SLEEPING ON THE ASHES:
SLUM CLEARANCE IN HAVANA IN AN AGE OF REVOLUTION, 1930-65
by
Jesse Lewis Horst
Bachelor of Arts, St. Olaf College, 2006
Master of Arts, University of Pittsburgh, 2012
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of
The Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
University of Pittsburgh
2016
UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH
DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS & SCIENCES
This dissertation was presented by
Jesse Horst
It was defended on
July 28, 2016 and approved by
Scott Morgenstern, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science
Edward Muller, Professor, Department of History
Lara Putnam, Professor and Chair, Department of History
Co-Chair: George Reid Andrews, Distinguished Professor, Department of History
Co-Chair: Alejandro de la Fuente, Robert Woods Bliss Professor of Latin American History and Economics, Department of History, Harvard University
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Copyright © by Jesse Horst
2016
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SLEEPING ON THE ASHES:
SLUM CLEARANCE IN HAVANA IN AN AGE OF REVOLUTION, 1930-65
Jesse Horst, M.A., PhD
University of Pittsburgh, 2016
This dissertation examines the relationship between poor, informally housed communities and the state in Havana, Cuba, from 1930 to 1965, before and after the first socialist revolution in the Western Hemisphere. It challenges the notion of a “great divide” between Republic and Revolution by tracing contentious interactions between technocrats, politicians, and financial elites on one hand, and mobilized, mostly-Afro-descended tenants and shantytown residents on the other hand. The dynamics of housing inequality in Havana not only reflected existing socioracial hierarchies but also produced and reconfigured them in ways that have not been systematically researched. As the urban poor resisted evictions, they utilized the legal and political systems to draw their neighborhoods into contact with the welfare state. Not merely coopted by politicians, tenants and shantytown residents claimed housing as a citizenship right and played a decisive role in centralizing and expanding state institutions before and after the 1959 Revolution.
Far from giving the urban poor free rein over their destinies, however, their tight relationships with the Cuban state impelled officials to implement new policies drawn from abroad. Public debates over slum clearance reinforced the social-scientific discourse of a “culture of poverty” in ways that ultimately blended with the incipient socialist system. This discourse was embedded in the most beneficial interventions of the revolutionary welfare state but in ways
iv that perpetuated racism and social exclusion. By the early 1960s, then, slum policy in Havana represented a dynamic interaction between residents, social scientists, and state bureaucrats. The urban poor shaped the Revolution, even as the Revolution sought to manage them.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS..........................................................................................................XI
- 1.0
- INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................ 1
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW.............................................................................. 8 CUBAN HISTORIOGRAPHY......................................................................... 14 CORE ARGUMENTS....................................................................................... 18 WIDER SIGNIFICANCE................................................................................. 21 CHAPTER SUMMARY ................................................................................... 25 A NOTE ON LANGUAGE............................................................................... 27 A NOTE ON GEOGRAPHY............................................................................ 28
“THE PROBLEM OF LA HATA”: AGRARIAN REFORM AND URBAN
1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7
2.0 INFORMALITY IN HAVANA, 1930-1947.............................................................................. 30
2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7
THE CITY OF REPARTOS............................................................................. 33 PUBLIC WELFARE AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION ...................................... 36 RIGHTS TO THE CITY................................................................................... 42 STATE LANDS IN CUBAN LAW .................................................................. 45 LAND WARS..................................................................................................... 53 THE PROBLEM OF LA HATA...................................................................... 63 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................. 68
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- 3.0
- “THE FIRES OF ROME”: SHANTYTOWN NETWORKS AND THE STATE,
1931-1950 ..................................................................................................................................... 70
3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7
BETWEEN FIRE AND FREEDOM ............................................................... 74 MAKING CLAIMS........................................................................................... 83 PROPERTY RIGHTS IN LAS YAGUAS....................................................... 89 A LANGUAGE OF CONTENTION ............................................................... 94 URBAN INFORMALITY ON BEHALF OF THE STATE .......................... 98 A CURE WORSE THAN SICKNESS........................................................... 102 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................ 110
- “FACTORIES OF MEN”: NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND THE
- 4.0
CULTURE OF POVERTY, 1924-1963................................................................................... 112
4.1 4.2 4.3
FORERUNNER LUIS BAY SEVILLA......................................................... 116 “BARRIOS DE INDIGENTES” .................................................................... 121 THE INDIGENT HOME: “BARRIOS DE INDIGENTES” IN SOCIAL
SCIENCE .......................................................................................................................... 125 4.4 4.5
SOCIAL SCIENCE AND THE STATE........................................................ 129 “SCRATCHING THE URBAN SURFACE”: “BARRIOS DE
INDIGENTES” AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ................................................ 133 4.6 4.7 4.8
SOCIAL WORK AND THE CULTURE OF POVERTY........................... 142 A NEW MAN ................................................................................................... 146 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................ 150
- A CONSTRUCTIVE REVOLUTION: RENT CONTROL AND PRIVATE
- 5.0
INVESTMENT IN HAVANA’S HOUSING MARKET, 1939-1963.................................... 152
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5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8
RENT CONTROL........................................................................................... 155 RENT CONTROL IN PRACTICE, 1939-1945 ............................................ 161 MORALITY AND RACE............................................................................... 169 MORALITY AND THE MARKET............................................................... 174 PUBLIC HOUSING, 1940-1952..................................................................... 180 BATISTA’S HOUSING PROGRAM ............................................................ 184 HOUSING AND THE REVOLUTION......................................................... 191 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................ 196
- “THEY ARE CUBANS TOO”: SLUM CLEARANCE BETWEEN REPUBLIC
- 6.0
AND REVOLUTION, 1950-1963 ............................................................................................ 199
6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8
OUR JOSÉ MARTÍ......................................................................................... 202 TOWARDS A DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL ACTION ............................. 205 BEYOND POLITICS: SOCIAL WORKERS IN ISLA DE PINOS........... 211 A NEW REGIME ............................................................................................ 215 THE NATIONAL HOUSING COMMISSION ............................................ 219 LAS YAGUAS.................................................................................................. 227 THE REVOLUTION IN LAS YAGUAS ...................................................... 230 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................ 244
EPILOGUE AND CONCLUSION......................................................................... 247
SOCIALISM .................................................................................................... 251 THE SPECIAL PERIOD AND BEYOND .................................................... 253
7.0
7.1 7.2
BIBLIOGRAPHY..................................................................................................................... 256
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Percentage of Families Renting Their Home, by Race, 1943................................. 174
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Las Yaguas juxtaposed against the partially completed public housing project known as the Barrio Obrero (Worker’s Neighborhood) in 1947.................................................................... 7 Figure 2: Selected municipalities and shantytowns in Greater Havana........................................ 29 Figure 3: A journalist speaks with neighborhood leaders Rufino Gónzalez and Manuela Azcanio during the 1944 trial between Las Yaguas’ property owners and the state. Below, neighborhood children. ........................................................................................................................................ 99 Figure 4: Las Yaguas residents pose beneath a Cuban flag as they protest against relocation orders in 1944. ............................................................................................................................ 107 Figure 5: Population change in Havana, 1919-1953................................................................... 180 Figure 6: The Barrio Obrero (Worker’s Neighborhood) as it appeared at its 1947 inauguration. ..................................................................................................................................................... 184 Figure 7: Led by Maria Isadora Ros (right), social workers leave a shantytown accompanied by a journalist (second from left) in 1954. ........................................................................................ 225 Figure 8: Above, the Los Quemados shantytown—”ugly and denigrating for a country.” Below, residents work to construct new homes in 1960......................................................................... 238 Figure 9: A resident of Los Quemados in 1960: “I did the agrarian reform here, and the lands weren’t mine…”.......................................................................................................................... 251
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
To say this project was a collective affair falls somewhat short. This work would simply be nothing without the people around me. Writing history is often a solitary enterprise, and yet connections to people across nations, languages, and cities have sprung from this project like water from a rock. Thank you.
In financial terms, this research was made possible by multiple sources. The US
Department of Education funded several FLAS awards for Portuguese language study. Other funds came from the University of Pittsburgh, including a Tinker Grant via the Center for Latin American Studies (CLAS), a Social Science Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship and an Arts and Sciences Fellowship from the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences, and travel grants and teaching stipends from the History Department. The Cuban Heritage Collection at the University of Miami provided a summer research stipend, and I received a writing fellowship from Harvard University’s Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. An early version of my MA thesis won the Jorge Pérez-Lopez Prize from the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy, which provided travel funding and support at their annual conference.
In navigating Havana, I received assistance from a number of selfless local scholars and administrators at the University of Havana and the Fundación Núñez Jiménez. Without countless letters and paperwork done by Carmen Castillo, María Cristina, Milagros Martínez, and Julita
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Piloto, this project would not exist. Reinaldo Funes and Antonio Pitaluga were always available to orient me logistically and academically in Havana and always encouraging. Julian Asenjo and John Frechione from CLAS wrote letters and helped me navigate a maze of logistical challenges in the US.
My work in numerous libraries and archives was only possible because of the support and knowledge of their staffs. Thanks to Belkys Quesada from the Instituto de Historia de Cuba, Armando from the Museo Municipal de Guanabacoa; Julio César González Laureiro at the University of Havana; and Silvio Facenda, Niurbis Ferrer, Julio López, and Shamika at the Archivo Nacional, where I always felt at home. I am also grateful to the many workers who carried all my dusty legajos back and forth. The staff at the Biblioteca Nacional went out of their way to help me find sources. In the US, thanks are due to Meí Méndez, María Estorino, Gladys Gómez-Rossie, Rosa María Ortiz, and Esperanza B. de Varona at the Cuban Heritage Collection in Miami, and to Lisa Kemplin at the University of Illinois.
Going into the History Department at the University of Pittsburgh has always made me happy. In no small part this is thanks to the hard work and friendliness of Molly Dennis Estes, Kathy Gibson, Patty Landon, Grace Tomcho, and Lizzy Stoyle.
I first went to Cuba because of a class at St. Olaf College put together by Jeane Delaney. She also encouraged me to pursue graduate study and helped refine my earliest, most outlandish graduate school applications. Michael Fitzgerald taught me about the field of social history, pushed me to generate original interpretations from primary sources, and showed me how to load a microfilm reader. (I had no idea how relevant it would be in my professional life.)
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At Pittsburgh I joined the department of E.P. Thompson, where first names and hard work were the order of the day. A number of talented faculty have pushed me to think in new ways, including Seymour Drescher, Pinar Emiralioglu, Leslie Hammond, Peter Karsten, Irina Livezeanu, Marcus Rediker, Rob Ruck, and Rebecca Shumway. From beyond the department, John Markoff and Mrinalini Rajagopalan shaped this project in important ways. Ana Paula Carvalho taught me to speak Portuguese.
Many US scholars of Cuba and Latin America have supported my work along the way as well. I might never have studied Cuba if Ada Ferrer had not convinced me that José Antonio Aponte was the most interesting human being to ever have lived. Lillian Guerra has been generous with her enthusiasm and introductions. Jill Hamberg, Joseph Scarpaci, and Jorge Domínguez all offered useful feedback on my MA thesis. Brodwyn Fischer thoughtfully responded to my email queries. Thanks also to Devyn Spence Benson, Michelle Chase, Marial Iglesias, and Alejandro de Castro Mazarro.
I am especially grateful to the numerous scholars in Cuba who offered time, enthusiasm, and intellectual guidance as I researched. Tomás Fernández Robaina has supported me from my first awkward forays into Cuban research. Thanks also to Jorgé Calderón, Mercedes García, Jorge Macle, Ricardo Quiza, Tatu Quiñones, Mabel Suárez Ibarra, Gina Rey, Pablo Rodríguez Ruíz, and Victor, el Padrino.
I have spent the past six years writing about one city, but many of my ideas came from another: South Minneapolis; Lake Street; Powderhorn Park—the quiet city that wishes it were loud. A part of me will always see the world from the corner store on 34th Street and Chicago Avenue
xiii after church. I’m grateful to the people who made that view big enough for me to dream and wonder: Jordan Baynard, Peter Sundberg, Kayavin Unger, and everyone else.
My path to graduate study was shaped by my teammates on the track and cross-country teams at St. Olaf, with whom I developed the endurance to finish a PhD and learned to save energy for the final kick. My former high school students in Brooklyn, who by now are gifted adults, believed in me and questioned everything.
During these years, several people were particularly important in filling drab aspects of graduate study with life. Thanks to Maria Venegas for building communities, Camilo Ruíz for exploring underworlds from Pittsburgh to Cali, Tito for relentless positive energy, Kavin Paulraj for propping up writing with reggae, and Laura Correa Ochoa for being a bright light.
Kelly Urban has read most of what I have written from my first days in the program. She has been a constant source of personal and professional support from Pittsburgh, to Washington, D.C., Miami, Havana, Cambridge, and back again, sharing sources, logistical headaches, and friends. This project would be much worse without her, and it would not have been nearly as much fun.
The graduate students in the History Department at Pittsburgh have given me a forum whose intellectual intensity and camaraderie far surpassed what I could have asked for. In particular, this work has been sharpened by long lunches with Francisco Flórez Bolívar and Orlando Rivero Valdés, whose tireless enthusiasm for debates about all aspects of Latin American history (and whose love of Peruvian food) has been an inspiration. Orlando is an encyclopedia of Cuban History. He offered crucial guidance on sources and read many of my chapters. Pacho introduced me to Cartagena and Cascajal.
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Other historians at Pittsburgh have been invaluable colleagues and friends: Andrew
Behrendt, Lucy Behrendt, Matthew Casey, Isaac Curtis, John Galante, Tori Harms, Natalie Kimball, Luke Martínez, Katie Parker, and Yevan Terrian. Ryan Urban’s place in this group is even more valuable for his not being an historian. During my time at Harvard, Sarah Balakrishnan, Sarah Kennedy Bates, Jon Booth, Mateo Jarquín, Rainer Schultz, and Grete Vidal were kind enough to take a rootless graduate student under their wing.
Pittsburgh was a staging ground for almost constant travel. What has sometimes seemed a daunting process of doing research in Cuba has benefitted enormously from the collective wisdom of the friendliest, most talented diaspora of Yuma graduate students (and now professors). Romy Sánchez was one of the first people to teach me how to love living in Havana. Jenny Lambe’s infectious enthusiasm has come at just the right times. Lexi Baldacci, Mike Bustamante, Anasa Hicks, Rachel Hynson, Lauren Krebs, Ariel Lambe, Raquel Otheguey, Daniel Rodríguez, Franny Sullivan, Elizabeth Schwall, and Sarah Town have each come along for parts of this journey. On my wanderings I have also received companionship, food, and in some cases housing from Taylor and Tiffany Delhagen, Dane Hamman, Becky Hollender, Malcolm Richards, Elizabeth White Vidarte, Graham Lake, and Elizabeth Wilkins.
As I researched Havana’s history, I lived in its densely layered present. Every inch of the city is suffocating and wonderful, and I have been so fortunate to learn from what I now consider a true family. Claudia Martínez Herrera has been a philosophical sister and a faithful friend. Ivan Vásquez’s diligence, humility, and curiosity have been a constant source of encouragement. To María Bory Barrientos for la jama de la mama; Cecy for Sunday afternoons; Adelinde Acosta Roberts for always laughing at everything; Martin and Maritza Castro, and Alicia, for giving me
xv my first Havana home in Cayo Hueso; Carmen, Annie, and Omar Ivan for introducing me to neighborhood life: gracias.
I finished this project on the dingy, beautiful corners of Pittsburgh, a place that I will always equate with the friends I made there. I am not sure that a more unique group of people has ever come together in any place on earth. Dolores Casagranda, Gabriel Chouhy, Pauline Coster, Daniel Núñez, Adriana Piteta, and Samantha Plummer, thank you for meses de alegría.