The Historical Cuba-Us Discordancy from the Theoretical Outlook of The
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Presidential Foreign Policy Doctrines
20 July 2015 Presidential Doctrines, the Use of Force and International Order Did the US’ military and legal reactions to the 9/11 attacks fundamentally transform its foreign and security policies? Joseph Siracusa doesn’t think so. He argues that the so-called Bush and Obama Doctrines have had more in common with previous presidential approaches than most people realize. By Joseph Siracusa for ISN In the ever-changing landscape of international relations, the extent to which the actions of the United States contribute to justice and order remains a source of contentious debate. Indeed, it is difficult to find a point in recent history when the United States and its foreign policy have been subject to such polarised and acrimonious reflection, both domestically and internationally. Notwithstanding recent ‘decline’ debates and the rise of emerging powers, the United States continues to hold a formidable advantage over its chief rivals in terms of formal power assets more than twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War. Few anticipated this situation; on the contrary, many assumed that, after a brief moment of unipolarity following the collapse of the Soviet Union, international affairs would soon regain a certain symmetry. Instead, US hegemony is still par for the course. In this context, because the foreign policy ‘doctrines’ of American presidents remain an important driver of the outlook of the United States, these doctrines continue to play a significant role in shaping international order. Though they have veered from isolationist to interventionist to expansionist over the years, these doctrines in fact exhibit a remarkable continuity – even in the post 9/11 era. -
The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas
Louisiana Law Review Volume 30 | Number 4 June 1970 The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas A. J. Thomas Jr. Repository Citation Ann Van Wynen Thomas and A. J. Thomas Jr., The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications, 30 La. L. Rev. (1970) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol30/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE-LEGAL IMPLICATIONS Ann Van Wynen Thomas* A. J. Thomas, Jr.** BACKGROUND A discussion of the Monroe Doctrine today is approached with some trepidation by the wary, for the revered dogma ("I believe in the Monroe Doctrine, in our Constitution and in the laws of God") 1 often described as "the first and most fundamental" of the foreign policies of the United States and a protector of the Western Hemisphere from extracontinental aggression has,2 in recent years, been subjected to bitter attack. It has been called moribund, obsolete, verbiage,3 a name so hateful to Latin Ameri- the United States fears to mention it much less in- can ears that 4 voke it because of its abrasive effect on continental relations. Possibly the most devastating assault emanated from Mr. Khru- shchev of the Soviet Union when he proclaimed: "We consider that the Monroe Doctrine has outlived its time . -
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
68- 13,598 AGUILAR, Luis Enrique, 1926- CUBA 1933: THE FRUSTRATED REVOLUTION. The American University, Ph.D., 1968 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan (c) Luis Enrique Aguilar 1968 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED CUBA 1933; THE FRUSTRATED REVOLUTION By Luis Enrique Aguilar Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Signature of Committee Date: Dean of the AMERICAN UNIVERSITY Date: A*? LIBRARY M A Y 1 4 1968 WASHINGTON. 0. C 37s i TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION....................................... PART I. ANTECEDENTS CHAPTER I. THE CREATION OF THE REPUBLIC, 1895-1902.......................................................... a) The Efforts for Independence b) American Intervention and the Platt Amendment c) The First Steps of the Republic, 1902-1906 CHAPTER II. THE FAILURE OF THE REPUBLIC, 1906-1925......................... a) The Second American Intervention and Its Consequences b) Political Developments, 1909-1925 c) Economic and Social Developments, 1909-1925 PART II. WINDS OF CHANGE CHAPTER III. THE ELECTIONS OF 1924.............. CHAPTER IV. MACHADO THE PRESIDENT, 1925-1927................................................... CHAPTER V. PROROGUE OF POWERS AND RE-ELECTION, 1927-1928.......................................................... CHAPTER VI. WINDS OF CHANGE..................... PART III. THE FIGHT AGAINST MACHADO, 1929-1933 CHAPTER VII. THE SITUATION IN 1929.............. CHAPTER VIII. DEPRESSION AND GENERAL OPPOSITION, 1930-1933....................... CHAPTER IX. CONSPIRACY AND REBELLION 98 a) The Army as a Political Factor b) The Last Effort of the Old Guard PART IV. THE REVOLUTION, 1932-1933 CHAPTER X. NEW TACTICS AND NEW PROGRAMS.................... 110 CHAPTER XI. THE MEDIATION OF SUMNER WELLES, MAY-AUGUST, 1933 .......................... -
The Viceroyalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of An
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 7-1-2016 The iceV royalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of an Imperial City John K. Babb Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC000725 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Cultural History Commons, Latin American History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Babb, John K., "The icV eroyalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of an Imperial City" (2016). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2598. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2598 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida THE VICEROYALTY OF MIAMI: COLONIAL NOSTALGIA AND THE MAKING OF AN IMPERIAL CITY A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY by John K. Babb 2016 To: Dean John Stack Green School of International and Public Affairs This dissertation, written by John K. Babb, and entitled The Viceroyalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of an Imperial City, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. ____________________________________ Victor Uribe-Uran ____________________________________ Alex Stepick ____________________________________ April Merleaux ____________________________________ Bianca Premo, Major Professor Date of Defense: July 1, 2016. -
Dential. Habaaa, Cuba, " March 87, 1940. Dear Breckt Wo Are
Personal and Confi dential. Habaaa, Cuba, " March 87, 1940. Dear Breckt Wo are beginning to get fairly comfortably settled at the house and X em getting somewhat more oriented 1A ay work la the Chancery. The weather here has been delightful avar since we case and Marian's difficulty with her knee is the only fly ** *BO ointment. J somehow hare the feeling that the treatment that she is following will be helpful and there has been some improvement within the last few days. By the time this letter reaches you, Sumner Welles will most likely have returned and X as sure he will have a most interesting report to make* Of course, only a few iff you in Washington Will know anything about it and that would be best. In any event, his report should be very helpful to the President and to the Secretary and to you all. One of the things which has concerned me in the press reports regarding his trip is the constant recurrence of the mention that Hitler and Ribbentrop took up with his the ques tion of our sending an Ambassador to Berlin* Of course, the newspapers save been reading into the trip Whatever they chose, Just as they did before the trip actually started. X haven't the least notion what Hitler and Bibbentrop may have said to Sumner, but of flaw 'tiling X am sure, and that is that if they didn't mention it, they had very much in mind this question of trying to urge us to send an Ambassador to Berlin. -
The Monroe Doctrine: Debating America’S Defense of Independence Abroad
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: DEBATING AMERICA’S DEFENSE OF INDEPENDENCE ABROAD AUTHOR: Katherine Corrado / Woodgrove High School, Purcellville, Virginia GUIDING QUESTION: How has U.S. involvement in foreign affairs shaped a “more perfect union?” OVERVIEW CONNECTIONS TO C3 FRAMEWORK After analyzing secondary and primary sources, students › D2.His.1.6-8. Analyze connections among events and will determine how the Monroe Doctrine reflects projected developments in broader historical contexts. American identity abroad. By participating in a debate, › D2.His.8.9-12. Analyze how current interpretations of the students will examine a variety of perspectives and support past are limited by the extent to which available historical an argument. sources represent perspectives of people at the time. OBJECTIVES DOCUMENTS USED At the conclusion of this activity, students will be able to PRIMARY SOURCES › Describe the arguments for and against U.S. involvement in foreign conflicts; Caesar Augustus Rodney, Letter from Caesar Augustus Rodney to President James Monroe, 1824 (excerpt) › Analyze the debates surrounding the Monroe Doctrine; Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, Editor, The writings of James Monroe.... and HathiTrust Digital Library › Evaluate the short- and long-term effects of the Monroe https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ Doctrine on American identity and its contribution toward pt?id=uiug.30112005125403&view=1up&seq=456 building a more perfect union. Francisco José de Paula Santander y Omaña, Mensaje del Vicepresidente de Columbia Encargado del Gobierno, -
Human Rights and Non-Intervention in the Inter-American System
Michigan Law Review Volume 65 Issue 6 1967 Human Rights and Non-Intervention in the Inter-American System José A. Cabranes Columbia University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation José A. Cabranes, Human Rights and Non-Intervention in the Inter-American System, 65 MICH. L. REV. 1147 (1967). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol65/iss6/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HUMAN RIGHTS AND NON-INTERVENTION IN THE INTER-AMERICAN SYSTEM* Jose A. Cabranes** HE promotion and protection of human rights is a recent and T significant innovation in the inter-American system. For more than a decade after its founding, the Organization of American States (OAS) exhibited no particular inclination to undertake a pro gram to provide international protection for fundamental freedoms within member states. The proclamation in 1948 of the highly vaunted American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man1 and the frequent invocation of "human rights," "universal moral ity," and "the rights of man" in resolutions and international instru ments produced by the regional organization of the American re publics amounted to little more than well-intentioned, but quite fanciful, rhetoric. The long silence of the inter-American system is remarkable when contrasted with the continuing efforts of the United Nations to elaborate an International Bill of Rights and the significant ac complishments of the Council of Europe in implementing on a re gional basis the principal values enunciated in the Universal Decla ration of Human Rights. -
The Worldview of Franklin D. Roosevelt: France, Germany, and United States Involvement in World War Ii in Europe
ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: THE WORLDVIEW OF FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT: FRANCE, GERMANY, AND UNITED STATES INVOLVEMENT IN WORLD WAR II IN EUROPE Michael S. Bell, Doctor of Philosophy, 2004 Dissertation directed by: Professor Keith W. Olson Dep artment of History President Franklin D. Roosevelt operated from a remarkably consistent view of the world that grew naturally from his experiences. Before he entered the White House, Roosevelt already possessed a coherent worldview that influenced his thinking and informed his decisions as president. The product of his background and education, his experiences, and his exposure to contemporary ideas, Roosevelt’s worldview fully coalesced by the mid 1920s and provided a durable and coherent foundation for Roosevelt’s thinking as president and his strategic direction in response to the deteriorating situation in Europe in the late 1930s and toward the Second World War. Roosevelt’s “worldview” was his broad perspective and sweeping understanding of the impact and interplay of states, parties, groups, and individual people on the progressive advance of world civilization. His background and personal experiences, understanding of historical events, and ideology shaped Roosevelt’s perspective and enabled him to formulate and deliberately pursue long-range strategic goals as part of his foreign policy. The foundation of Roosevelt’s worldview was a progressive, liberal outlook that provided a durable basis for how he interpreted and responded to events at home and abroad. An essential aspect of that outlook was Roosevelt’s deep conviction that he had a personal responsibility to advance civilization and safeguard the cause of liberal reform and democracy. He believed that he was an agent of progress. -
The Invocation of the Monroe Doctrine in the Anglo-Venezuelan Boundary Dispute
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 1932 The invocation of the Monroe Doctrine in the Anglo-Venezuelan boundary dispute. John F. Soren University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, and the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Soren, John F., "The invocation of the Monroe Doctrine in the Anglo-Venezuelan boundary dispute." (1932). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1958. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/1958 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MONROE DOCTrINE ANGLO-VENEZUEU.. N BOUnDAFY D rEPUTE A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty or the Graduate School of the University of Louisville .. In Partial F'ulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree or Master of Arts Department of History By John F. Soran Year , 1932 • • , \ \ , c;') d..... > '. 2: I Seile: ¥ irl ", or Ii'llth t, U milts. Reference Note ])efacto Lihf of 1'1(.8 .... .......==== ~ ScJc.o,"bll1"9h LIne 181.11. ............ ___ - z 1 E.xpahdtd Scho",.b. Line........... k. _... _... _.. E,.,treme Vtnez. Cl~im ............ .. ~~~~ Extre111t BY'i fish Cl,im IS90..... ~_ u • •••• •••• --!----~----t--------..., Line Est~bli shed h¥ tJ. -
The United States-Cuba Relationship a Time for Change?
The United States-Cuba Relationship A Time for Change? Colonel Ralph J. Capio, USAF and Christopher J. Capio In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.1 Introduction In recent decades, FDR’s call for "neigborliness" has been all but forgotten by United States foreign policy makers. Although the world has undergone dramatic change in many aspects, there has been at least one United States foreign policy constant -- the U. S. trade embargo of Cuba. Only ninety miles off the U. S. shore, and with a shared history dating to colonial times, it would appear that the United States and its neighbor to the south should have a natural affinity for one another. Instead, it is clear that we are fundamentally at odds. Much of the rest of the world2, on the other hand, seems very willing to carry on a dialogue with Cuba.3 The U. S. seems to be the "odd man out", locked into a Cold War mentality regarding Cuba. What should US military officers know of the US-Cuba relationship? Should the U. S. change its Cuba policy? If we do not do so, are we likely to be left out of a post-Castro Cuba? Should we choose a policy of "engagement", as opposed to continuation of our present policy of "estrangement"4? What sorts of risks, if any, would this pose for U. S. strategic interests in the region? This paper will examine something of the past and present relationship between the United States and Cuba, with a view towards our future relationship. -
The Monroe Doctrine
Day 11 The Monroe Doctrine In 1823, in his annual message to Congress, President James Monroe stated that 'the American continents ... are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.' Foreign powers had been coming and going from North and South America for many years. The President made a bold statement in this message. This 'Monroe Doctrine' became the basis for American foreign policy for the future. A doctrine is 'a stated principal of government policy.' Americans were concerned that Spain and France were trying to regain power in Central and South America. The British asked the United States if they could join in this doctrine. John Adams opposed this idea. In the years following, although Spain and France did occasionally send troops into those areas, America was mainly interested in decreasing British trade to those areas. The United States wanted to increase its own trade with Central and South America. In 1842, President John Tyler used the doctrine as the basis for his right to annex Texas. Venezuela complained. A Venezuelan newspaper reported. 'Beware, brothers, the wolf approaches the lamb.' The United States was characterized as a wolf using power over Mexico who owned Texas. In 1861, to avoid focus on the possibility of the Civil War and distract attention, Secretary of State Seward tried to use the doctrine to drive out all foreign countries from Cuba and make it independent. President Lincoln said no. In the 1890's, the Latin American countries were upset because America defended Venezuela over a boundary dispute with British Guiana, its neighbor. -
Sumner Welles: Commissioner to The
SUMNER WELLES: COMMISSIONER TO THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC By GERALD FRANK DUERR II Bachelor of Science The Citadel Charleston, South Carolina 1966 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts December, 1976 SUMNER WELLES: COMMISSIONER TO THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Thesis Approved: Thesis Advisor ____:lt_\b(J~ - L . ~~ ,j.f:t~/ ti.t'd~. -~U/f../"--------------- ."(\~~. ~ Dean of Graduate College 96'/697 PREFACE This study examines the role of Swnner Helles in the termination of the United States occupation of the Dominican Republic. The primary objective is to inquire into Welles' involvement with and mission to the Dominican Republic to determine his concept of United States Caribbean policy. In negotiating the termination of the Dominican occupation, \\Telles led the United States away from a policy of imperialism and toward a policy which stressed friendly cooperation with the Caribbean nations. The author wishes to express his appreciation to his major advisor, Dr. Michael M. Smith, for his guidance and assistance in this study. Appreciation is also expressed to the other committee members, Dr. Franz A. von Sauer and Dr. Theodore L. Agnevl, Jr., for their invaluable assistance in the preparation of the final manuscript. I wish to thank the staff of the Oklahoma State University Library and the staff of the Diplomatic Records Branch, National Archives for their research assistance. Thanks also to Ms. Kathleen Allen for her assistance in typing earlier drafts of part of this study. In addition, I extend my appreciation to the United States Air Force for the opportunity to pursue this educational goal and to the Air Force Institute of Technology for its aid and assistance.