; “the act of delivering a formal spoken communication to an audience”. Spoken discourse is also what can measure authentically the competence of a producer. His use of language; the variety of language he speaks, his way of speaking and his gesture can tell to his interlocutor a lot about himself. Our two producers will be then evaluated from different points: linguistic style, manner of production and reception by the audience. An element which should be referred to once dealing with language use is “environment”, “circumstances” or “context”. The discourse analyst has to take account of the context in which a piece of discourse occurs. As such, it is necessary to know at least who the

60 JAQUENET, M.(2001) “conflict” in DURANTI,A. Key Terms in Language and Culture, Printed in Great Britain, Blackwell Publishers, p. 37-39

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speaker and the hearer are and the time and the place of production of the discourse. 61 It is clear that what we have here is a public address. The Mayor or his representative, Deputy Mayor, added to a secretary are already accustomed to pronounce this discourse each time a civil marriage. The place is then in the village hall of the commune. Note A the speaker from the commune of Ambohibary and B that of Belazao. A B Position : Deputy Mayor Mayor Age : 50 62 Level of instruction: Higher Secondary School Lower Sec. School Date of production: Wednesday 6th, June 2007 Friday 24th, May 2007

II.4.1.4.1. Linguistic style Linguistic styles include differences between formal and informal style of speaking. Wondering whether such style is appropriate or not to such context is very important. For that, A is speaking in a somewhat formal language. He shows a rigorous choice of vocabulary. However, there is a moment when he codemixes: “Efa nahazo permis nareo zao, dia misy voyageur maromaro hoentinareo ao. Voalohany ny vady, avy eo ny zanaka fara aman-dimby omena anareo, ny fahatelo ny ray aman-dreny ary ny farany dia ny fiarahamonina”. However, he also uses some familiar words like in the following: “tsy ‘kala Viviane sy ‘le Edmo kely ‘tsony, tamin’ny mbola mpisipasipa no azo nantsoina tamin’izany”.62 He does so only when he is joking a bit or when he is giving an example. But during the whole interaction, he appears to be skilful in choosing the words he utters. Also, the content of his speech changes according to the social class or origin of the audience. As for B, we have noticed the use of a very informal language. He addresses his public as in everyday conversation during the whole interaction. Here are some illustrations:

61 « Discourse Analysis » by Gillian Brown and George Yule, Cambridge University Press, 1983, p.42 62 - “Now that you have got the driver’s license, you have with you some number of passengers. Firstly, you have your husband or wife, secondly your children who are but your heirs, thirdly your parents and lastly the society.” - “you are no longer little Viviane and Edmond. You were called so when you were still lovers/boyfriend and girlfriend”. (We do not find the appropriate translation of “kala” and “le”, however we have already given enough note on that before; please see “relative pronouns” in p.

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“Ataovy mafy, noterena ve sa novozonina sa an-tsitrapo? Bisou faraparany ary! Rehefa tsy hanao dia hajaniko a! taiza no nifankahita voalohany? Firy taona ny naha- mpisipa? Oay legoniny a, mitenena mafy ho aho!”63 It seems as if he is not aware of the fact that he is producing a speech and what’s more he is not any speaker but a Mayor, so in some way a parent of the users. Yet, as he is used to do his work, such is his way of interacting with “his” people. He does not care much about vocabulary and the content of his speech is always the same. He has formulated some advice on how to behave in marriage and he repeats it over and over again to the successive audiences. But there are some of the most obvious elements which need to be given a particular attention in this context. These are the deictic forms such as, here, now, I, you, this and that. Any speaker during any procedure of a civil marriage ceremony should skilfully refer to these terms which are the accomplishment of “in saying something, we do something” according to AUSTIN’s expression64 (. This notion is more emphasized in A than in B.) A: “Eto amin’ny tanin’ny repoblikan’i Madagasikara, amin’ny fahefana nomen’ny filohan’ny repoblika anay dia ambaranay ampahibemaso fa mpivady ara-dalana i RAKOTOMALALA Edmond sy RAMARISENDRA Lalainarisoa Viviane koa faly miarahaba anareo ny tenanay ary mahareta hatramin’ny farany”65 The accomplishment of the acts through this sentence is very clear here. We have here a more or less long sentence which contains deixis; demonstrative pronoun “eto” which means “here”, the personal pronoun of the first person in the plural “_nay” meaning “we”. There are also the performative verbs; “ambara”, to declare; “miarahaba”, to congradulate and “mahareta” to wish. We can say that this utterance is somewhat complete. The case is different for B. Instead of uttering this most important phrase, he gives the floor to his secretary and the latter says: “Ambaranay etoana fa mpivady ara-dalana ara- panjakana i RAKOTOMALALA Charles sy i RASOAMIAFARA Rosette manombok’izao”. Similar interpretation is made here. It lacks only congradulation and wish. Yet, it is added with the deictic “izao” (in manombok’izao) which means now (or from now on). Even though the phrase is shorter, it almost contains everything.

63 “Speak loudly! Are you obliged to marry or do you do it voluntarily/willingly? – A last kiss then! - I will stop it if you don’t want to do it, Hein! _ Where did you first meet? – How many years have you been lovers? O gosh, loudly I said!” 64 http//encyclopaedia thefreedictionary.com/deixis 65

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II.4.1.4.2. Manner of production As far as manner of production is concerned, a speaker has available to him the full range of voice quality effects as well as facial expressions, postural and gestural systems which are obviously proper characteristics of spoken language: note that these paralinguistic cues are denied to the writer66 In terms of voice quality, A. speaks in a bold and loud voice; his tone is warm and breathy. To convey well the message, he also uses hands when explaining something. He takes a time of short pause and his tone varies according to what has been said, what he is saying and what he is going to say. He fixes his look to the persons he is addressing the speech; the couple, their parents or witnesses. He allows a short time of break when something makes everybody laugh. As for B, he also speaks aloud but his secretary speaks in a very low voice. B‘s tone is often monotonous. He is smiling and laughing all the time. He also always poses funny questions. He is not as determined as A in his words and he does not use much facial and gestural expressions. He does not stop speaking.

II.4.1.4.3. The reception of the audience The reception of the audience is one of the clues that show how much attention was given to the speaker by his public. Any kind of Interruption like going out; murmuring; coughing, turning right or left his head; looking at his watch, turning behind and so on are all signs of diminution of attention. For A, the audience is well disposed. There is silence. There are people who go out during the speech but they do not make a big noise. After the declaration phrase which we have studied above, the audience realizes easily that the couple has been married and they immediately applaud. The verb “to congratulate” and “to wish” must serve for them as clues to understand this act. We can say then that the speaker knows overriding effectively the effects of the words he is producing. When he is joking, the audience is laughing. Nevertheless, he appears to be strict and everybody is very serious while listening to him. As for B, it is really different. We can say that the audience is ill disposed. The Mayor reminds the audience that the marriage has been done by saying “teafo leiretsy a!” (Hey! Clap your hands!) Their reaction is often a bit late. Children are going around inside the room itself. They are screaming and crying very loudly that you almost can’t hear the speaker.

66 Gillian Brown and George Yule; op cit

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People are all the time laughing in an impolite manner and they talk and intervene in a very loud voice while the producer has not yet finished his words. The audience is even sometimes bored by the atmosphere especially when the names of the young couple are misspelled or mistaken. The whole room is then so noisy. It happens sometimes that the whole interaction has even become a joke.

II.4.1.4.4. Point making If we evaluate this comparison just from our own point of view, surely we would say that A is a better speaker than B. It has been said that formal or literary style is used by educated persons in writing and public address and we know that A has a higher level of instruction than B and that the latter’s colloquial style does not fit much administrative context. We have seen also that A produces well his speech than B and that he appears to have better disposed audience than B. Yet, we cannot decide here which interaction between the two was better. This issue should be viewed from two different points. Acknowledging frequently that language may be used to perform many communicative functions, linguists and linguistic philosophers make the general assumption that the most important function is the communication of information. LYONS (1977:33) suggests that the notion of communication will be primarily interested in the intentional transmission of factual or propositional information. Similarly, BENNET (1976:5) remarks that ‘it seems likely that communication is primarily a matter of a speaker’s seeking either to inform a hearer of something or to enjoin something upon him.67 This is exactly what our speaker A is trying to do. He is marrying the couple and trying to inform them on what should be known about marriage and how one should behave in it. We have said that he is good at conveying the message but he is a bit distant from his public. This is what C.B.CAZDEN called “transactional” use of language68. Whereas linguists, philosophers of language and psycholinguists paid particular attention to the use of language for transmission of ‘factual or propositional information, sociologists and sociolinguists have been particularly concerned with the use of language to establish and maintain social relationships. This is the ‘interactional’ view of language use which our speaker B is trying to achieve. In order to establish a permanent relationship with his audience, he voluntarily chooses the colloquial style and uses familiar expressions so as to

67 In Discourse analysis by Gillian Brown and George Yule, Cambridge University Press, 1983 68 In Discourse analysis….

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get familiar with them. He is also establishing at the same time a relationship between the members of the audience itself; between the couple first and then between the families of both sides. As such, he has become closer and closer to the whole audience. These different viewpoints do not allow us to bring definitely a judgement on our speakers. Neither A nor B is declared to own the good mark. Yet, it is worth reminding that oral language is, in general, used for primarily interactional purpose69. However, it is thinkable that an ideal speaker can well establish and maintain a relationship while well transmitting at the same time a factual or propositional information.

II.4.2. The lands’ ethnology of communication

The description of communication has been studied in two different approaches; the holistic approach in which language use has been viewed from social viewpoint, that is, speakers of both communes are observed as belonging to the same region so more or less the same linguistic community, and the atomistic approach in which each commune is studied at individual intent, that is, according to the pieces of discourse produced by each administrative representative. Another point which allows most the study of the culture of a particular group of people is ethnology. From the Greek ethnos, meaning “people”, ethnology is the branch of anthropology that compares and analyses the origins, distribution, technology, religion, language, and social structure of the racial or national divisions of humanity. Because our study is concerned with language, we will therefore study the cultures; religion, practices of these rural people as reflected from their use of language.

II.4.2.1. Only one language; a sign of social unity

Him who says “language” refers necessarily to “culture”. Language, culture and society are inseparable. Language is an instrument of thinking and communication; it serves as a factor of cohesion for cementing human groups as well as for differentiating them from one another70. As SAPIR notes it, the fact of speaking a common variety of language is a sign of social solidarity of a group.

69 so written language the transactional one 70 « Psychologie sociale » by KLINE BERG (Otto), Paris, 1961, p66

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We can observe the significance of this affirmation especially in the unity of language more particularly in Belazao. Though the commune is more or less large71 , all the people inhabiting it share the same dialect. We have seen in the ethnographic analysis of communication that even administrators, in their offices, do speak the same way as all users. Even if you are in a bus or in the city of Antsirabe, you can recognize people of Belazao from their dialect. Once you approach the circumscription of the village, you are bathed into a common tone, common lexical and intonation and once you speak, they would immediately notice from your way of speaking that you are not among them. This shows therefore the homogeneity of the commune. But the case is somewhat a bit different for Ambohibary. The dispersion and remoteness of some fokontany do not allow the commune to share entirely the same dialect. Also, the size of the commune is too big to be unified by only one variety. What’s more, the contact of people from the village centre with towns such as Antananarivo or Antsirabe give way to variation. People from the very rural fokontany are easily recognized from their dialect. Yet, people from the fokontany of Ambohibary and some people from the remote fokontany try to avoid this dialect and strive to give a different image of them. This is what GOFFMAN calls “false representation”. They present a lying façade whereas there is a time when they unconsciously express vocabulary they hate and yet they unfortunately say it in the tone of this dialect which is but their own. The commune of Ambohibary is not then as homogeneous as that of Belazao.

II.4.2.2. The place of “Fitenenana”

Language, either oral or written, is probably what allows best to transmit a culture in human society. One of the most relevant features of language, especially the Malagasy one is the “Fitenenana”. “Agents of conservation and transmission of traditional culture, Fitenenana had known a regain of actuality and national identity in these days of research while constituting at the same time the most vivacious part of traditional literature. 72 It is obvious then if Fitenenana still holds an important place in diverse communicative situations such as everyday conversation, occasional events such as marriage, inauguration ceremony, and public discourse and so on. Fitenenana includes proverbs, maxims, sayings,

71 It is embarrassing to assume that it is small or large 72 Jacques Rabemananjara, cité par Domenichini – Ramiaramanana, « Ohabolan’ny Ntaolo ou Exemples de proverbes des ancien » in « Bulletin Academie Malgache », p.5

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apophthegms, adages and so on. The “Kabary” is the privileged domain of Fitenenana.73 As such, all the speakers who have taken part during the civil marriage ceremonies we have attended during the survey have used Fitenenana..

II.4.2.2.1. A means of education and transmission of cultures Both sides of speakers, that is, both administrative representatives of the two communes have made a significant reference to Fitenenana throughout their speeches. Their use of Fitenenana is above all intended to recall the ancestors’ wisdom so as to educate their interlocutors. Note what AGBLEMAGNON, N.S. has written about proverbs: “C’est un grand livre de la nature et de la sagesse et où les éléments animaux, végétaux et minéraux sont interprétés et utilisés soit mythiquement et symboliquement, soit d’une manière opératoire et empirique ; c’est aussi le livre de la sagesse où la philosophie, les croyances, l’expérience, la science des hommes sont consignées (…). Note that during our survey, the following Fitenenana “Ny fanambadiana toy ny lamban’akoho ka faty no isarahana” had run as a leitmotiv through the successive discourses. Thanks to this, our speakers inform the new couple and remind the whole family about the true conception of marriage that the elders have been handling over from generation to generation. They are putting an emphasis on the unbreakable link of marriage; marriage is like a hen’s plumage which, only death can make it get rid of. This Fitenenana shows us that the “Ntaolo” or the very old Malagasy parents have never been considering doing a divorce. The speakers are reiterating that once married, nothing but death can separate this couple from each other. They are also indirectly addressing the family or the audience here while telling them that no matter what happens in this new couple’s life, parents nor members of the family cannot intervene to separate them. Similar message is given to the parents of the couples through the following: “Fozalahay atakalo fozavavy”. It tells them that they should consider and treat the son in law or the daughter in law as their own children because the link of marriage has already unified them.

II.4.2.2.2. A source of information about the speaker We have seen that Fitenenana is an efficient tool for a speaker to advise, inform and educate his audience. Inversely, it can also be a clue for the latter to learn about the speaker’s

73 p. 17

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knowledge, experience and even sometimes origin. A speaker’s ability to handle Fitenenana shows in some way his life experience. This tells his audience how much is his capacity to match the importance of the particular event with the code of this Fitenenana. His choice of Fitenenana should correspond to the situation or the context of the speech. It is obvious then if a speaker prefers a Fitenenana which concerns his daily life or which is related to what he can see or live in the surrounding. It is rare that a speaker refers to an element which does not exist in the environment he or his audience is living. A big absent in the Malagasy Fitenenana is the “sea”. The world represented by our two speakers here is the countryside they are living in: a rural world in the highlands of the island where we can find “akoho”, chicken/hen and “foza”, crab. Note that the Fitenanana we have cited so far were born very long time ago from at most the 15th century. But the skill of a speaker can also be viewed from his capacity to adapt this full range of Fitenenana to circumstances. This is well illustrated by A (the Deputy Mayor of Ambohibary) when he says “I will no longer say “fozalahy atakalo fozavavy”74 but rather “fon-jazalahy atakalo fon-jazavavy”75. He is at the same time challenging his audience by modifying the expression and also playing with words here. Some Fitenenana can be therefore modified or even disappear according to time while some are born from new circumstances. Once again, A has given an example of this new Fitenenana: “ Sambatra hono ny ray aman-dreny manan-janaka hendry” fa “ Sambatra koa ny zanaka sy ray aman- dreny mahay mifanohana”76 . This expression can be now classified among Fitenenana even though it is not officially known as such. This shows us the democratic trait of Fitenenana; it comes from the people and it is addressed to the people too.

II.4.2.3. The religion of the local people

II.4.2.3.1. Reference to God The last most recurrent element in the discourse is the reference to God. Both administrative representatives and family representatives, more particularly in Belazao, do refer to God. B’s 77 expression: “Ny fanambadena voajanahary, izany hoe avy amin’Andriamanitra. Aoka ary izay nakamban’Andriamanitra tsy hosarahan’olombelona” stresses on the divine conception of marriage; he believes that it is God who has married these

74 Lit. A male crab exchanged with a female one 75 Lit. A heart of a boy exchanged a heart of a girl. 76 Happy are parents having wise children but happier are parents and children who can support one another. 77 The Mayor of Belazao

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people so no human will cause them separation. We can draw from this that B is a believer in God. The point here is that he never cares about what can be the beliefs of the members of his audience but he just has the habit to begin his discourse with these expressions. Even if it consists of a civil marriage, the Mayor deliberately expresses his viewpoint on the Christian aspect of marriage. He at the same time takes the role of a priest or a bishop who teaches people about Christian life. We can remark here once again the homogeneity of the commune. In addition to that, when the representative of the family takes the floor, his first words too contain a deep appreciation to God: “Misaotra an’Andriamanitra lehibe isika amin’izao fahavitan’ny fanambadian’izy roa kely izao”. It is only after that that he addresses thanks to the administrative representatives: “Enga anie Andriamanitra ao an-tampon’ny loha hamaly izay vitanareo taminay”. All this shows us that the major/dominant belief of the people in Belazao is Christianity. As for Ambohibary, A’s reference to Christianity depends on the beliefs of the users who come to do civil marriage.

II.4.2.3.2. Gospel songs. Singing a gospel song at the end of the ceremony or during the collection is one of the most particular traits of the two communes. We all know that a song is the combination of words and a melody when both of them communicate lots of things. Users in Belazao have chosen particularly the song “Fitiavana ranovelona”. The words in it express the greatness and eternal Love of God which they are asking to bless the new couple and the smooth melody celebrates the love of the couple. We can say from this song that the family in question here is protestant. As for Ambohibary, users have sung “O mandrosoa ry mpanaraton’i Jesoa” which is of a motivating rhythm and made of words that particularly incite people to celebrate faith and push the new couple to advance or go forward with Jesus. This time the song is rather Catholic. Catholicism and Protestantism are then the major religions of the two communes It is worth noticing that this ritual is not met in any other commune. It would be funny for urban people to sing a song or a gospel song in a village hall office. Yet, in these two communes, people are singing with their whole hearts. We can assume therefore that Christianity is deeply driven into the region’s culture.

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The whole second part of this research work is concerned with the culture of the two lands as reflected through administrative practices. First of all, users’ presentation has served for us as an image of rural culture in general. We have talked about the influence of administrative environment on rural people; the latter’s physical appearances which tell a lot about themselves, their level of instruction which is very low and marked by illiteracy and their negative attitudes towards administration. Then, the social divisions of work, age and gender divisions in users as well as in administrators have served for us as reflections of some traditions in rural areas. We have also particularly dealt with register office practice or civil wedding which is a significant indicator of the region’s customs. We have studied about marriage age, the choice of partner and the couple’s socioeconomic status. But the forth chapter of this second part is what shows most the linguistic feature of the present research. We can draw the ethnography and ethnology of communication of the lands from the local people use of language. As such, we have approached the ethnography of communication along three dimensions; geographical dimension which deals mostly with the identification of the language and its phonological, social and grammatical variations, social dimension which helps in identifying the working class, the middle class and the higher class and stylistic dimension which is concerned mainly about the comparison of two pieces of discourse produced by the Mayor and the Deputy Mayor of the two communes with respect to linguistic style, manner of production and reception of the audience. As far as ethnology of communication is concerned, we have deducted that the use of only one language is a sign of social unity. Then, we have learnt that “fitenenana” is used as a means of education, a means of transmission of culture but also a source of information about the speaker. But we have also talked about the religion of the local people as seen from their reference to God and their gospel songs during civil wedding ceremony. Before passing to the last part of this work, we would like to stress here that these examples and illustrations; statements, pieces of discourse and conversation, have been recorded thanks to a discreet apparatus or a Dictaphone. After dealing with the culture of the lands, let us see now its impacts on the functioning of the interaction itself. We will find out the factors that shape the current state of the administration. It is also the time to pose how much these communicative issues do affect the interaction

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PART III:

TOWARDS A FAILING ADMINISTRATION AND COMMUNICATION

III.1. FROM AN INEFFICIENT ADMINISTRATION

“There is no smoke without fire” people say.78That is absolutely true for each phenomenon has a cause. There should be therefore an explanation of why do we say “a failing communication”. So let us deal now with the factors that entail this failure

III.1.1 Poor physical working condition Environment is what surrounds an organisation. To introduce “environment” in an analysis leads to the affirmation “one best way” for functioning. The environment- functioning-performance relationship analysis is then concerned with - is there “one best way” to be excellent in its internal behaviour or do ways to success depend on the environment: rivals, partners, size, age, technology and so on - Among those external conditioning factors, technology is among the most studied ones.79 The technology used in an organization appears to influence its functioning. We will see then in the following how is the technology used in these rural communes.

III.1.1.1. Insufficient equipments

To achieve well his work; a worker necessarily needs tools. A doctor cannot work properly without medical equipement.To serve well users, administrators too, that is, secretaries and treasurers do need equipments. Yet, registry services in rural areas are most of the time ill equipped. In Belazao, there are only two typewriters available; one disposed to the accounts department and another to the secretariat services. For the latter, different documents such as copy of act of birth, birth certificate, death certificate, certificate of origin, proof of residence, family record book are assured by only one employee and when users come numerous, this responsible person does not manage to do the task alone in order to meet users’ needs. As for the accounts, one typewriter is under the usage of an employee who assures everything about the receipts and expenses of the commune. Receipts for people who have paid local and regional taxes too are included in there. As for Ambohibary, there are three typewriters available to three secretaries in the registry office services but given that the commune is too large and populated, these

78 Malagasy: “Hitsikitsika tsy mandihindihy foana”. French : “Il n’y a pas d’effet sans cause” 79 Morin, JM. Précis de Sociologie, Paris, Nathan, 1996, p.64

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employees cannot manage to treat files according to the demands of the users especially on Thursdays, which is the market day and on which users from the very remote fokotany come to the village centre. What’s more, neither Ambohibary nor Belazao possesses a photocopier.

III.1.1.2. Old and outdated equipments/materials

Not only are equipments insufficient but they are also old and outdated. We know that typewriters are tools of the very old time and they are almost no longer in use even in a very simple or small company. It is really a pity then if such a big public service is not yet equipped with computers. Each commune has one of it but the matter is that administrators do not use them at public service purpose. For Belazao, the general coordinator uses it mainly for the up dating of communal data, for statistics and so on. As for Ambohibary, there was also a computer but it was damaged and still, there is neither reparation nor maintenance. Nobody no longer uses it and everything is made by typewriters. In addition to this, none of the two communes possesses ready vellum papers. The commune of Belazao has but very thin and soft papers which are easily torn and which are a bit hard to save. But the commune of Ambohibary does not even have it. What’s more, some of the cupboards containing parish records and other materials are no longer locked and they are also very untidy.

III.1.1.3. The quality of produces:

Insufficient, old and out dated equipments of course are far from offering satisfying produces. Yet, such a big public service serves a great number of citizens. First of all, the service is very long. Is it only long but it is also of bad quality: even if files are intended for a higher usage like schooling, job application and so on (note that these are often intended for sales: cattle, fowl…), you get but thin and soft papers which are printed with the bold ink of a typewriter and which still contain mistakes. In Ambohibary, users are even obliged to go outside the apartment to buy the double of the number of vellum papers needed for the files. But people also do suffer from the absence of a photocopier. It is very good that there is a photocopy service in Ambohibary whereas in Belazao, users are obliged to go outside the

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commune or even sometimes to Antsirabe to make it Also, instead of filling only in a model of, for example, a copy of act of birth or a birth certificate in a computer, secretaries spend time typing the whole content with their old machines. They are nevertheless pleased to do so. Used to be passive with their work and to devote much time to fewer tasks, they often blame these equipments when someone happens to criticize them. This does but confirms the French proverb: “à méchant ouvrier point de bon outil” which means a bad workman always blames his tools. The first victims of this state of thing are then users. They should not be happy with this bad service. To be made wait for long hours or a whole day or even a week too must bore them. As such, the equipments used contribute largely to the efficiency of the activity. We can say that the most appropriate tool for/to the present activity is computer. It can offer at the same time a good, rapid, and time saving service.

III.1.2. A malfunctioning organization: human resources issues Environment is not the only problem within communal public administration. Organization inside the administration itself too appears to constitute a major problem. Yet, organization is playing a considerable role in the good functioning of any society or company. Note that what we have here is a bureaucratic organization. For WEBER, M. who is among its first analysts, bureaucracy is the most typical example of the domination by the rational-legal legitimating. The desire to eliminate the relation of power and dependence, the willing to administer things instead of governing men are among the profound reasons of this form of organization. The ideal of bureaucracy is a world in which all participants are no longer linked by arbitrary orders or personal influences but rather by impersonal rules.80 Yet, bureaucracy is a form of organization often decried. Today we also think of bureaucracies as inefficient, slow and generally bad. Despite its effort, disagreements do occur between these participants whose behaviours and attitudes cannot be interpreted without reference to the relation of power that exists between them.

80 Crozier, op cit, p 128-129.

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III.1.2.1. Notion of power

Power is one of the most fundamental notions in Sociology. From the definition of HOBBES (1651): « Moyens présents d’obtenir quelque bien apparent future » to that of RUSSEL (1938): « capacité à produire un effet recherché », power can be defined as a resource or an ability which allows one to react.81 Then, realizing that it cannot have sense beyond relationship, a range of sociologists has given different definitions of power which all amount to the idea of “the capacity to influence others”. [DAHL (1957); ETZIONI (1961); GIDDENS (1987); CHAZEL (1992)].

DAHL: “Le pouvoir de A sur B se résume en la capacité de A d’obtenir que B fasse quelque chose qu’il n’aurait pas fait sans l’initiative de A”.82 In other words, power is definitely relational and not strictly personal. The problem of power has always constituted a difficult problem to the sociology of organization.There are multiple sources of power. CROZIER distinguishes expertise, information, rules of organization and relationship with environment as the principal ones. As far as its distribution is concerned, De COSTER affirms that power is the most divided thing in the world. He notes: « Comme l’argent, le pouvoir est inégalement distribué et la relation qui l’accompagne est dissymétrique parce que les acteurs sociaux disposent de ressources inégales ».83 It is precisely this unequal distribution of power that induces conflict or disagreement between its owners who are linked by a certain organizational relationship.

81 Morin, JM, op. cit, p 38. Hobbes: “Present means for obtaining some future apparent estate”; Russel: “capacity to produce an intended effect”. (Our translation) 82Cited by De Coster, M, op cit, p 96. “The power of A over B comes down to the capacity of A to make B do something which he would not have done without the initiative of A.”

83 De Coster, M, op cit, p 97 “ Like money, power is unequally distributed and the relationship which accompanies it is asymmetrical as social actors have at their disposal unequal resources” (our translation)

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III.1.2.2. Conflicts do occur

III.1.2.2.1. What is a conflict? A conflict is a confrontation in which everyone searches to make the other yield.84 Most of sociologists agree with the idea that conflict is inherent in social life so it is relentless. In DURKHEIM’s viewpoint, conflict is a malfunction caused by the absence of strong norms which can assure a solid cooperation. This viewpoint appears to be relevant to the present study for within administration, it is hard to assure a solid cooperation between the “politicians”, the elected ones who represent the population, that is, the Mayor and the Deputy Mayor, and the “civil servants”, the professional technicians in charge of the execution of political choices who are but secretaries involved in the registry office service. Between these two camps often constitutes a battlefield of a disagreement. Everyone’s obedience to the strong norms which DURKHEIM is referring to or the impersonal rules suggested by the ideal of bureaucracy appears to make up the center of the problem.

III.1.2.2.2. Case of Ambohibary Sambaina Thanks to our own experience, that is, the fact that we have been brought up in this rural commune, we find the bureaucratic organization system of the commune of Ambohibary Sambaina more concerned with this kind of problem. Also, the information we have collected there during surveys is more satisfying and allows a larger chance to the study of the problem than that of Belazao. The answers we have got from interview can serve for us as clues for understanding the phenomenon. Consider the Mayor’s statements: “Raha eo amin’ ny fiarahamonina ato am-piasana indray dia misy tsy fitovian-kevitra kely… Misy zany mpiasa sasany zatra ny fomba fiasany taloha; samy nanana ny biraony tsirairay ry zalahy tao amin’ny état civil taloha dia mba nieritraritra ah’ hoe mba hiadiana amin’ny kolikoly dia natambatro bo birao iray ry zareo… hitanao ngamba izy io malaladalaka io… tsy mifanakaiky direct be amin’ny mpiasa tsony ny olona tonga manao

84 Morin, op cit, p 44.

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taratasy eo…Tsy atao imason’olona fa zay fanapahan-kevitra izay zany dia nampisy disadisa taminay”.85 Despite the mayor’s good intention, his decision, of course, should be unpleasant to the secretaries. This attitude must be interpreted differently by them. It really touches their “reality”. It must be lessening their mutual trust. Here are some of their answers when we asked them about the atmosphere at work: “Ny fiaraha-monina ato am-piasana? Toa tsy hitako izay hilazana azy, eo ho eo angaha? Tsy mahasosotra nefa toa tsy mahafinaritra koa”.86 We can draw from this statement that the speaker is about to say something very precise but he hesitates. Then we asked him a more incentive question” what do you mean by not bad and not good too?” Then he added: “Hitanao ihany fa tsy maintsy mba misy fifandirana kely amin’ny fiaraha-monina ohatr’itony e!” 87 Surely he is referring to conflict but he does not dare or he does not want to tell more about it. Another secretary says: “Misy zany samy mpiasa ato ihany miseho ho milay, mi sous-estimer” 88 Both of these secretaries are necessarily referring to the Mayor. Only they don’t want to uncover the problem or the professional secrets. But they are also complaining about the situation. We can also notice from the Mayor’s use of the personal pronoun “-ko” that he more or less pretends to possess the absolute power. The fact that he was formerly a Deputy Mayor makes him believe that he has now become a Mayor and he has everything under his control. Yet, he cannot work alone. He does need cooperation with secretaries who have been in the position long years before him. As for the secretaries, since they do not appreciate the deeds of the mayor, they search now for a way to reduce/lessen the latter’s authority. They adopt a certain kind of behaviour

85 As regards the atmosphere at work, there is a slight disagreement…..there are some employees who are accustomed the their former way of working; each one in the registry office service used to have his own office before and in order to fight against corruption, I’ve decider to put them into the same room…….you can see it, the bigger one ….like that, employees are no longer directly in touch with users……to be sincere with you, this has caused a dissension between us. 86 About the atmosphere at work? I don’t know how to describe it, I would say so so, I mean, it’s not bad and it’s not good too! 87 You know quarrels do occur in a society like this. 88 There is/are employee(s) here who is/are underestimating the others.

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which does not allow the mayor to feel at ease during face to face exchanges. In addition to this, they begin to appeal to the deputy mayor. The latter too profits from the situation. In order to gain the secretaries’ sympathy and intimacy, he shows himself to be very friendly. But this particular attitude is more particularly intended for the next mayor election in which he is already considering participating. The situation has changed now into a conflict between the mayor and the deputy mayor themselves and secretaries have become the point of interest. Both mayor and deputy mayor compete to gain their supports. Accordingly they risk exercising more power than the mayor. Their seniority in the post also increases their authority. Forming a solid group with the deputy mayor, they begin to disregard the mayor’s status. As such, the latter no longer feels secure to take a decision. Besides, his subordinates are no longer willing to obey him or to respect the rules. Now that the mayor feels compelled to regain their trust and sympathy that he too does something illegal like inviting them to have drink with him in his office or somewhere in the hall or even in a bar. It is obvious then if nobody is no longer following the norms. Secretaries do what pleases them. Everyone smells alcohol at work. Some are even drunk when users come to the office and the worst thing is that they treat the latter very badly: they impose them, scorn them, laugh at them, make them wait very long, delay their files or even report the task to another appointment like the next week. They are laughing, talking and smoking while working. They even sometimes forget or do not finish their tasks. Everything in the administration is going wrong; the mayor is no longer able to correct them. They come very late in the morning and leave early in the evening. They spend long time taking lunch. They are missing frequently at work.

III.1.2.2.3. The handicap of the mayor’s power We can draw from the description above that the mayor has easily yield his authority. He is not competent and experienced enough to solve the problem on his own way. But this is more particularly due to the fact that among the three types of power legitimization developed by Morin, the mayor’s power is characterized only by the WEBERIAN concept “rationnel- légal” which implies that well calculated rules applied in bureaucracy are rather oriented to the sense of reason than to that of trust.89 He is deprived of the two other legitimizations: tradition and charisma. The foundation of the first one lies on the sacred characteristic of a practice/order which has always existed in a society. The obedience to the character

89 Morin, op cit, p 40

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possessing this type is expressed by the respect of a dignity conferred by tradition. Tradition is based on the transmission of education. This more or less explains the difference between the case of Ambohibary and Belazao. We have seen in the second part that the mayor of Ambohibary is youngest than that of Belazao. He is only forty six (46). Yet, we have said over and over again that age holds an important place in rural society; rural people present a particular respect to old people. Although A and B do not both have much competence in terms of administration, B appears to be more charismatic than A.90 B’s experience as a teacher during many years too has served for him as a personal attraction which is the characteristic of the third legitimization of power. But let us note that this type of legitimization is rather unstable. However, it gives its owner a chance to have his subordinates obey him. We can say therefore that despite its administrative and legality and judiciary aspects, the “rationnel-légal” type is never sufficient for preserving one’s authority.

III.1.2.2.4. Conclusion In a word, disagreement or dissension is unavoidable in an organization. The difference lies only on its intensity and on the way individuals involved in it solve it. Organization in a private society encounters fewer conflicts than that of a public one which involves politics. It reflects in some way Tocquevilles’distrust on the State: « S’il dénonce les despotismes monarchiques ou révolutionnaires, il craint encore plus le despotisme démocratique ‘doux et tutélaire’, où chacun met sa liberté en sommeil pour se laisser envahir par les bienfaits d’un Etat providence »91

III.1.2.3. The impacts of this inefficient organization on users

First of all, it is worth reminding that what we have here is a functional interaction administrator-citizen. In this kind of interaction, each side of the two participants is put in a state of mutual expectations, that is, each one expects the other to do his role. ROCHEBLAVE-SPENLE notes:

90 A = the mayor of Abohibary has Bacc and B=the mayor of Belazao has stopped at 3è. 91 Morin, op cit, p 74. « If Tocquevilles denounces monarchic or revolutionary despotisms, he fears much more the ‘ gentle and protecting’ democratic despotism in which everyone makes his liberty asleep to let himelf be invaded by the kind deeds of a welfare state.” (our translation)

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« Dans la vie sociale, un rôle est un ‘modèle de conduite relatif à une position d’un individu dans un ensemble interactionnel’ ».92 As such, the user expects from the administrator to receive, make the file and deliver it and vice versa, the administrator expects the user to come on time, make a queue, enter one by one and complete the information needed. But it is a pity that the problem of human resources organization we have evoked above does not allow this phenomenon happen.

III.1.2.3.1. Tiredness and more expenses Having walked or cycled a number of kilometers of minor/rural road, users are obliged to wait for long hours. If their files are not finished during the whole day, they are given another appointment and go back home without anything done. It may happen that when they come in the next appointment, their files are still delayed. Yet, there are users who have to pay for the taxi-brousse fare to come to the village centre because of the long distance and also for time saving. Then, they are supposed to buy the needed vellum papers. They also have to pay for lunch for they cannot survive without eating till the evening. These payments are considered as extra expenses for users coming from the very rural and remote fokontany. Added to the fees of the services which vary according to some conditions, this expense is already a bit much for them. Note that the case happens for both communes. Of course all this causes trouble to users for they spend a bit much money and a lot of time whereas they get no satisfaction. We would like to emphasize here that these users never reveal or tell these problems to the secretaries or any responsible in he commune. The main reason is that they don’t dare to do so. They just accept everything as it is.

III.1.2.3.2. Negative attitude and different behaviour The trouble caused by the dissension between the Mayor, the Deputy Mayor and secretaries is more disturbing than we can imagine it. The fact that employees no longer respect the norms leads to favouritism and corruption. People who appear to be notable and respectful in the society are warmly welcomed and their files are treated immediately. Then

92 Morin, op cit, p 52 « In social life, a role is a “model of behaviour which is relative to the position of an individual in a totality/set of interactions. (Our translation)

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hurried users are tempted to give money to get their files finished earlier or more quickly. From then on begins discrimination; different reception of poor and rich people. Those who don’t have money to offer must wait for the conditioned time they will finish it. In addition to that, we have seen that they are sometimes drunk at work that any kind of worst treatment appears: imposition, mockery and so on. These communicational troubles, more particularly in Ambohibary Sambaina, are the apparent explanation of peasants behaviour and attitude change. So what kind of reaction should we expect from these users? This cowardly behaviour of administrators is unbearable enough to bore them to stiff. All they can feel now is fear, anxiety, incapacity, self-pity and shame. This is precisely what the behaviourist principle emphasises when postulating that there is no instinctive fear and that any reaction of fear results from a series of conditionings which could happen throughout the individual’s history.93 Behaviourist psychologists also added that behaviour in general can be taken into account from the description of stimulus-response relationship; stimulus referring to the characteristics of the environment and response to that of the behaviours. So, if such is the environment peasants meet in the village hall office, it is very obvious that they behave differently, that is, with hostility.

93 Gaonach, D. and Golder, C. Manuel de Psychologie pour l’enseignement : Théories classiques de l’apprentissage, Editeur Hachette Education, 1995, p.26.

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III.2. an incompatible culture

We have already dealt enough with the lands culture in the whole second part of this work. It is time now for us to question about what is the link between this culture and the failure of the interaction. But the following definition of culture would be helpful first, “La culture ou civilisation …est cette totalité complexe qui comprend les connaissances, les croyances, les arts, les lois, la morale, la coutume et toute autre capacité ou habitude acquises par l’homme en tant que membre de la société.”94. This definition is showing rather the collective than the individual aspect of culture. It somewhat summarizes the social representation of a community or society. In the two rural communes we are studying , this totality or culture which includes different elements and practices is still strongly characterized by tradition .This attachment of the local people to tradition can be an asset for their society. But it can also be a drawback95. In the present case, that is, in the context of administration, it is included among the determining factors that bloc the latter’s functioning. The principle of tradition that had long years ago been the “mental scheme” dominating peasantry area acutely affects “education” whereas the latter is the only and best response to the current public administrative system.

III.2.1. Illiterate citizens Illiteracy is by definition the inability to meet a certain minimum criterion of reading and writing skill. The exact nature of the criterion varies, so that illiteracy must be defined in each case before the term can be used in a meaningful way. According to what we have observed, a large number of both communes’ populations are strongly characterized by functional illiteracy: the inability of an individual to use reading, writing, and computational skills efficiently in everyday life situations.96 Their traditional education does not give

94 Edward Tylor, 1871; http//frwikipedia.org/wikiculture. “ Culture or civilization…is this totality which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, moral custom and any other capacity or habit acquired by mankind as being a member of the society” (Our translation) 95 Découdras, P.M. (1997) À la recherche des logiques paysannes, Paris, Karthala, p. 34; has said that obstacles to change in peasantry area are linked to values, beliefs, religion, the perception of time and pace, social organization, the lack of means of production, the low level of instruction (hence the inharmonious communication), the inadequate technological level, the precarious economic situation. 96 http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1E1-illitera.html. In 1930 the U.S. Bureau of the Census defined as illiterate any person over ten years of age who was unable to read and write in any language. By the next census (1940), however, the concept of "functional" illiteracy was adopted, and any person with less than five years of schooling was considered functionally illiterate, or unable to

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peasants the opportunity to overcome illiteracy. They are rather interested in agriculture that they do not mind much about literacy or school. We have seen in the previous part that illiteracy is still dominating the two lands. But this is also mostly due to the effects of rural social control, that is, to conformism and conservatism. It is hard to distinguish one from the others by not following the pre-established norms. Everyone is obliged to respect some manners even if it has no clear foundation. It is simply common to think that knowing to read and write his name is enough; that girls are not supposed to go to school and that primary school is the ceiling that allows young boys to prepare their future. There is also the famous saying: “Ny anaran-dRay tsy enti-miondrika” which is most of the time used when referring to agriculture: if my father is a big farmer, I should also become a big farmer like him. Him who tries to contravene this practice is considered as a deviant.

III.2.2. Cultural backwardness Literacy is not the only interest people acquire from school/education. It is also the first means of instruction. We have said before that rural areas are worlds apart. Rural people do not interact with the world outside. Accordingly, they don’t know other cultures than their own. They are limited to the narrow circumscription of their society. Education is then the best area where they can learn about other contexts than farming. They get from it the curiosity and desire to know other manners of the outside people such as the latter’s way of living, clothing, speaking and so on. They could learn there about politeness, about how to behave in such and such context or situation .Yet, because of their attachment to tradition, they lack this instruction .They know but their own way of life which is not categorically bad but inappropriate to the administration requirements. They lack information and communication and everything is new for them.

engage in social activities in which literacy is assumed.

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III.2.3. Impacts of these on the adminstration Because of their culture which excludes women from school and work, it is very rare to find women working in the communal administration.97Yet, interaction between two people of opposite sexes appears to be more efficient .We have noticed that male employees are less rude or strict with female users; a conversation is easily opened and each one is smiling. Similarly, the only female secretary appears to be friendlier with men than with women.

III.2.3.1. On administrators

Always in a state of exchange, administrators expect users to follow instruction properly. Yet, we have just said that there are many peasants who are illiterate. When employees ask them about date of birth, age or when they just ask them to read or sign something, they just don’t know it. They also don’t know how to write an application. Added to the fact that they are not so polite; because they were not taught about it, it is now the administrators’ turn to get nervous and bored. They evaluate these users from their incapacity.

III.2.3.2. On users themselves

Comparing themselves with the others, illiterate and uninstructed users feel but more incapacity. This is what we call auto evaluation. They are upset each time they need to go to the communal office just because they know nothing about what they are asked to do there. It is also because their traditional and static education never taught them about how to behave there and how to use the appropriate language. Their prejudice and stereotype on administration are never cleared up. This state of fact does but increases their hostility towards administration.

97 We have said in the first part that there is none in Ambohibary and there is only one in Belazao.

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III.3. TO A FAILING COMMUNICATION

Each time one refers to the term “communication”, what comes first to our mind is often the technicist model resulted from a cybernetic approach often represented by the classic pattern of SHANNON: a message is transmitted by a sender A and received by a receiver B. According to SHANNON then, communication can be defined as a transmission of a message from a place to another. But involving more the study of social psychology, the present case is rather concerned with a psychosociologic analysis of communication which suggests a different definition: “…la communication est l’ensemble des processus par lesquels s’effectuent les échanges d’informations et de significations entre des personnes dans une situation donnée.”98 This definition suggests that processes of communication are fundamentally social, that is, based on and determined by phenomena of interaction. It assumes that “all communication is an interaction”. As a result, we do not have here a sender and a receiver but two locutors in interaction, so two interlocutors. These two interlocutors are administrators and citizens. Since they are in interaction, they are necessarily in communication as ABRIC JL notes it : “Si l’on admet que dans une interaction, tout comportement a la valeur d’un message, c'est-à-dire qu’il est une communication, il suit qu’on ne peut pas ne pas communiquer, qu’on le veuille ou non.»99 As communication is a system of multiple factors, our analysis will be then conducted along three major elements: the actors, the code and canal and the feed-back of the communication.

98 Psychologie de la communication ; Théories et Méthodes. Jean Claude Abric, Armand Colin, Paris,1999,p 9 « …communication is the set of processes thanks to which exchanges of information and signification between individuals in a given situation are made” 99 Watzlawick et al, 1972, cited by Abric, J.C ; op cit, p10 “ If we admit that in an interaction every behaviour has the value of a message, that is, it is a communication; it therefore follows that either we like it or not we cannot not communicating” (our translation)

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III.3.1. The actors of communication The actors we are referring to here are, of course, administrators and users. In a situation of communication, these actors are affected by three variables: psychological, cognitive and social.

III.3.1.1. Psychological variables

While referring to the principle of psychological functioning, LEWIN100 assumes that every individual functions like an organism subjected to a set of forces. These forces can be of an external origin – the pressures from the environment – or of an internal origin, that is, related to the history of the subject and his implication in the situation. Then, these forces constitute a sort of motivation that influences these actors. The following figure would help us understand this mechanism:

Positive forces Positive tensions APPROACH Behaviour Negative forces Negative tensions AVOIDANT Behaviour

We have already seen that the environment in the communal administration is far from making users zealous to enter into interaction. Also, their ignorance does not let them feel at ease when put in this sort of situation. As far as administrators are concerned, they too are not much motivated in their tasks while user’s awkwardness is at the same time boring them. All we have so far are but negative forces; those which correspond to the desire to avoid the situation. It is not amazing therefore if the communication is but a failure. Both sides of actors have come to avoidant behaviour, that is, they somehow repel each other. Yet, they cannot avoid this interaction because they are supposed to do so. Accordingly, the interaction becomes an obligation as both sides of actors hardly communicate and that is why the tension remains negative.

100 Cited by Abric,JL ; op cit, p10

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III.3.1.2. Cognitive variables

In 1990, BEAUVOIS and DESCHAMPS had demonstrated that cognitive functioning was largely dependent on the social context in which it is implemented. In communication, the cognitive system of locutors will determine the language used, that is, the code of the communication. Every individual should have in advance an image of what should be the situation which is predetermined by the system of representation. We have different kinds of representation; the representation of self including the Intimate Self and the Public Self, the representation of others and the representation of the task. First, the Intimate Self includes the individual’s forces and weaknesses, his real competence and personal characteristics. According to what we have seen in the second part, weaknesses are dominating forces in rural people. They have very poor representation of their selves and they don’t believe in their capacity. They have not a priori image of what can be the situation in the communal offices. Yet, ABRIC, JC emphasizes that this Intimate Self representation is fundamental in the determination of the individual’s behaviour: « Selon qu’il se perçoit lui-même comme puissant ou misérable, il adoptera des comportements et instituera avec les autres un mode de relation radicalement différent »101 We have seen that once put in a different context of a situation of communication, rural people often feel miserable that they automatically adopt a certain kind of avoidant behaviour. Then, as far as Public Self or Declared Self is concerned, it is the image of self that we give others. It can be radically different from the intimate image. This reflects in some way what GOFFMAN calls “false representation”. The individual will behave and react according to how he thinks himself to be or how he pretends to appear. We can say that rural people do not show much sense of this Public Self. They often represent their true reality. They don’t care much about the “faire semblant”. But there is also the representation of others: the image that one has about his partner. We have seen that this image is often negative as rural users find administrators often unkind and nervous. Lastly, we have the representation of the task or the context which determines the code of the language. The individual should adopt a certain mode of reasoning as he will estimate

101 ABRIC, JC, op. cit, p.13 “ According to how much powerful or miserable an individual finds himself to be, he will adopt behaviours and institute/create with others a mode of relationship which is radically different”.

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the most appropriate code and canal. But we have seen that these users know nothing about these representations. They just speak in their daily language, manner and intonation and they have not the least idea of adapting their behaviours in accordance with the situation.

III.3.1.3. Social variables

We have already talked a lot about rural people social variables. We think that what are relevant here are prejudices and stereotypes which lead to a different treatment of people of different status and roles. This state of thing also is much disturbing the communication. In a word, this chapter shows us that there is not the least motivation or adaptation in users as well as in administrators. None of them tries to better the communication. They just accept it as it is and that is why the communication is faltering.

III.3.2. The code and canal Let us note that as the case here is a face to face interaction, it will be more concerned with the code rather than the canal. The quality of a communication depends largely on the quality and the pertinence of the code used: “Le code sera d’autant plus efficace qu’il sera adapté à la nature de l’information échangée, à la finalité de la situation, aux caractéristiques des acteurs concernés de la situation »102 But we have seen in the second part of this work that this is not what we met during the interaction.

III.3.3. The feed-back ABRIC, JC argues that « Pour être efficace, la communication doit fonctionner comme un système circulaire, elle doit s’autoréguler. L’élément central de cette régulation est constitué par le feed-back, qui permet au récepteur d’émettre ses réactions.»103

102 Abric, JC ; op cit,p17 “the code will be all the more efficient as it will be adapted to the nature of the exchanged information, the purpose of the situation and the characteristics of the concerned actors of the situation.” ( our translation) 103 Abric, JC; op. cit, p 21 “ To be efficient, communication has to operate as a circular system, it has to regulate itself. The central element of this regulation is constituted by the feed-back which allows the receiver to express his reaction” (our translation)

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The author is suggesting here that every communication should be bilateral. Yet, what we have observed is but the opposite. The communication is far from being an exchange; it appears to be a transmission of message only. The negative attitude of the administrators immediately blocs the communication. Yet, in an interpersonal communication like the present case, attitude intervenes in a decisive manner; is it only a determining element of the relational climate but it also plays a very important role in the quality of the relationship established between the actors: « …le fait de penser que l’Autre partage son système d’attitude est l’un des éléments les plus puissants de l’attraction entre personnes104 » We can see that the attitudes presented by the two sides of actors here repel each other. But let us note that the effectiveness of the communication here depends more on the attitude of the administrator than on the user’s. By studying the typology of interpersonal attitudes, ABRIC, JC distinguishes five kinds of attitude: interpretation, evaluation, questioning, aid and advice, and comprehension. What we can observe in the administrator is the combination of the three first attitudes which all result in the deadlock of the user’s expression: attitude of interpretation, evaluation and questioning. First, him who says interpretation says interpreter and interpreted. As such, the administrator who is of course the interpreter notices that the user did not “respect the rules” whereas the latter does not even know or is not even aware of these rules. Then, the two left types of attitude are the ones which favor best communication whereas these are also what our administrator precisely lacks. The attitude of aid and advice consists of suggesting to the other solutions or elements of solution according to what he has said. If our administrator has this type of positive attitude, he would have helped the user by teaching them. The last but not the least is the attitude of comprehension. Among all attitudes likely to appear in a situation of communication, comprehension is the one that favours the other indeed. But it is very rare to meet such civil servants showing a sense of comprehension towards rural users. There is no time when the latter feel totally free to express themselves. An optimum situation of communication is then impossible in this kind of interaction. Rural users are always put in a state of linguistic insecurity. Administrators’ interpretation, question and judgment do not allow them to have this internal security each time they get into such situation of communication. Yet, ABRIC, JC says that:

104 Abric, JC ; op cit, p 26 “ the fact of thinking that the other shares with one the same system of attitude is one of the most powerful elements of attraction.” (our translation)

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« La situation la plus propice à l’expression de l’autre est donc la situation où il ne se sent ni jugé ni analysé et interprété, ni guidé par des conseils, ni manipulé par des questions. C’est la situation où il se sent ECOUTE. »105 Listening is then the fundamental characteristic of communication which is aimed at the expression of others. Yet, it is undeniable that rural people or peasants have never felt that they had already been understood or listened to. They are persuaded that once they are in communication with civil servants/functionaries, they are always supposed to listen carefully to the latter and answer to their questions. They never expect a feeling of a comprehensive listening. But this state of fact is seen not only in administration. Even in many other fields like economy, agriculture and so on, peasants really feel sorry that nobody cares about giving an attentive attention in their expressions, aspirations and expectations. May be it is the right time to listen to them.

105 Abric,JC, op cit, p 36 “ The most propitious situation for the expression of the other is then the situation in which he does not feel neither judged nor analyzed and interpreted, neither guided by advice nor manipulated by questions. This is a situation in which he feels that he is listened to.” (our translation)

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III.4. DEALING WITH THE HYPOTHESIS

III.4.1. Validity of the hypothesis It is particularly difficult to seize and understand so shifting facts like social ones. It is then essential to have a watchful eye on what will be observed by constructing hypotheses which will be later confirmed or refuted.106 MORIN argues that social sciences are not like experimental sciences such as physics or chemistry in which one can carry out experiments as many times as he wished it.107 In social sciences, a researcher observes behaviours, opinions etc. which never renew in the same conditions or with the same persons: « Comme un fait social ne se répète pas à l’identique, il est difficile de le reproduire pour tester une hypothèse». However, after conducting observations and analyses, we have come to the confirmation of the hypothesis: “Problems of communication constitute largely the cause of behaviour change of peasants”. Peasants or rural people never feel secure, psychologically and linguistically, when they are in a situation of communication at the communal offices. There is no mutual intelligibility between users and administrators. Moreover, we have seen that everything is communication and not to communicate is impossible. The least gesture or attitude of an individual is already communicating something. Nevertheless, we cannot assume that it is the only main cause of this behaviour change but there are also other factors: the local people culture and the environment in the administration. However, these two elements are affecting first but the communication which becomes now the core of the malfunctioning of the whole interaction. Although we have said above that it is difficult to state that a social hypothesis is absolutely true, the results we get from the study of the two rural communes enables us to assume that this hypothesis “communication constitutes largely the cause of peasants’ behaviour changes” can be generalized and remains true for most of rural communes in Madagascar. The variations lie only on how is the feature of communication in the commune. For example communication is more complicated in Ambohibary than in Belazao because of the heterogeneity of its culture. But it is also worth noticing that there are always exceptions like the case of the rural commune of Anosizato where communication is strongly influenced by urban culture. Nonetheless, it remains true for

106 Morin, op cit, p 20 107 The hypothesis according to which water freezes at 0°C or boils at 100°C can be verified indefinitely.

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rural people from suburban or remote areas who still vigorously maintain their traditional culture.

III.4.2. Advantages of the research The fist and foremost advantage of this research is its topical feature or originality. We have said that each time the government is dealing with rural world; it often concerns agriculture, economy, health and corruption and so on. It is very rare that a project is aimed at communication. If it happens to, it is usually an approach of infrastructure like road construction or maintenance. It is therefore relevant to approach particularly communication within communal administration. Everybody is aware of the strange and different attitudes of peasants in offices but nobody, especially in our country, has already conducted a study on it. This research can be then considered as a pilot one. Besides it can still be extended to many other studies such as a particular observation of the other services or a comparative study of the two communes. But its relevance to the actual affairs of the country too is a considerable advantage of this research work. We have seen that it is closely related to the projects of development of the Madagascar Action Plan. It can offer at least a small/minor contribution to the development of rural areas which still remains a big challenge and which requires a great deal of effort and willing. But we cannot neglect the moral aspect/value of this work: its interest in studying rural people. We are persuaded that every Malagasy deserves betterment in his daily life. Bringing about revolution and change should be of everyone’s interest but not only of functionaries, students, entrepreneurs and urban people involved in different activities of development. As we have said in the introduction, it must be primarily of the advantage of rural people or peasants who make up the 85, 5% of the Malagasy people and who are but our compatriots.. Interacting at communal offices is really an obligation for them because they just do need it. It is therefore imperative to search for a way to reduce the different constraints that affect their motivation. As far as methodological framework is concerned, the choice of two different places of investigation Ambohibary Sambaina and Belazao is also an advantage of the present research. The observations conducted in both rural communes have enabled us to study the phenomenon under two angles. It has helped us understand in which aspects they are similar

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and in which ones they are different. We have also realized that a study of its culture is an essential preliminary to the study of a place as culture may vary from a commune to another. But it is also very important that the method used be an asset to the study. The direct observation, so a participant observation added to the survey analyses; quantitative and qualitative result in more reliable information. The use of a Dictaphone which is a discreet apparatus shows best the authenticity of the interaction: some pieces of discourse and conversation are recorded without the least change or modification. But we have also videoed an extract of a civil marriage ceremony which describes best the behaviours of the interacting people.

III.4.3. Limits of the research Though a lot of efforts have been made for the present work, it has known a certain ranges of difficulties. Its multidisciplinary feature constitutes above all one of its limits. It is including so many disciplines mainly rural sociology, sociology of communication, sociology of work, sociolingy of language etc and so many theoretical and experimental references like public administration, MAP, Bureaucracy etc. that some of these are not deepened enough and some have even been missed. The difficulty in handling the correlation between all these concepts has somehow handicapped the work. Also, despite the fact that we have tried to collect as complete information as possible, the negative attitudes of rural people did not allow us to do so. It was really hard to conduct the survey because of the culture of the local people and more particularly because of the topic/theme which is about administration as rural people have always feared it. This state of fact results in an insufficient information.

But the fact that Ambohibary Sambaina is our home is at the same time an advantage and a drawback to the research. On one hand, it has enabled us to conduct a participant observation and have some prior knowledge and ideas about the history of the commune there. On the other hand, the fact that some people; administrators and some users know us very well entails some kind of prejudices and stereotypes; employees think that we are inspecting their work and users too think that we are going to convene them if ever they have done something irregular. Then, this thinking leads to some changes in their attitudes and behaviours and result in less reliable information.

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Another big constraint of the work is the problem of translation. Almost documents, books, articles and so on available to us are in French except some internet sources which are in English. Yet, translation is a task which requires a great deal of patience and time. Despite our intention to give a successful writing, there is still a full range of words and expressions to which we did not find the appropriate translation or equivalence. We have left these words unchanged, that is, in their original forms: commune, fokonolona, mots grondants, mots ronronnants… As for quotations, we have tried to give their translations in the footnotes.

No matter what constraints may limit the present research, we have tried to bring a mere contribution to the approach of communication in rural society. So much interested in this particular domain, it has been a pleasure for us to contribute in it and by so doing; we are suggesting also the following solutions.

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III.5. TOWARDS A WELL FUNCTIONING INTERACTION

III.5.1. The need of a transition While contributing to developmentalist conceptions, DURKHEIM has stated that social reality cannot be understood without knowing how it is made. He thinks that it is impossible to tell with some chances of success about the society of tomorrow without “having studied the most distant past” Marx also, the inventor of a new world felt the need to exercise the spirit first “in the ancient forms" 108 We have seen previously that rural society had once been based on the solidarity of the fokonolona which is mainly characterized by the need to join forces and gather but more particularly by a sentimental and religious link; the feeling of belonging to the same clan, of descending from a common ancestor. Concerned particularly with the current state of the Malagasy communes, JEAN COMPTE significantly reproaches the current legislation for not recalling at all this notion of solidarity: “N’y a- t-il pas un danger de n’asseoir les communes, surtout les communes rurales, que sur un concept juridique? Cela ne risque-t-il pas, en les privant de cet élément de solidarité, de les priver du même coup de l’adhésion populaire et d’en faire un simple organisme de gestion administrative, plus soutenu par le pouvoir central que porté par la population ? N’est ce pas justement une des raisons de leur faiblesse ?109 So, to refer back to our focus, let us remind that the main problem of the interaction administrator-citizen is the combination of an inefficient organization and an incompatible culture which is affecting the communication in a decisive manner. The people in both communes are still strongly attached to tradition which is somewhat an obstacle to the functioning of the interaction whereas everything in the administration too is not adapted to rural logic. There must be therefore a compromise between these two poles for in terms of functioning conditions, every society, even the most mobile one, is carrying in its womb

108 Sens et Puissance, Balandier, G ; PUF, 108 Boulevard St Germain, Paris, 1976, p 108. 109 Les communes malgaches, Jean Compte (Les codes bleus malgaches), Tananarive, 1962, p 138. « Isn’it a danger to set communes especially rural ones but on a juridical concept? By privating them from this element of solidarity, does not this risk to private them similarly fro popular membership and make of the latter a simple administrative management system which is more sustained by the central power than by that which comes from the population? Isn’t precisely one of the reasons of their weakness? (our translation).

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mechanisms that allow tradition and conservatism to be expressed.110 The shift from a narrow circle of a tradition purely oral to a new context of a communal administrative communication would not be therefore possible without a transition. This transition consists basically of favouring a dialogue between rural people and the administration. To be solid and efficient, the latter should be viewed in people eyes as a modernized extension of traditional institutions, that is, as a renewed fokonolona111 equipped with an appropriate means and endowed with an effectiveness that the ancient institutions did not have. It should be seen as an easy territory where rural people can get into interaction freely. But this transition requires a great deal of work, effort and patience. Lots of approach should be made first to rural people who are the target here. But adjustments also should be conducted within the administration. Note that these two constitute the actors of the communication. Lastly, an approach should be dealt with the communication itself which is but the code and canal of the interaction.

III.5.2. Dealing with rural people We have said repeatedly that rural people know nothing about the administration. For them, it is among those which still bear the sign of “unknown”. Yet we have added that rural people show a particular hostility towards what is “x” or “new”. It is then fundamental to make them know what communal administration is exactly, how does it work, what is it for and so on…But how can we reach there? The only and most obvious response to this question is education.

III.5.2.1. Educate rural children

The introduction of school was a capital event, a crucial turning point as much in social as in cultural viewpoint for rural world. By initiating the latter in reading and writing, school had broken this narrow circle of a purely oral tradition which is limited to a given

110 Balandier, G ; op cit, p 108 111« …Le Fokonolona est d’abord un Fokonolona – clan qui s’insère dans l’univers harmonieux ancêtres – roi – vivants – territoire pour devenir par la suite un Fokonolona administratif, collectivité servile, soumis à un Etat extérieur qui impose sa volonté sans concertation. Dans ce rapport de force avec l’Etat, le Fokonolona présente une unanimité qui se traduit par la passivité… », Excerpt from ANDRIANASOLO RATSIMATAHOTRARIVO LAURENT(2006)’s La structuration du fokonoona à travers les discours du colonel RATSIMANDRAVA Richard de 1972 à 1975, Mémoire de DEA présenté au département de sociologie, Fac DEGS, Université d’Antananarivo, p.12-13.

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place. 112It had put in peasants’ hands the key of the world by entrusting it a possibility to reach other areas, other regions, other conceptions of life and to other cultural techniques than their own. We have seen that the lack or absence of education is among the most determining characteristics of rural culture that affect the interaction. The local people of both rural communes are still strongly marked by illiteracy and once introduced in an unusual situation of communication; they are adopting a different behaviour. Reinforcing education especially fundamental one is then the best way to solving this problem as children are the agents of a new development perspective of a whole rural generation.

III.5.2.1.2. The MAP’s initiative “From a social and civic point of view, education is a right for citizen and a duty for the government. From an economic point of view, education is an investment: today it represents an expenditure which will produce a supplement of wealth as well as well being tomorrow.”113 Aware of its importance, the current government has classified education among the priorities of the so called Bold and Exciting Plan for Development. It has made of the MAP’s commitment 3 an “educational transformation”. This commitment is made up of seven big challenges: (1) Ensure access of all children to developmental opportunities before official school entry; (2) Create a successful primary education system; (3) Create a successful lower secondary education system; (4) Improve upper secondary school and develop vocational training; (5) Transform higher education; (6) End illiteracy and (7) Develop capacities and mindsets of young people through sports and civic participation. Each one of these challenges is associated with effective strategies which are intended for the improvement of education as a whole. It is our task then to specify which ones are

112 Hoyois, H ; op cit, p 369 113 MAP, op. cit. p. 053

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appropriate to the education of children in the countryside. Of course, it would not be realistic to apply, for the time being, all these challenges in rural areas. The first challenge which is “Ensure access of all children to developmentalist opportunities before official school entry” for example is not yet suitable for rural children for the current government still finds it difficult to provide even primary education to all of them. Similarly, these children cannot jump up to the upper secondary and higher education unless they have passed the primary and lower secondary education. The closest ones to the present deal are therefore the challenges 2 and 3 which are aimed respectively at the creation of successful primary and lower secondary education systems. The priority projects and activities of the challenge 2; “Create a successful primary education system”, are the following: 1- Construct at least 3,000 classrooms. 2- Train and recruit 7,000 new teachers. 3- Increase subsidy of parent teachers (FRAM) to reach 70% of the remuneration of civil servant teachers. 4- Support local initiatives in terms of maintaining functioning community schools 5- Create sustainable school feeding activities in vulnerable zones. 6- Review and rewrite the curricula for primary school to ensure relevancy and consistency with the national vision. 7- Training of teachers on new pedagogical methods and teaching innovations. 8- Increase the training of school principals and communal education authorities 9- Improve the development of remote education. 10- Produce and distribute new textbooks and teaching tools.

Added to the national plan “Education For All” and the extension of the primary education into seven years, these projects are complementary enough to reach the goals of the challenge. As for the challenge 3, the strategies and goals are almost the same. But let us note that these are all at national intent, that is, too generalized. Although almost of them are already applicable to education in the countryside, precision still should be made. To reach out specifically rural children, some adaptations according to the land’s realities should be conducted.

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III.5.2.1.3. Adaptations according to each rural commune The initiative of the MAP we have cited above constitute already a considerable effort from the government’s part. However, it cannot be implemented as a whole. It would not give fruit unless it touches directly the most rural individual himself. We have seen in the previous monographs that both communes do suffer from educational problems. First of all, there are still fokontany that do not possess primary schools; the fokontany of Ambohinapetraka for Belazao and that of Ankeniheny III, Sahabe Tetezana and Faravohitra for Ambohibary. It is then fundamental to build schools in these areas as GOUSSAULT significantly notes it: “Or quel moyen meilleur d’atteindre l’homme, de l’instruire, de l’éduquer qu’en utilisant les communes rurales, en faisant de chacune d’elles un petit centre de rayonnement par où le progrès pénètre jusque dans les recoins les plus éloignés de ka brousse ? » 114 But the problem does not stop there. The other fokontany endowed with schools have but poor ones. Classrooms are insufficient and the houses themselves are hardly built or they are very old ones; some have no doors or walls and pupils feel cold inside especially during the wintertime. During summertime too, the roof is permeable to water. While describing this material environment of Malagasy schools, CLIGNET, R. and ERNEST, B. state that not only primary public institutions have such a rough physical environment.115 Accordingly, it is urgent to rehabilitate these classrooms and built new ones and also provide them with appropriate tools: blackboards, chalks, school desks, textbooks and so on. As far as professional profile of the Malagasy rural teaching staff is concerned, teachers are not only insufficient but also incompetent. According to the study conducted by our two authors, “Le cursus scolaire initial des instituteurs et des institutrices est à la fois limité et homogène. Qu’il s’agisse de simples instituteurs ou de directeurs, la formation de base a duré presque 10ans, ce qui correspond à l’obtention du Brevet d’Etude du fin du premier cycle (BEPC). La formation des uns et des autres présente un profil analogue »116

114 M Goussault cited by Jean Compte, op cit, p 154; “Now what is the best way to target mankind, to teach him, to educate him but by using rural communes, by making each of them a small centre of radiance through which progress gets into the remotest corners of the bush?” (Our translation). 115 Clignet R & Ernest , B, L’école à Madagascar : évaluation de la qualité de l’enseignement primaire publique. Editions KARTHALA, Boulevard Arago, Paris, 1995. 116 Rémi, C and Bernard, E; op. cit. p.49 (The initial school programme of teachers is at the same time limited and homogeneous. Either it is about simple teachers or directors, the basic training lasted almost 10years which corresponds to the obtaining of the End of the Second cycle Certificate (BEPC). Training presents a similar profile for all.)

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In Belazao, there is only one teacher available to more than seventy one (71) children. As such, these schools should be provided with competent teachers: the ones who are adapted to rural realities and who are able to handle rural children’s problems, that is, who can understand them. But in exchange of this, these teachers should be well paid so that they will remain motivated for the work. But there are still many other factors that disturb the education of children in the countryside. In Ambohibary, only the 39.66% of children supposed to go to school are provided with schooling whereas the rest which makes up the 61.34% do not have this opportunity. The reasons are various. A great number of parents cannot afford schooling for their children because of life harshness in the countryside. It would be therefore very helpful if the government reduces financial contribution or even cancels it for the neediest ones. By so doing, a new census should be conducted in each commune so as to get clear data for the number of these children. Then, there is, for the case of Ambohibary, the long distance between some fokotany and schools more particularly lower secondary ones; it measures till 25km away. It is also common to meet an enclosure of some hamlets during rain period. To work out this problem, better roads should be repaired or constructed. It would be advisable too to create a public cooperative transport which is cheap or even free for distant teachers and pupils. But we find it more effective to create some kind of public boarding school where pupils, more particularly those in the lower secondary school, can stay during school days and rain period so that they go home on weekends. In that case, the fees of the pension should be replaceable by crops like maize, soya, bean and so on and not always money. The best solution would, of course, be the creation of lower secondary schools in these remote fokontany but this is still a big challenge as the government still finds it difficult to built primary ones.

III.5.2.1.4. Completing the curricula We have talked enough about the negative and different attitude and behaviour of rural people in the communal offices. The best way to solve this issue is then to teach rural children about everything that may concern this interaction. By so doing, the curricula should be completed with civic instruction. This particular module should be taught from early years of schooling like T3 or T4 so that rural children won’t miss it if ever they give up early with school. Different topics should be learnt in it: “citizenship”; what is it? How can one become a good citizen? What are his duties and rights? Then, there is also “commune”; what is it for?

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How does it work, what makes it up? How to behave in such or such situation? And also “public functions” and “services”; what are the services produced in a communal office? Who serves who...? This subject can be more studied according to the capacity of children to understand it.

III.5.2.1.5. Targeting 8 to 15 years old illiterate children Despite the different remedies we have enumerated above, there are still a large number of children who are not concerned with. Normally, children in the countryside begin school at 6. To target those who did not have this opportunity, 61.34% in Ambohibary, specific curricula should be provided to 8 to 15 years illiterate children so as to allow them to catch up with the regular school programs. The MAP is the first to deal with this strategy but it is rather intended for 11-17 years old people. The reason why we have changed it into 8-15 years old children is that as such, the latter will still have the opportunity to be introduced in an equivalent class of regular schools later on and they can continue their study as long as they can or they want to.

In a word, these solutions are suggested in order to anticipate a better future. Rural children today should be prepared of the state of the rural society of tomorrow. They should not inherit the weaknesses of their elders and parents. As for the latter, we cannot remain inactive towards their ignorance. They too deserve their part of education for it has never been late.

III.5.2.2. Educate young people and adults

III.5.2.2.1. Starting with a simple discussion Approaching for the first time a rural community of people is a delicate thing because of the latter’s negative attitude towards what is new or strange. Any communication of a new message or an activity should be adapted to their culture and tradition. To do so, it is preferable to make charismatic people; elders, chefs fokontany etc do the first step as rural people show much respect to them. Door to door, they will inform the neighbouring people that a meeting will take place in the evening at such time in such place. Once gathered, a proficient leader showing a great sense of communication and sympathy towards peasants

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will open up a discussion without taking any note. He will ask easy questions such as what do people know about commune and public services, how is the interaction with civil servants, what are their expectations, what are their problems and what solutions do they suggest. He will thank and appreciate those who answer while encouraging the rest to take part in it. Just like in “Tafatafa amorom-patana”, under the moonlight in the evening at seven or seven thirty, everybody will feel at ease answering to the questions as the leader doesn’t know them but also as their faces will not be seen very clearly like during daylight. Then, he will develop briefly that it is users’ rights to be well served in public services. To close the meeting, the leader will give some kind of summary explaining the main objective of the meeting, the activities and projects to be done while introducing a foretaste of the fight against illiteracy. This method will always work even during daylight like at nine in the morning for some more or less urbanized fokontany like Belazao, Ambohibary Iray Tsy Mivaky, Sambaina Gara and so on but still, it should be done without writing or reading, that is, only as an oral exchange.

III.5.2.2.2. Carrying out a large awareness campaign on fight against illiteracy It is time now to persuade adolescents and adults about the urgent need of literacy. This strategy is initiated by the MAP but to make it effective, we would add that it should take the form of communication in rural society. As such, it would be very helpful to organize an event/a feast in which the young will play theatre “tantara an-dapihazo” and sing “hira gasy” and “marakely” which convey the message. These activities will emphasize on the importance of literacy and the interests of the project. But it should also be broadcast on TV, regional radios, newspapers and so on and for those who do not have access to these; public speech during market day will be more effective.

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III.5.2.2.3. Setting up literacy centres After convincing rural people about the importance of literacy, it is time now to train them. Competent literacy agents will do the task. As usually, the latter should feel sympathy and motivation for their work. Timetable will be arranged according to people availability and they will be distributed in adequate classes according to their capacity and age. Financial contribution should be as reduced as possible. It also should be replaceable by crops according to everyone’s means. Equipped with adequate materials, a centre should be set in the smallest circumscription of rural territory; smaller than fokontany if possible.

III.5.2.2.4. Broadening step by step the activities A purely literacy training would not be sufficient for rural people to develop. To broaden it, other activities such as nutrition, agricultural programs and basic technical and vocational training117 also should be provided. But we should not forget especially civic instruction which will teach them about the administration and commune and other manners. Once immersed in these trainings, rural people will have the willing to learn more about other fields and this state of mind will open them to other horizons. Prize-giving ceremony should be celebrated in the administrative centre of each commune at the end of the school year during which best learners of each level in each centre will be congratulated for their top achievement. We have been so far dealing with rural people who are but the first actor involved in the interaction. To ensure well this interaction, the second actor which is the administration should be given some improvements too. We have already detailed the problems within administration. Because it is somehow new to rural people, some adaptations should be conducted in it. It should be viewed from people eyes as an effective one. But how to get there?

117 Madagascar Action Plan, op cit, p 59

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III.5.3. Dealing with the administration The very first commitment of the MAP is dealing with “Responsible governance” “We will have a government that every citizen and the international community can trust and have confidence in. This government and the civil service will have integrity, be efficient, and act totally professional in all pursuits, activities, and the provision of services.” This appears to be full of hope and promises. But this also appears to be very challenging as current realities just show the opposite. The challenge 5 of this commitment deals particularly with “Strengthen the provision of public services”. It is already suggesting some priority projects and activities but approaching specifically rural areas, we need to make some precisions.

III.5.3.1. Ensure a successful organization We have seen previously that problems of organization are accurate enough to result in a failing administration. Entailed more particularly by problems of power, we have said that relationships between public servants themselves are affecting the whole interaction. It is then a problem of human resources. Yet, public servants, more particularly those in the registry office, are the ones who interact most and directly to rural users. Some adaptations should be therefore conducted.

III.5.3.1.1. Practicing affectation and adopting a new form of recruitment. We have said that an employee’s seniority in a particular post often makes him pretend to exercise more power than the others. Reassured that they will never be hired from their works, civil servants often tend to show a certain kind of domination and somehow break the laws. To avoid this phenomenon happening, a system of affectation should be applied to these employees. Seated in a new place or commune, they will always try to do their best in their work so as to maintain a better relationship with their new colleagues. But the thinking that one day or another they may loose their jobs will also help them to get on well with their current colleagues and do their work properly so as to give a permanent positive image of themselves. But it would also be very interesting and competitive to propose these civil service jobs in a job advertisement. As such, former workers will renew their experience and compete

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with new applicants. Each one of them will pass to a test or interview thanks to which the responsible person will evaluate them from - Their experience and competence in terms of communal administration. - Their computer skills - Their knowledge about and sympathy for rural world. - Their sense of communication and organization - Their motivation and determination As for mayors, some prior criteria should be taken: to get oneself put on the electoral roll, one should have at least baccalaureate or academic studies. As such, proficiency and diploma will be a prior condition to the posts. The renewal of workers should be done each time a new mayor mandate begins.

III.5.3.1.2. Training communal administrative staff Though in rural areas, all civil servants should work with professionalism. After applying the criteria we have cited above, training is now the best way to teach employees to be professional. Everyone should be trained about his post and then pass to three months trial period. They should be taught about the mechanism of the tasks, the organization and flowchart of the commune. They should be capable of handling over all the possible problems that may happen in the administration; how to use such or such machine, how to handle skillfully such or such problem. But above all, they should be aware of the fact that they are meant to serve the public, that is, all users and complete their expectations. Accordingly, they will be taught some kind of welcoming behaviour which will facilitate the communication with peasants. This can be linguistic; avoiding code mixing and code switching, gestural or many other else. They also should know and respect all the rules; time of opening and closure, not smoking in the office and so on.

III.5.3.1.3. Reducing favouritism and corruption Favouritism and corruption are among the major elements that affect the interaction and that most cause complex of inferiority in rural users. To fight against these, the MAP is about to set up better controlling systems for all crucial administrative functions. It also suggests severe punishments to whoever breaks the laws. We find the latter to be more

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practicable in rural areas. Civil servants as well as users who violate the rules should be both severely punished. But the provision of services too should be well organized. Imitating the way of working of some urban communes like Antsirabe I will be simple and suitable: while making a queue, a user passes first to a cashier who receives the money or fees of the files and who gives him a number or a receipt that sends him to the responsible secretary when the latter, having typed the file passes it now to another person who arranges it for the signature and finally delivers it to its owner. By so doing, a user is just supposed to follow the sequence of the tasks. Everything about these fees should be written clearly in Malagasy at the entry of the office: Kopia ……………………………………200 Ar or 400 Ar Fanamarinam-ponenana…………………200 Ar And the following should be written all with caps RAHA ILAINA AMIN’NY FAMPIANARANA NY ANKIZY DIA MAIMAIM- POANA NA TSY ANDOAVAM-BOLA ! ………………………………………… Apart from these notices, each employee still needs to explain it to illiterate users. But the practice of affectation to communal civil servants such as secretaries too will help in reducing corruption. Used to work for long years in a native or familiar place where he knows all people and has his own judgments on them, an employee will be obliged to work in a new place where he knows almost nobody. As he does not have enough knowledge of people’ culture and customs there, he will be very careful with them and behave properly/correctly. It will be therefore more difficult to accept corruption and he will treat all users in the same way. Similarly, facing new heads in the offices, the local people won’t dare corrupting and they would stop their bad habits. As we have mentioned above, this affectation should happen each time a new mayor mandate begins.

These mere pieces of advice may help the administration to improve. However, these are not enough to make it up and running. To have it effective, solutions to equipments too should be found.

III.5.3.2. Provide adequate tools We have seen previously that the technology used contributes decisively to the quality and production of services. Yet, according to what we have observed, public services in both

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communes are miserably/poorly equipped. If we refer it to the diagram representing technological evolution suggested by De Coster, it is but the characteristic of the first phase which is “professional system” characterized by the use of universal machines: lathe and machine tool like typewriter. The second phase of this evolution is “Taylorism”; the use of specialized and multiple machines. After it come the “Fordism” with its conveyor and machine transfer and “Automation” and its integrated machines and electronic equipments. Finally, “computer science” which is the fifth phase appeared with its computers, microcomputer and telematics for the tertiary sector and programmable automatons/robots and machine tools for the secondary sector. This last which is the most recent one is obviously that which corresponds best to the sector of administrative services. Office automation and telematics bring about a considerable progress to these services as De Coster notes it: “Les innovations technologiques de cette décennie se différencient aussi des précédentes par leur ambition de modifier les structures organisationnelles et d’améliorer radicalement la productivité des services administratifs et du tertiaire »118 The use of computer is therefore the best way to ensure public services. Each registry office of each commune should be provided at least with three computers; one for the accounts and two for the secretariat. Three computers imply of course three printers. The master of office automation will make everything easier. All the records of each commune should be put in new files and saved in these machines. It would also be advisable to reprint them all so as to replace the old ones. But the main thing is that the provision of services to peasants will be excellent. For example clicking only on a particular date on the register of births file, secretaries will find easily all the information about a user and having in advance a finished model of copy of act of birth, all they have to do is to fill in it. The economic assets of this computerization are the compression of the costs of useless development and the improvement of the productivity: quantity, quality and rapidity. The satisfaction and motivation of both administrative staff and rural users, the better conception of the system and the well balanced redistribution of power are the psychological ones.119 Users will feel more internal security while making queue, lots of files or services will be provided in a few time and civil servants too will feel comfortable with their effective tools.

118 De Coster, op cit, p 73. Technological innovations of this decade differ from the preceding ones by their ambition to modify organizational structures and to ameliorate radically the productivity of administrative services and that of the tertiary sector. ( Our translation) 119 De Coster, op cit, p 72

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But we have also seen that even the shape of communal halls has an influence on rural users. The current government is already building suitable houses which are all of the same shape, colour and form in many rural communes: blue sheet metal roofed and off-white coloured body low houses. Each time one sees this kind of house, he will immediately recognize that it is a communal office. But suitable toilets too should be built with these houses for people needs. The provision of other materials such as photocopier, scanner and so on will also facilitate the procedures of the functions. To ensure that nothing is missing anymore, a telephone should be available to all civil servants to communicate between themselves. But to perfect the functioning of service provision and also to fight against corruption, it would be ideal to apply the third computer mode of organization suggested by De Coster. This mode is essentially characterized by the implementation of compatible networked equipments. Each post office is connected to an internal or external network and this allows two/double directions information exchanges between each post office and between a post office and central databases. This will at the same time be an ideal system controlling the functioning of each communal administration. Everything will be supervised effectively and if ever a malfunctioning happens, the central office will immediately be aware of the fact. The post office in Antsirabe I can be this central office and it should be connected to and in supervision of the peripheral offices of each rural commune of the Sous-Prefecture of Antsirabe II. A computer literate will be responsible of this new technology of communication and information. The solutions we have suggested so far deal all either with rural people or the administration which are both the actors of the interactions. Now, let us move to the code and canal of communication that permit/make these interactions happen.

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III.5.4. Dealing with the code and canal of the interaction

III.5.4.1. Develop more decentralization

III.5.4.1.1. What do we learn from decentralization? As we can observe in the theoretical and experimental framework of this research, the history of the Malagasy public administration is remarkably marked by decentralization. It has been first applied with the evolutionary policy of Galliéni which, on one hand, has helped in the construction of the Malagasy State but which has been somehow proved to serve as craftiness for the French government to reign on the other hand. But what does it exactly imply? Decentralization is “A transfer of authority to make policies and decisions, carry out management functions and use resources from central government authorities to local government, field administration, semi-autonomous corporations, area-wide or regional development organizations, functional authorities, sub-ordinate units of government or specialized functional authorities” 120 According to this definition, decentralization should facilitate the population’s access to decision-making organs, however the level of independence of, for example local government, can vary considerably. With this intent, decentralization can contribute largely to the effectiveness of the administration. It serves as a canal that facilitates exchanges between the community and the government. It favours not only administrator-citizen but also administrator-administrator and citizen-citizen relationships. We can see it from the comparison of the social relationships that characterize the two rural communes; all these forms of interactions we have just cited appear to be more efficient in Belazao than in Ambohibary. One of the most worthwhile reasons is proximity.

120 Cheema and Rondinelli, 1983 in http://www.pitt.edu/~super1/lecture/lec9481/001.htm

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III.5.4.2. Proximity

Proximity plays an important role in improving relationships. Relationships tend to grow as far as geographical distance diminishes. According to what we have seen in the monographs of the two communes, Belazao covers an area of 38.89km2 and it is made up only of seven fokontany whereas Ambohibary is constituted by nineteen distant fokontany with an area of 225km2. As a result, it must be more difficult to rule the commune of Ambohibary. Physical proximity is therefore one of the incentive elements in the establishment of links with others121. But the easy communication between citizen themselves too has an important influence on the administrative interaction; we have seen that language use is more transactional in Ambohibary, it transmits a message whereas it is more interactional in Belazao; it maintains a relationship. So, to better improve this relationship, it would be better to narrow as much as possible communal territorial circumscription.

III.5.4.3. Similarity-complementarity

Another psychosocial factor of relationship that can be entailed by decentralization is Similarity-complementarity. We have said repeatedly that rural society is still strongly marked by conformism and conservatism. It is an isolated community characterized by one culture and language. This reciprocity of interests, opinions, preferences encourages communication. This is best illustrated by the case of Belazao; the homogeneity of the commune gives room to an endogenous dynamics. We have seen that during civil wedding ceremony, everybody speaks the same language even the representatives of the administration, that is, the mayor or deputy mayor and civil servants. They also somehow share the same attitude. It is obvious then if administration in Belazao is more effective than that of Ambohibary. For the latter, the heterogeneity of the commune does not allow an effective interaction happen. Because of the urbanization of some fokontany, people in the whole commune no longer share the same culture and language. This differentiation acutely affects the administration. All this suggests that decentralization can be a good solution to administrative interaction. But what form decentralization will take and how will relations of authority be set out?

121 Fisher, GN, op cit, p 37

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III.5.4.4. Deconcentration

There are different forms of decentralization among which Dr Arshad Usmani Lahore, in Pakistan, quoted Functional or Prefectoral Deconcentration; Delegation to semi- independent bodies, Devolution, Decentralization to local bodies, Federalism, Public Sector Market and finally Fragmentation.122 Among all these, we find Functional Deconcentration to be the most appropriate to the present case. By definition, Deconcentration is a “Transfer of functions within the central government hierarchy through the shifting of workload from central ministries to field officers, the creation of field agencies on the shifting of responsibility to local administrative units that are part of the central government structure”123 What defines best the case here is the shifting of responsibility to local administrative units that are part of the central government structure. The Deconcentration salient features are: - Shifting of power from the central offices to peripheral offices of the same administrative structure. - Semi autonomy to field officers for routine decision-making - Some planning functions according to central government guidelines. This should be applied to the commune of Ambohibary in order to better master its administration. The dispersion of the populations to remote fokontany really poses problems. As such, the fokontany of Ambohibary Iray Tsy Mivaky added to the neighbouring fokontany, that is, in the South, East, West and North will remain the central office. Then the remaining fokontany will be arranged according to their grouping. These will be divided into three different deconcentrated bodies when each of which, gathering at least three or four nearby fokontany, will make up peripheral office. Public services such as registry office will be therefore provided by these peripheral offices. Civil servants there can take decisions, however, they will always be dependent on the central office. If ever a major problem happens, they can pass it to the politicians in the central office. In this case, users from the remotest fokontany will no longer be obliged to run distant kilometers to do a file in the

122 http://www.pitt.edu/~super1/lecture/lec9481/001.htm

123 Collins, 1994

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fokontany of Ambohibary. They will also feel secure and at ease in their usual lands. This form of decentralization should be therefore implemented in all rural communes that group more than eight fokontany. But decentralization still has constraints and problems. It can result in a weak local management, that is, lack of skilled staff, an unequal resource in the delivery of services and a political domination entailed by local elites’ control. Nevertheless, decentralized small management units are faster, more focused, more flexible, friendlier and more fun124. Moreover, they can meet rural users’ expectations. But to complete peasants’ blissful feelings, some adaptations still should be made with the language policy of the country.

III.5.4.2. Review the language policy

III.5.4.2.1. Some useful hints By definition, “Language policy is a plan of action agreed by the government about how the languages and the linguistic varieties of a country are to be used”125. For some authors, language policy is synonym of language planning. It appears useful to specify this term to designate the most abstract phase of language planning126 But most often, objectives of language policy depend on a more global objective, at an entire social scale: national unification, diplomatic connection, orientation of the economy towards a new sector and so on. As such, we feel the need to approach fatally language planning here. “The term language planning refers to the organized pursuit of solutions of language problems, typically at the national level”127 As language is the vital code that allows best the communication between users and civil servants, it is worth dealing particularly with. Having an appropriate explicit language

124 Handy, 1994

125 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Language_policy

126 Didier de Robillard in Moreau,M-L,1997 : 229-230. 127 Fishman, J-A(1974)” Language Modernization and Planning in Comparison with other types of national modernization and planning” in FISHMAN, ( under the direction of) Advances in Language Planning, Paris, 1974, p79

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policy contributes largely to the development of a whole country. Yet, as Gil Dany RANDRIAMASITIANA128 notes it, relationships between the existing languages in Madagascar have often been of confrontational nature and have frequently shown an unequal functional distribution” to borrow Mackey, W-F’s concept. The Malagasy-French diglossic situation has always appeared to be a complex issue to be solved. Although the constitution of 1992 has stipulated that Malagasy is the national language, the latter suffers from a controversial and competitive link with the French. Despite the different attempts to revalorize the Malagasy language, such as the Malagasization of the Second Republic 1975- 1989, there is no denying that French has always been the principal language of education, administration, work, juridical texts and so on. Now that the constitution of April 2007 stipulates that Malagasy is the national language and Malagasy, French and English are the official languages129, the problems of language relationships will be all the more complex. RANDRIAMASITIANA has noted that “Ayant une centaine de pages, le Document de Stratégie pour la Réduction de la Pauvreté (ou DSRP, mai 2003, Antananarivo, p.81 et 104) ne fait mention que d'une façon très laconique et très superficielle les problèmes des langues(…) dans le processus de développement (rapide et durable)130. . Approaching specifically rural areas, we would add that something needs to be revised still.

III.5.4.2.2. Some adaptations according to rural logic We have seen that even if it concerns rural areas, code mixing and code switching still happen and remain unavoidable; there are the French words “légalisation”,”certification”, “Etat Civil” etc…Monolingual peasants of course don’t understand these. They interact in the offices just by habits. As such, a particular language policy should be set for the administration and education in the countryside. For the latter, all courses should be for a while done in pure Malagasy, while giving at the same time copies of lessons in French so that children, adolescents and adult learners will get everything easily. But in exchange to

128http://www.haisoratra.org/imprimersans.php3?id_article=725 Randriamasitiana, G. D. Rapports complexes et inégaux entre les langues partenaires et la société malgache p 129 Volavolam-panitsiana ny lalam-panorenana aroso amin’ny ftsapan-kevibahoaka ny 4 aprily 2007, p 7 130 Randriamasitiana, G. D, op. cit, p…Presenting about a hundred pages, the Document for the Strategy of Poverty Reduction (or DSRP, May 2003, Antananarivo, p.81 and 104) mentions but in a very superficial and laonic way the problems of of languages in the process of (rapid and sustainable) development. (Our translation)

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this, French and English languages should be taught intensively as foreign languages. They should double for example their time so as to catch up the level of learners from urban schools. As for the administration, Malagasization should be conducted. The different French terms used in administration should be found translations as TAULI, V. significantly stresses on it: “Puisque la langue est un instrument, il s’ensuit qu’une langue peut être évaluée, altérée, corrigée, régulée, améliorée et de nouvelles langues peuvent être créées à volonté »131 We are dealing here with an internal language planning. It concerns no more about the relationships between the existing languages but rather about the Malagasy language itself. All notices, administrative letters, oral exchanges with civil servants in rural communes should be therefore produced in Malagasy for a precise time. For that, we have already seen previously the rules of this Malagasization in Fitsipika folon’ny fisorateny vahiny gasiana. The combination of decentralization and these language policy adaptations will favour the communication between rural users and people involved in the administration. Speaking their usual language in a familiar land will make peasants feel secure and comfortable.

In conclusion, we would say that the third part of this work is particularly concerned with the downward trend of the interaction. We have seen that an inefficient administration added to an incompatible culture of rural users result in a failing communication. Services in these communes are characterized by a poor environment condition: equipments are old, outdated and insufficient. Also, problems of human resources give room to conflicts and result in a failing organization. Furthermore, the culture of the local people which is mainly characterized by illiteracy and cultural backwardness is far from being compatible with the requirement of the administration. To approach it well, we have conducted a psychosocial analysis of this failing communication. The actors of the communication, that is, users and civil servants are studied along three variables: psychological, cognitive and social. But the code and canal of the communication too have

131 Valter TAULI, 1963, Introduction to a theory of language planning, Uppsala, but written from 1962.

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been analyzed. The last element to be studied in this communication is the feed back which shows in which measure a user can express himself and how much attention is given to him. We can reassure here once again that problems of communication constitute largely the cause of behaviour change of peasants. We have accordingly suggested solutions which are but a mere contribution to this issue. These solutions are not the best ones, some of them are not new and some are drawn from the Madagascar Action Plan’s. However, it is essential to have some precisions on them and to adapt them according to each place. Some of them are straight away applicable and some still need long studies and surveys. No matter how much difficult are they to implement, all these solutions do require a great deal of effort, work and patience. In order to make further precision on the study of the two rural communes, we are also suggesting the following model.

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Picture n° 8: Modeling attempt of the functioning of the interaction administrator-citizen in a rural commune

Rural Commune Development

Dialogue Rural People Government

Well Effective administration Compatible culture functioning Interaction

- Decentralization Particular study - Appropriate of each Effective language policy commune communication

Reinforcement of - Promoting proficient Fundamental Education: administrative staff: - New classrooms Approach Behaviour • Training - New curricula • New form of Training for young & adult recruitment illiterate citizen: • Affectation - Fight against illiteracy - Providing adequate - New horizons tools: computerization

Linguistic and Administrative obstacles communicational obstacles - Imposition - Negative attitude - Poor Environment towards « x » condition - Illiteracy

Avoidant Behaviour

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CONCLUSION

Communication plays a fundamental role in the functioning of the interaction administrator-citizen in rural areas. The particular study of the cases of the rural communes of Belazao and Ambohibary Sambaina has helped us draw the link between the different factors involved in it. We have seen that the inefficient administration added to the incompatibility of the local people culture with this administration result in a failing communication which is the apparent explanation of the failing interaction. In a word, we would say that the interaction is more effective in Belazao than in Ambohibary. This difference is mainly due to territorial organization which has an important influence on language and culture. The homogeneity of Belazao resulting more particularly from the proximity and the cultural similarity of its seven fokontany gives way to an endogenous dynamics. As for Ambohibary, the effect of the urbanization of some villages as well as the lack of concentration of its nineteen fokontany constitutes a major factor that affects the communication. Nevertheless, the two communes somehow encounter the same problems. We cannot remain inactive towards these problems. Solutions which target each element of the interaction are to be given. For the first actor of the interaction, that is, rural people, education is the basic remedy. Everyone should receive his part of instruction as it is also his right. The second actor is the administration within which some adaptations from the government’s part should be achieved. In his major theme entitled “La rationalisation de l’administration malgache, FABRY, A. reminds that “…en toutes circonstances l’administration est au service du gouvernement et qu’elle ne constitue que l’un des moyens d’exécution de son programme. »132 Adequate technique and materials should be provided and proficient civil servants should be promoted. As for the code and canal of the interaction, decentralization and language policy should be revised so as to favour relationships and, of course, communication. These three elements “of communication” constitute the feet on which a well functioning interaction should stand. Commune should be viewed in people eyes as a solid body showing effectiveness and having adequate means. Rural people also should feel

132 Fabry, A. Rationalisation de l’administration malgache, Mai 1971, p. 1 « … in all circumstances, administration is at the service of the government and it constitutes but one of the means of execution of its programme. ( Our translation)

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beneficiary of its existence and functions. The implementation of this remains a big challenge and requires of course a great deal of effort especially from the government’s part. The main point is that while supporting the solutions suggested by the MAP, we would like to emphasize on the need to adapt everything according to the traditions of the place as it is about a rural one. « Il ne s’agit pas de s’enliser dans la tradition. Mais on saurait rien cultiver dans l’abstrait, la tradition doit être le terrain sur lequel on sèmera les nouvelles plantes et sur lequel on utilisera de nouvelles méthodes »133 Also, FABRY, A. puts an emphasis on the necessity to conduct permanent adaptations within administration. He argues that there is no universally valid administrative scheme.134 A particular study of culture should be therefore conducted as it may vary from one commune to another. It is the MAP’s goal to reduce the difference between rural and urban societies. Restructuration and changes are being achieved now in lots of communes of the island; offices have the same form and colours. Fokontany offices too are now being well constructed. Leaders, that is, Mayors and their subordinates too change with these reforms and even the system of functioning is being revised. The ministry of land service is being created, and many communes such as Ambohibary have got finance from the MCA for this particular branch. These changes really improve peasantry area. People easily recognize these offices. But our question is in which measure does this policy contribute to the facilitation of the dialogue between rural people and the government. We have said over and over again that peasants fear what is new and strange. If formerly “LAPAN’NY TANANA” is what you can read in the village hall of Ambohibary, it has become “COMMUNE RURALE AMBOHIBARY”now. It is imperative then to quicken and reinforce education of rural people in order to catch up the speed of these changes. But all people involved in these public functions too should make their services correspond to the new environment; they should be proficient in communicating with these peasants. But the contribution to the effort to get rural people out of this psychosocial constraint too is another salient feature of the present research work. The fact that peasants feel secure to interact in the context of administration is already an essential step towards their opening to

133 Jean Comte, op cit, p 165. But it is not question of sinking into tradition. One cannot cultivate something in the abstract, tradition should be the field on which one will sow new plants and use new methods (Our translation) 134 Fabry, A; op. cit, p. 3

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other horizons and also to the global society135. But it can also contribute to the development of rural world and eventually to the national development as JEAN COMTE skillfully notes it: “Si l’on veut faire progresser l’économie générale du pays et améliorer le niveau de vie c’est donc sur les paysans qu’il faut agir puisqu’ils représentent à la fois la masse des consommateurs et celle des producteurs » 136 The approach of rural world in our country remains a really vast domain which still needs to be further studied. This long journey requires a great deal of work and patience. Tough a minor contribution, the present work can open up to many other avenues: observation of other services in communal public functions, adoption of a particular administrative language policy, a comparative study of two rural communes and why not a comparative study of the cases of rural and urban communes? But approach of communication proper too is possible. So, what about setting up a system such as radio in which rural people can express their opinions freely?

135The failure “green revolution” project in Ambohibary last July 2007 was due to problem of communication. 136 Jean Comte, op cit, p 147 If we want to make progress the general economy of the country and improve the standard of living, we should approach peasants first for they represent at the same time the mass of consumers and that of producers as well. (our translation)

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WEBOGRAPHY

- BUREAUCRACY http://www.analytictech.com/mb021/bureau.htm

CONVERSATION ANALYSIS http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/conversation_analysis

- CULTURE http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/culture

- DECENTRALIZATION http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Decentralization

- DECENTRALIZATION ACCORDING TO CHEEMA AND RONDIRELLI http://www.pitt.edu/~super1/lecture/lec9481/001.htm

- DESCRIPTIVE RESEARCH http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Descriptive_research

- DIGLOSSIA http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/diglossia

- ETHNOGRAPHY OF COMMUNICATION http://books.google.com/books?id=2gBFDyxTQM4C&printsec=frontcover&dq=ethnography +of+communication&psp=1&hl=fr

- ETHNOMETHODOLOGY http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ethnomethodology

- FORMAL LANGUAGE VS INFORMAL LANGUAGE http://www.exampleessays.com/viewpaper/75856.html http://www.arts.gla.ac.uk/SESLL/EngLang/LILT/forminf.htm

- FUNCTIONAL ILLITERACY http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Functional_illiteracy

136

- ILLITERACY http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1E1-illitera.html

- LANGUAGE PLANNING http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Language_planning

- ORGANIZATION http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organization

- PRAGMATICS AND DISCOURSE ANALYSIS http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/pragmaticsdiscourse analysis

- PRAGMATICS http://encyclopedia.thefreedictinary.com//Pragmatics

- QUALITATIVE RESEARCH http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qualitative_method

- QUALITATIVE VS QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/analysis

- SPEECH ACT http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/Speech+act

- SYMBOLIC INERACTIONISM http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Symbolic_interactionism.

- WHAT IS MEANT BY "DISCOURSE ANALYSIS"? http://bank.ugent.be/da/da.htm

-DIALECT http://m-w.com/dictionary/dialect

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR USERS

USERS Date : d : … ( )...m :……(……)y: 2007 Place : Represented Population: 1 2 IDENTIFICATION Name:……………………………… Forename: ………………………… Sex: Male. Female. Age:………. SES:……………………………………………………………………… Level of instruction:………………………………...... Domicile (Fokontany) :…………………………………………………… Marital status:………………………………......

QUESTIONS

I/THE FILE a)the user wants to have Type N Type N Birth certificate certificate of collective life Registration of birth registration of civil marriage Notification of deah legalization of a file Copy of act of birth tax payment Proof of residence Life certificate b) Frequency: Number of time: - I pass to the communal office : /month /6months /year - I get a «copy of act of birth » /month /6months /year - I prepare “civil marriage” /month /6months /year

II /TREATMENT OF THE USER’S FILE How ? By who ? face to face Himself freight forwarding (small etter) 1 member of the family telephone 1 neighbour Others 1 friend others (colleague…)

III/ ARRIVAL The user comes Company : alone with a member of the family a neighbour a friend Someone you know Others

Moving : by foot by bicycle Motorbike Taxi brousse Others (voiture……….)

IV/ PRÉSENTATION OF USERS

a- does the user have some preparation before going to the office? Washing hands feet hands and feet teeth bath Feet bare sandals shoed Clothes changed no changed b- Tobacco The user consumes tobacco before during after the interaction The user smokes in the corridor room apartment veranda courtyard? c-the user takes his hat off? yes no

d- The user knocks at the door? yes no

V/ ATTITUDE OF THE USER While entering, he feels Ignorant Anxious Afraid timid Ashamed VI/ COMMUNICATION a) borrowing such as « livret de famille » by theadministrator Facilitate Complicate The comprehension of the message in user b) notices, drawings and do on facilitate the communication ? not at all a bit exactly c) the user speaks in a ? Regional dialect Official Malagasy French English Others d) The user is: monolingual bilingual trilingual multilingual

négative A bit average good Very good French English Others

VII/ LITERACY The user can Read Write Not A bit Average Well Very well VIII/APPRECIATION OF THE SERVICE a)rapidity : very long long average rapid very rapid b) Reception: severe negative acceptable kind friendly c) Cost : very expensive expensive acceptable less expensive not expensive at all

RECOMMENDATIONS PROBLEMS :……………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………………......

...... ASPIRATIONS :...... ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………… SUGGESTED SOLUTIONS :…………………………………………………………………………………………………......

APPENDIX II QUESTIONNAIRE FOR EXTERNAL OBSERVER

EXAMINERS (external) Date : d : … ( )...m :……(……)y : 2007 Place : Representd Population : 1 2

IDENTIFICATION Name:……………………………………………………….. Forename: ………………………………………………. Sex: Male. Female. Age :……… ESS :……………………………………………………….. Level of instruction:………………………………... Domicile (Fokontany):……………………………………… marital status :………………………………...

SEMI DIRECTIVE QUESTIONS

1-have you ever gone to the communal office ? Often ? Rarely ?

2-for what reason ?

3- who does make your file ? Yourself ? So who ?

4-how many times have you ever prepared a copy of act of birth? a civil marriage?

5-do you have some preparation before going there Washing Changing Shoeing

6-which file do you make most frequently ?

7-are you satisfied of the service? Rapidity Quality Reception at the office Cost

8- can you speak French? English? Others?

9-do you know Reading ? Writing ? 10-For you, does code switching and code mixing such as borrowing facilitate or complicate the comprehension of the message?

11- Are diverse instructions such as images and notices useful ? do they facilitate communication?

12-in your opinion, what can be the problems of this interaction ?

13- Being yourself a user, what are your aspirations?

14-Can you give us already some solutions to these problems?

APPENDIX III QUESTIONNAIRE FOR ADMINISTRATORS

ADMINISTRATORS Date : d : … ( ..).m :……( … )y : 2007 Place: Represented Population : 1 2

IDENTIFICATION

Name:………………………………… Forename: ………………………………………………. Sex: Male. Female. Age :……… ESS:……………………………………………………….. Level of instruction :………………………………... Domicile (Fokontany) :……………………………………… Marital status:………………………………...

SEMI DIRECTIVE QUESTIONS

™ Position :

™ Responsibilities : In charge of:

Mode of functioning:

The easiest, most tiring, most boring an hardest day

™ Form of communication : Contact with peasants

Reception (salutation, politeness, cigarette, code switching and mixing) linguistic skills

French :

English :

Others:

™ Opinion on his work: Conception of « work »

Do you love your work? (Pourquoi ?)

Personal satisfaction (salary, work condition)

Other occupations:

™ Problems

™ Aspirations

™ Suggested solutions

APPENDIX IV ORGANIZATION CHART OF THE TWO COMMUNES (organigramme)

MAIRE CONSEILLERS (01) SECRETAIRE TECHNIQUES PARTICULIER (03) (01)

2è ADJOINT 1er ADJOINT (01) (01)

SECRETAIRE GENERAL (01)

SERVCE FINANCIER SERVICE TECHNIQUE SERVICE FONCIER SERVICE ETAT CIVIL ECONOMIQUE (02) (02) (04) (09)

APPENDIX V POPULATION PYRAMIDS OF AMBOHIBARY AND BELAZAO

DURING THE FIELDWORK

Almost notices are in French. Code mixing occurs

Tools used in the registry office service: typewriter

Cupboard containing parish records

The current state of the rural commune of Ambohibary. Rehabilitation and changes have been made.

HERINIAINA Marie Aimée Lot 11 16 E 230 Mahazoarivo Sud 110 Antsirabe - MADAGASCAR E-mail: [email protected] Contact: +261 34 70 710 88 +261 33 12 001 72

Research fields: Sociology of language, rural sociology, sociology of communication, sociology of work. Keywords: Interaction, linguistic community, social class, reference group, code mixing, approach behaviour, administrative functioning. Number of - Tables : 10 - Pictures : 8 - Graphs : 3

Summary : The present research work is a contribution to the analysis of the interaction administrator-citizen in rural areas. By so doing, we have chosen to study particularly the cases of the rural communes of Belazao and Ambohibary Sambaina which are both parts of the Vakinankaratra region. The direct observation of some administrative practices has helped us learn a lot about the lands’ culture namely users’ presentation, social divisions of work, register office practice and ethnography of communication. But the incompatibility and backwardness of this culture added to an inefficient administration constitute the main factors that result in a failing communication whereas the latter is the chore of the functioning of the interaction. Indeed, improving communication in rural areas requires a great deal of work and patience. Reinforcement of all rural people education, adaptations within local administration and approaches of language policy and decentralization are to be achieved. We would like to emphasize here that the implementation of these challenges should be in accordance of the culture and characteristics of the lands. No matter how much time it will take, improving communication in rural areas is essential for it contributes largely not only to the development of rural world but also of the whole nation.

LIST OF PICTURES

Picture n° 1 Location map of the places of investigation...... 4 Picture n° 2 The rural commune of Belazao ...... 423 Picture n° 3 A user inside the office...... 425 Picture n° 4 Users making queue...... 425 Picture n° 5 Users’ presentation to the office...... 426 Picture n° 6 An illiterate users’ signature...... 427 Picture n° 7 Comparison of the vocalic systems of French an Malagasy language...... 60 Picture n° 8 Modeling attempt of the functioning of the interaction administrator-citizen in a rural commune...... 128

LIST OF GRAPHS

Graph n° 1 Presentation of the hierachical structure...... 17 Graph n° 2 Presentation of the functional structure ...... 17 Graph n° 3 Presentation of the staff and line structure...... 18

LIST OF TABLES

Tableau n° 1 Distribution per sex and age of the population of Belazao ...... 6 Tableau n° 2 Some percentages of the young population of Belazao ...... 6 Tableau n° 3 Distribution per sex and age of the population of Ambohibary Sambaina...... 9 Tableau n° 4 Presentation of the young population of Ambohibary...... 10 Tableau n° 5 List of schools in Ambohibary Sambaina...... 10 Tableau n° 6 List of churches in Ambohibary .S ...... 12 Tableau n° 7 Distribution per sex of the studied micro population...... 37 Tableau n° 8 Distribution per sex and age of the studied users...... 38 Tableau n° 9 : Presentation of users ‘levels of instruction ...... 48 Tableau n° 10 : List of some lexical peculiar to the region...... 65

LIST OF ACRONYMS

A Administrator BACC Baccalaureate BD Base de Données BEPC Brevet d’Etude de Premier Cycle CEAMP Centrale pour l’Equipement Agricole et la Modernisation du Paysannat CEG Collège d’Enseignement Général COSYCO Comptoir des Syndicats de Communes CSB Centre de Santé de Base DUEL Diplôme Universitaire des Etudes Linguistiques EPP Ecole Primaire Publique Fig. Figure FTM Foiben-Taotsaritanin’i Madagasikara ITM Iray Tsy Mivaky MAP Madagascar Action Plan MCA Millennium Challenge Account OPCI Organisme Publique de Coopération Intercommunale PCD Plan Communal de Développement RIC Route d’Intérêt Communal RIP Route d’Intérêt Provincial RN Route Nationale SINPA Société d’Intérêt National pour les Produits Agricoles U User WWII World War Second

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ...... 1 I.1. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PLACES OF INVESTIGATION...... 4 I.1.1. The rural commune of belazao ...... 5 I.1.1.1. Historical and geographical background...... 5 I.1.1.1.1. Historical insight 5

I.1.1.1.2. Geographical location of the commune 5

I.1.1.1.3. Territorial organization 5

I.1.1.2. Sociological background...... 5 I.1.1.2.1. Demographical data 5

I.1.1.2.2. Education...... 6 I.1.1.2.3. Social characteristics 7

I.1.1.2.4. Other activities: 7

I.1.2. The rural commune of AMBOHIBARY SAMBAINA ...... 7 I.1.2.1. Historical and geographical background...... 7 I.1.2.1.1. history 7

I.1.2.1.2. Geographical location 8

I.1.2.1.1.3. Territorial organization 8

I.1.2.2. Sociological background...... 9 I.1.2.1. Human circle/background 9

I.1.2.2.2. Education circle 10

I.1.2.2.3. Social circle 11

I.1.2.2.4. Economic circle: 12

I.2. THEORETICAL AND EXPERIMENTAL FRAMEWORK...... 13 I.2.1. Generalities...... 13 I.2.1.1. What do we learn from bureaucracy and administration...... 13 I.2.1.1.1. From Touraine’s, Weber’s and Crozier’s perspectives. 13

I.2.1.1.2. From H FAYOR, H’s viewpoint 15

I.2.1.2. Public administration in Madagascar...... 19

I.2.1.2.1. History of the public administration in Madagascar 19

I.2.1.2.2. Discussion 22

I.2.1.3. Rural sociology ...... 24 I.2.1.3.1. Etymology: 24

I.2.1.3.2. What do we learn from rural sociology? 24

I.2.1.4. The correlation between the theme and the current government’s policy ...... 26 I.2.2. Conceptual references ...... 26 I.2.2.1. Symbolic Interactionnism ...... 27 I.2.2.2. Communication ...... 28 I.2.2.3. Conversational analysis ...... 29 I.2.2.4. Pragmatics ...... 31 I.2.2.5. Language contact ...... 32 I.2.2.5.1. Borrowing phenomenon 32

I.2.2.5.2. Diglossia 33

I.2.2.5.3. Bilingualism and multilingualism 33

I.3.1. The research ...... 35 I.3.1.1. Descriptive research...... 35 I.3.1.2. Explorative research...... 35 I.3.1.3. The different stages of the research ...... 35 I.3.2. Data collection ...... 36 I.3.2.1. Typology of situation ...... 36 I.3.2.2 Participant observation ...... 36 I.3.2.3. Method used ...... 37 I.3.2.4. Data collection technique ...... 38 I.3.2.4.1. The process of the survey 38

I.3.2.4.2. Questionnaire technique 38

I.3.2.4.2. Documentary technique 39

I.3.2.4.3. Recording and video-making 39

I.3.3. Types of analysis ...... 39 I.3.3.1. Quantitative analysis ...... 39 I.3.3.2. Qualitative analysis:...... 40

II.1. USERS’ PRESENTATION AS IMAGE OF RURAL CULTURE IN GENERAL..43 I.1.1. The influence of administrative environment on rural citizens...... 43 II.1.1.1. The shape of the communal village hall ...... 43 II.1.1.2. The place where citizens are questioned ...... 44 II.1.2. Users’ physical appearance ...... 45 II.1.3. Users’ levels of instruction...... 47 II.1.3.1. Illiteracy ...... 47 II.1.3.2. Very low level of instruction...... 48 II.1.3.2.1. Administrators 48

II.1.3.2.2. Users 48

II.1.4. Users’ attitudes: attitudes towards something very new and unfamiliar...... 50 II.1.4.1. What is learnt by “attitude”? ...... 50 II.1.4.2. What do users feel and how do they behave? ...... 50 II.1.4.3. They come numerous ...... 51 II.2. SOCIAL DIVISIONS OF WORK AND RESPONSIBILITY: SOME TRADITIONS IN RURAL AREAS...... 53 II.2.1. Age division...... 53 II.2.1.1. In citizens...... 53 II.2.1.2. In administrators...... 53 II.2.2. Gender division...... 54 II.2.2.1. At level of users...... 54 II.2.2.2. At level of administrative staff ...... 55 II.3. Register office practice, a significant indicator of the customs of the region ...... 56 II.3.1. Marriage age ...... 56 II.3.2. Choice of partneR...... 56 II.3.3. Couples’ socio-economic status...... 57 II.4. peasants’ use of language: an effective clue for the study of the lands’ ethnography and ethnology of communication ...... 58 II.4.1. The region’s ethnography of communication ...... 58 II.4.1.1. What is ethnography of communication? ...... 58 II.4.1.2. Along geographical dimension ...... 59 II.4.1.2.1. Identification of the language 59

II.4.1.2.2. Phonological variation 60

II.4.1.2.3. Lexical variation 63

II.4.1.2.4. Grammatical variation: 65

II.4.1.3. Along social dimension...... 68 II.4.1.3.1. How can you recognize the working class? 69

II.4.1.3.2. Identifying the middle class 70

II.4.1.3.3. Who can be classified among the higher class? 71

II.4.1.4. Along Stylistic dimension...... 73 II.4.1.4.1. Linguistic style 74

II.4.1.4.2. Manner of production 76

II.4.1.4.3. The reception of the audience 76

II.4.1.4.4. Point making 77

II.4.2. The lands’ ethnology of communication ...... 78 II.4.2.1. Only one language; a sign of social unity ...... 78 II.4.2.2. The place of “Fitenenana” ...... 79 II.4.2.2.1. A means of education and transmission of cultures 80

II.4.2.2.2. A source of information about the speaker 80

II.4.2.3. The religion of the local people ...... 81 II.4.2.3.1. Reference to God 81

II.4.2.3.2. Gospel songs. 82

III.1. FROM AN INEFFICIENT ADMINISTRATION...... 84 III .1 .1. Poor physical working condition ...... 84 III.1.1.1. Insufficient equipments ...... 84 III.1.1.2. Old and outdated equipments/materials...... 85 III.1.1.3. The quality of produces:...... 85

III.1.2. A Malfunctioning ORGANIZATION: human resources issues ...... 86 III.1.2.1. Notion of power...... 87 III.1.2.2. Conflicts do occur ...... 88 III.1.2.2.1. What is a conflict? 88

III.1.2.2.2. Case of Ambohibary Sambaina 88

III.1.2.2.3. The handicap of the mayor’s power 90

III.1.2.2.4. Conclusion 91

III.1.2.3. The impacts of this inefficient organization on users ...... 91 III.1.2.3.1. Tiredness and more expenses 92

III.1.2.3.2. Negative attitude and different behaviour 92

III.2. AN INCOMPATIBLE CULTURE ...... 94 III.2.1. Illiterate citizens...... 94 III.2.2. Cultural backwardness...... 95 III.2.3. Impacts of these on the adminstration...... 96 III.2.3.1. On administrators...... 96 III.2.3.2. On users themselves...... 96 III.3. TO A FAILING COMMUNICATION...... 97 III.3.1. The actors of communication...... 98 III.3.1.1. Psychological variables...... 98 III.3.1.2. Cognitive variables ...... 99 III.3.1.3. Social variables...... 100 III.3.2. The code and canal ...... 100 III.3.3. The feed-back ...... 100 III.4. DEALING WITH THE HYPOTHESIS...... 103 III.4.1. Validity of the hypothesis...... 103 III.4.2. Advantages of the research ...... 104 III.4.3. Limits of the research...... 105 III.5. TOWARDS A WELL FUNCTIONING INTERACTION ...... 107 III.5.1. The need of a transition...... 107 III.5.2. Dealing with rural people...... 108 III.5.2.1. Educate rural children ...... 108 III.5.2.1.2. The MAP’s initiative 109

III.5.2.1.3. Adaptations according to each rural commune 111

III.5.2.1.4. Completing the curricula 112

III.5.2.1.5. Targeting 8 to 15 years old illiterate children 113

III.5.2.2. Educate young people and adults...... 113 III.5.2.2.1. Starting with a simple discussion 113

III.5.2.2.2. Carrying out a large awareness campaign on fight against illiteracy 114

III.5.2.2.3. Setting up literacy centres 115

III.5.2.2.4. Broadening step by step the activities 115

III.5.3. Dealing with the administration ...... 116 III.5.3.1. Ensure a successful organization...... 116 III.5.3.1.1. Practicing affectation and adopting a new form of recruitment. 116

III.5.3.1.2. Training communal administrative staff 117

III.5.3.1.3. Reducing favouritism and corruption 117

III.5.3.2. Provide adequate tools...... 118 III.5.4. Dealing with the code and canal of the interaction...... 121 III.5.4.1. Develop more decentralization ...... 121 III.5.4.1.1. What do we learn from decentralization? 121

III.5.4.2. Proximity ...... 122 III.5.4.3. Similarity-complementarity...... 122 III.5.4.4. Deconcentration ...... 123 III.5.4.2. Review the language policy ...... 124 III.5.4.2.1. Some useful hints 124

III.5.4.2.2. Some adaptations according to rural logic 125

CONCLUSION...... 129 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 132 WEBOGRAPHY ...... 136