68- 13,598 AGUILAR, Luis Enrique, 1926- CUBA 1933: THE FRUSTRATED REVOLUTION. The American University, Ph.D., 1968 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan (c) Luis Enrique Aguilar 1968 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED CUBA 1933; THE FRUSTRATED REVOLUTION By Luis Enrique Aguilar Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Signature of Committee Date: Dean of the AMERICAN UNIVERSITY Date: A*? LIBRARY M A Y 1 4 1968 WASHINGTON. 0. C 37s i TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION....................................... PART I. ANTECEDENTS CHAPTER I. THE CREATION OF THE REPUBLIC, 1895-1902.......................................................... a) The Efforts for Independence b) American Intervention and the Platt Amendment c) The First Steps of the Republic, 1902-1906 CHAPTER II. THE FAILURE OF THE REPUBLIC, 1906-1925......................... a) The Second American Intervention and Its Consequences b) Political Developments, 1909-1925 c) Economic and Social Developments, 1909-1925 PART II. WINDS OF CHANGE CHAPTER III. THE ELECTIONS OF 1924.............. CHAPTER IV. MACHADO THE PRESIDENT, 1925-1927................................................... CHAPTER V. PROROGUE OF POWERS AND RE-ELECTION, 1927-1928.......................................................... CHAPTER VI. WINDS OF CHANGE..................... PART III. THE FIGHT AGAINST MACHADO, 1929-1933 CHAPTER VII. THE SITUATION IN 1929.............. CHAPTER VIII. DEPRESSION AND GENERAL OPPOSITION, 1930-1933....................... CHAPTER IX. CONSPIRACY AND REBELLION 98 a) The Army as a Political Factor b) The Last Effort of the Old Guard PART IV. THE REVOLUTION, 1932-1933 CHAPTER X. NEW TACTICS AND NEW PROGRAMS.................... 110 CHAPTER XI. THE MEDIATION OF SUMNER WELLES, MAY-AUGUST, 1933 ........................... 121 CHAPTER XII. THE DOWNFALL OF MACHADO....................... 141 CHAPTER XIII. THE FAILURE OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, AUGUST 12- SEPTEMBER 4, 1933 ........................ 148 CHAPTER XIV. THE REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT, SEPTEMBER, 1933-JANUARY, 1934 .............. 160 a) The Significance of the Moment b) The Rise of Grau San Martin c) The Enemies of the Revolutionary Government 1) The Left 2) The Right d) The Ambassador, the Army, and the Downfall of the Revolutionary Government EPILOGUE: THE AFTERMATH . ........................... 202 CONCLUSIONS............................................... 205a BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................. 206 iii INTRODUCTION "...In Cuba our own proconsul, Leonard Wood, was putting the finishing touches on American colonialism and the Cuban Constitution, which was to last until the coming of Fidel Castro."* The above quotation, taken from a serious study, expresses both a great historical mistake and a common tendency today. The mistake is evident: the Cuban Constitution of 1901, did not last until Castro but was abolished in 19^0, when a new and very modern constitution, without any trace of coloni­ alism, was adopted in Cuba. The tendency is less evident, but far more important. It consists of a continuous dismissal of what happened in Cuba before Castro, of a trend ignoring all the previous struggles, triumphs, and defeats of the Cuban people. It reaches at times the dimension of ignorance, oc­ *Richard W. Weatherhead, "Traditions of Conflict in Latin America," Politics of Change in Latin America, ed. Joseph Maier and Richard W. Weatherhead (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965)* p. 29* 1 2 casionally it is the result of a political partiality, usually it is born of over-simplification. I could multiply that type of quotation to show how many serious studies try to present a parallel between the Mexico of 1910, the Bolivia of 1952, and the Cuba of 1959* The ex­ istence of a common factor-a victorious revolution-seems to obliterate the enormous differences in the historical past of these three nations, not to mention the important racial, eco­ nomic, and cultural differences. This dissertation is a humble attempt to correct that perspective, to point out that Cuba was not in 1959 the som­ nolent Mexico of Profirio Diaz or the remote Bolivia of the tin barons. Already in the middle twenties, Cuba was entering into a revolutionary period from which she emerged with deep and radical transformations, of which two of the most important results were: a popular revolutionary party and a Constitution with great emphasis on social legislation. Some of the pro­ grams or ideas, that for those who don't know Cuban history appear as radical and new in 1958, were to a great extent a continuation of the frustrated revolution of 1933* PART I ANTECEDENTS CHAPTER I THE CREATION OF THE REPUBLIC, 1895-1902 a) The Efforts for Independence Certain traits or characteristics of Cuban history in the nineteenth century must be briefly mentioned to understand the developments that took place in that island in the twentieth century. The Cubans remained passive during the great governmental and revolutionary crisis of 1808-1812 that shook the whole Spanish colonial system in Latin America. The apparent loy­ alty of the Cubans was due to two principal factors: a) the fear of the creole minority that a rebellion against Spain could end in a general uprising of the slaves in the island, 1 with the same tragic results as the Haitian rebellion; and -*-For a good delineation of this continual fear of the creoles, which lasted until approximately the first half of the twentieth century, see Vidal Morales y Morales, Inlciadores y Prlmeros M£rtlres de 1a. Revolucibn Cubana (3 vols.; Habana: Consejo Nacional de Cultura, 1963)• 4 5 b) the creoles feeling that any disturbance could endanger the economic boom that the island had been experiencing since 1790, when sugar production expanded becoming the main indus- Q try of Cuba. Until approximately 1820, the Spanish govern­ ment aided this economic expansion by allowing the introduction of slaves and other measures. This leap forward, this quick transformation of a rather somnolent and forgotten part of the Spanish colonial empire into a progressive and active colony, also gradually gave birth to a new attitude-a "national conscience". After 1810, an affluent society, with the economic means to buy books and the leisure to study, produced a brilliant group of Cuban"writers who "discovered" the island and pro­ moted education and political reforms. It is this generation- the generation of philosophers as F£lix Varela (1787-1853)> of. poets as Jos£ Marla Heredia (1803-1839)» and of essayists as Josd Antonio Saco (1797-1879), and many others-who changed the attitude of the Cuban people toward Spain. These are the writers who no longer speak of the "siempre fidelisima Isla de ^From 1790-1795, tobacco was the main product of Cuba. During that period' the revolution in Haiti produced a jump in the sugar prices from 4 reales per pound to 28 and 30 reales per pound. From then on, Cuba became the most important sugar producer of America. See, H. F. Friedlander, Historia Eco­ nomica de Cuba (Habana: Jesds Montero, 19^0, P« 112. 6 Cuba" (forever faithful island of Cuba) but discuss fostering the idea of a fatherland. Such was the rallying cry that Jos£ de la Luz y Caballero (1800-1862) expressly proposed to the Cubans in 18^8 when he wrote: "He aqul nuestra divisa: Re- undtmonos, instruyamonos, mejoremdnos, tengamos Patria, ten- gamos PatriaI"3 While these writers and intellectuals were awakening the .national conscience of the Cubans, the economic policy of Spain was becoming more and more of a burden for the creole minority who controlled the land and the sugar industry. Spain failed to grant any political or economic reforms, so that, by 1865- 1867, this neglect drove the most active segment of the creole minority on the warpath. Among the many who testify to the economic basis of the first Cuban insurrection,^ is this ex­ pressive statement by C. H. Bithern, American Consul in Santi­ ago de Cuba in 1868: The rumor of the contemplated rising of the natives of the Island /sic7, headed by some eight or ten estate owners 3"I have here our standard: Let us reunite, let us in­ struct, let us improve, let's have a Fatherland, let's have a Fatherland!" Josd de la Luz y Caballero, De la Vida Intima (Habana: Editorial Universidad, 19^), p. 19^-. ~_ ^Herminio Portell Vile, Historia de Cuba en sus relaclones con los Estados Unidos y Espana (Habana: Jesus Montero, 1938), II, 12. 7 who X'jere known to be highly dissatisfied with the late taxation imposed on landed property and their production was confirmed at the ninth instant.-> From 1868-1878, the Cubans fought for their independence in a war initiated by enlightened representatives of the wealthy class of creoles. The war ended in defeat. Among the many consequences of this long struggle, one must be noted because of its unique contribution to the Cuban experience. This was the very moment when the landed aristoc­ racy was establishing firm political and economic control over most parts of Latin America; when the Argentine "gauchow was wiped out by the cattle owners; when the Parliamentary Repub­ lic was established in Chile; and when the "rurales'1 of Porfirio Diaz were securing Mexico for the latifundistas. At this moment the nucleus of the landed aristocracy was defeated in Cuba. It had lost its economic and political power. Almost an entire social class lay dead, in exile, or in prison. And this traditional