FROM IMPARTIAL TO EMPOWERED: AN ANALYSIS OF THE 2011 CHILEAN STUDENT MOVEMENT
Eva Loney
Abstract After twenty years of relative dormancy, June 2011 saw the explosion of a powerful social movement in Chile. During the following six months, high school and university students representative of all sectors of Chilean society mobilized to create a cohesive movement with the objective of increasing state financing of Chilean education. This paper analyzes the 2011 Chilean student movement in light of a shift in cultural psyche that permitted the emergence of this movement, unprecedented in terms of numerical support and empathy across a well rounded demographic of Chilean society. Through analysis of self-administered survey results and public opinion data, I explore the repoliticization of Chilean society across several age groups in the context of this extraordinary movement. Results indicate that while the current generation of students is more politically vocal than their elders, societal repoliticization has occurred intergenerationally.
Background INEQUALITY is perhaps the gravest social issue in General Pinochet’s overthrow of democratically modern Chilean society, deeply entrenched since elected socialist president Salvador Allende in Spanish colonization imposed a feudal system 1973 marked the beginning of a steep decline in that appropriated land to wealthy families and public funding of education. Driven by a free subordinated the indigenous and mestizos market ideology and the military junta’s general through institutionalized forced labor. Practices uneasiness with large education systems as hubs such as the encomienda, which subjugated of dissent against the regime, Pinochet initiated a peasants to a binding contract with landowners series of privatizing reforms. The sharp decrease on par with slavery, solidified a small elite class in state funds (which in 1989 represented less in early Chilean society. These elite landowners than half of funds in the early 1970s) caused established an urban base in Santiago, which was universities to cut numbers and hike tuition fees. strengthened in the early 20th century as the During this time, 38 private, “for profit” nitrate boom brought new industries and universities were created in Chile, in response to services to the capital. This feudalistic system the increasing number of prospective students persisted well into 20th century, as last names and limited space (1). continued to determine social ranking and social mobility was essentially impossible. Though the 1981 marked the transition of school 1960’s and early 1970’s saw a surge of administration from the state to the geographic progressive reforms aimed to redistribute land municipalities, meaning that poorer and improve education and social services, municipalities could offer their residents only a General Augusto Pinochet quickly squelched subpar education. Today, the population of such social programs when he seized power in prestigious universities is comprised almost 1973. While educational institutions received entirely of the top 10% of Chilean society. (1) high levels of state funding prior to the military coup, it is important to conceptualize the recent This does not necessarily suggest that the rest of history of Chilean education within the broader society cannot afford the fees, but rather they are historical context of Chile as a nation with a hindered by the lack of resources in secondary deeply imbedded history of inequality.
© Eva Loney, 2013. Originally published in Explorations: The UC Davis Undergraduate Research Journal, Vol. 15 (2013). http://UndergraduateResearch.UCDavis.edu/Explorations. © The Regents of the University of California.
education and are unable to obtain the grades unification of students from all strata of Chilean essential for entry to the prominent universities. society demonstrated the movement’s strength Although democracy returned to Chile in 1990, and served as a precedent for the 2011 Student the education system remained privatized and Movement. Some credit the strength of the 2011 deeply unequal. In the present day, only eleven movement to the fact that the same Pinguinos are percent of the public universities’ income derives back on the streets five years later, better from government grants (1). Adjusted for organized and with more fervor. purchasing power parity, the costs of higher and secondary education are the first and third most Today, seven out of every ten college students expensive in the world, respectively (1). The are first generation, although this ostensibly annual Chilean budget for education is currently positive statistic is undermined by the fact that at about 1.5 billion US dollars, which represents, least one half of these students drop out, according to Andres Bernasconi, academic vice- indebted. Two thirds of those who do graduate rector of Andres Bello University, “the budget of cannot find work in their field of study. (5) a mid-sized university in Brazil” (1). The 2011 Chilean Student Movement Despite the persistence of this system that has been called on more than one occasion The mobilization was in part trigged by a “educational apartheid,” the decades following proposal by the secretary of education to increase the return to democracy provoked little student government subsidies to non-traditional universities. Officially non-profit, it is commonly dissent, with the exception of La Revolución de known that loopholes allow the institutions to los Pinguinos (2), beginning in May 2006. Over the course of months, one million secondary create revenue. On the heels of other protests in the same months, against the students mobilized nationwide, articulating Hidroaysen electric among their demands free usage of the city’s dam project in the Chilean Patagonia region and transportation system and a free college entrance gas prices in the province of Magallanes, students exam. Eventually the students began demanding took the streets of Santiago. By June, one more structural changes, addressing the inherent hundred schools had been taken over by inequality of the system and a repeal of students, and protests in the capital garnered as privatizing reforms applied by Pinochet. When many as two hundred thousand participants. The th President Michelle Bachelet’s governments failed June 30 protest down the thoroughfare of to meet student demands, the movement Santiago is cited as the largest protest since the intensified, incorporating both public and private fall of the dictatorship in 1990. (5) school students as young as eleven years old, teachers, political figures and unions. (3) As For the first time, private school students began would be expected, after various months of to participate in the mobilizations, suggesting mobilizations and school take overs, the that the public education crisis affects even those Pinguinos tired, and the movement dissolved due from the upper class. María Teresa Marshall, from the Board of Rectors of Chilean to internal strife and polarization. Universities, explained in an address at the UC
Though the movement failed to achieve tangible Davis campus that the upper classes’ participation extends beyond solidarity to legislation, through the nationwide mobilization pragmatic participation, as private education of close to one million high school students, the Pinguinos proved themselves to be legitimate does not imply higher quality, and in many cases private schools are quite subpar (6). social actors. Through the realization of the movement in the context of a generation considered “ni ahi” (4), a reference to their The movement is largely organized by the CONFECH (Confederation of Chilean Student general political apathy and disinterest, the Federations), comprised of the university student
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.2
governments. The elected leaders of the FECH Scholars and analysts have proposed a variety of have become the faces of the movements, methods for the public funding of education. especially Camila Vallejo, an undergraduate One is to decrease defense spending and student from the public University of Chile. appropriate those funds to education. Chile’s Vallejo lost reelections and was replaced by defense budget has steadily increased since 1988 Gabriel Boric in December 2011, though her and is second in size only to Colombia’s when leadership in the movement has given her measured as a percent of GDP. (8) A second international recognition and she plans to proposition is to tax the profits of large continue working in politics for the national corporations. The aggregate profit of the thirty- communist party. The second principal leader one largest corporations in Chile valued US$ has been Giorgio Jackson, from the private 20.2 trillion in 2007. 8.91% of this sum could Pontifical Catholic University of Chile. He has sufficiently finance traditional educational spoke of spearheading his own political party institutions (8). Thirdly, analysts and the student after leading the student movement. leaders alike have suggested the taxation of the profits of private copper corporations, 9.3% of Though university students represent the which would fund traditional Chilean backbone of the movement, the protests have universities.(8) It is also been suggested on drawn secondary and primary students and various occasions that the renationalization of citizens from all walks of life. Parents, the copper industry would be a viable way to grandparents, and young professionals without finance education. Though these alternatives children frequently attend marches. This broad represent possible solutions to the educational societal participation has lent strength and crisis, the government is far from implementing cohesion to the movement, as the participant such radical policies. base represents many diverse and varied facets of society. Additionally, it has inspired the The dialogue process with the government of mobilization of other marginalized groups such right-wing president Sebastian Piñera has been as environmentalists, the indigenous and LGBT slow and inconsistent. On July 5th the president groups. announced a $4 billion project to increase scholarships and ease interest rates on The overarching demand of the students is free government backed loans, but simultaneously and quality public education, targeting the deep- undercut the students demands by proposing the rooted inequality in the current privatized legalization of “for-profit” universities. The system. Other specific demands include: an end students rejected the project, insisting it did not to for-profit education, finance of high schools address the deep-rooted inequality. Several through central government instead of weeks later, Felipe Bulnes replaced the former municipalities, a more equitable admissions Minister of Education. President Piñera process to prestigious universities with less presented another proposal in early August that emphasis on the Prueba de Selección Universitaria placated many of the student demands, but (equivalent to the SAT), and a change in the student leaders discarded it, emphasizing that it current private school voucher system (5). A would not end profiteering of educational more loosely organized group of secondary institutions and would not provide free and students has also proposed demands, building off equal access to education. A second government those proposed in 2006, among them: a free year proposal in the same month was aimed primarily round bus pass, increases in state spending, and at lowering government backed student loan development of more vocational high schools interest rates to 2% APR, which was also rejected (7). by the students.
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.3
August proved to be the peak of the movement the semester, while the government withheld in terms of citizen participation. Frequent financial aid from those students that remained marches consistently garnered more than mobilized, in compliance with their threat (12). 100,000 participants in the capital. According to esteemed national survey Barómetro de la política Six months after the initial mobilization, there that publishes bimonthly results of public was no sign of agreement between the opinion, 89% of Chileans supported the CONFECH and Piñera’s administration; Piñera movement in August 2011. Protests increasingly continued to emphasize that the issue should be ended in police violence, with hundreds of left to Congress. Regardless, students continued arrests and several dozen injured from effects of to protest frequently in the capital, and through tear gas and water cannons (9). On August 25th, extensive media coverage and the use of social a sixteen-year-old boy was killed in the violent networking, the movement was catapulted into aftermath of the marches in Santiago. The police the international limelight. On November 28, the admitted one of their agents had shot the boy, CONFECH called for a Latin American March and an investigation was launched thereafter (9). for Education and demonstrations were held in The prevalence of police brutality seemed only to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, increase participation in the movement. Piñera’s Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, government estimated lower numbers of Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. In the participation than the media, and called the United States, Occupy protesters have looked to marches “unjustified” given Chile’s strong and Chile as a source of inspiration, with special growing economy (9). During August, President attention to creative protest tactics such as flash Piñera’s approval ratings fell to 26%, (9) the mobs and “kiss-ins.” lowest presidential approval ratings since the return of democracy. In light of the University of California fee hike protests, a liaison was established between the In October, negotiations with the government UC and the Chilean leaders. In an October 5, became stagnant. The CONFECH withdrew from 2011 teleconference between CONFECH leader dialogue, citing the government’s incapacity to Giorgio Jackson and the UC Berkeley Center for propose anything beyond a slightly revised Latin American Studies, Dean of the UC Berkeley version of their July proposal. Camila Vallejo, School of Law, Christopher Edley ,highlighted speaker for the CONFECH, emphasized that the the similarity between the UC public education government, not the students, chose to break crisis and the problems in Chile. To end the negotiations, because of their “political hour-long conference call, Edley commented, incapacity to attend to the demands of the vast “What you’re doing is inspiring for us. We have majority of our country” (10). some similar problems...not as grave…but it is clear to me we will not make progress in this Tensions rose as universities voted on whether to country without a movement. In a sense because begin the second semester, which under normal you have become an inspiration; our future circumstances starts at the beginning of August. depends upon your future. We have a stake in Students were concerned that a return to the your success.” (13) classroom would detract from their ability to In the same teleconference, Jackson emphasized protest effectively and the movement would lose that the present achievements of the movement momentum. The government threatened to have been more “qualitative” than “quantitative.” revoke scholarships and financial aid if the To date the movement has demonstrated the students did not return to classes and ordered force of collective action and has “re-politicized” that the first semester be closed by October 7th. a society that was formerly apathetic and Twenty-one of the twenty-five universities that disinterested in politics: “ni-ahi.” The Chilean comprise of the Board of Rectors voted to close youth, traditionally characterized by their
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.4
political apathy, today are “breaking down the psyche, and that other proposed causes such as limitations of the possible” (13). the unpopular presidency and the emergence of similar movements such as “Arab Spring” act As summer arrived in Chile, the streets emptied only as catalysts. I hypothesize that as first hand as students emptied the capital for vacation, memories of the dictatorship weaken, fear of returning during the first week of March with the government repression also decreases. The beginning of the new school year. Along with the majority of today’s students have lived only return to classes came the news that five under a democratic regime, and now that they thousand students were expelled for having are mature enough to be legitimate political participated in the 2011 movement. Expelled actors, they manifest their beliefs about the students literally chained themselves to the gates feasibility of social change through massive of their former schools in protest. (14) Though mobilization. Given the relatively sparse history tensions cooled throughout 2012, several of cohesive mobilizations since 1990, it appears moments of unrest show that the students have that the costs of mass mobilization outweighed not been placated. A national strike in Santiago the benefits for previous generations of students,. in June brought 150,000 participants to a march The exception would be La revolución de los in Santiago, and in August a number of schools Pingüinos in 2006, but it can be asserted that the and universities were occupied by students. high school age Pingüinos are now back on the streets of Santiago in 2011 as college age Research Question and Hypothesis protesters.
My research examines the 2011 student movement as the largest mobilization since the Research Design return to democracy in the context of the “ni- The objective of my research is to understand ahí” generation. Considering that the major how Chileans’ attitudes about the possibility of privatizing reforms were effected more than social change differ between generations. thirty years ago and democracy was restored Through my investigation I examine the more than twenty years ago, what changes relationship between time and cultural permitted the emergence of the Student perceptions of both protest and fear of repression Movement in 2011? in an attempt to pinpoint a turning point that led to the mobilization of this current generation. I Because of the evolving nature of the movement, decided to use self-authored surveys rather than little analysis to this date has focused on deeper rely primarily on second-hand data as few underlying causes. Many cite the fact that the relevant data sets provide comparisons of public unpopular right wing government has facilitated opinion between generations throughout the past the unification of students from all social strata, twenty years, and no data set compares changes who under the Concertación (15) governments in ideology on an individual level. would have likely been placated. Others commonly attribute the emergence of the Using Chilean contacts and social networking, I movement to worldwide uprisings such as “Arab conducted a survey to investigate these cultural Spring”, though CONFECH leader Giorgio beliefs and understand how they have changed Jackson stresses that the mobilization would over time. My sample consists of Chileans who have happened regardless. (5) It has even been were students between 1990 and the present day. suggested that the increased number of children I chose this span of years under the premise that born outside of matrimony has caused today’s prior to the return to democracy, the conditions society to be more susceptible to anarchism. (16) were not viable for a mass mobilization for any reason other than to end the dictatorship. In I propose that the primary underlying cause of other words, my time sample begins at a point of the movement is a deep-rooted shift in cultural certain “political opportunity:” the transition
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.5
from an oppressive, “closed” system to an “open” To supplement my survey results I analyzed democracy. To avoid projecting the individual’s public opinion data the post-dictatorship years opinion of the current student movement on from the annual public opinion survey their survey responses I framed the questions Latinobarómetro, a nonpartisan survey that broadly and without reference to education involves 19,000 interviews in 18 Latin American movements of any sort. The final survey was countries. These data yield a greater written in Spanish under the guidance of understanding of how Chilean public opinion Professor Michael Lazzara to ensure clarity and reflects underlying cultural beliefs about social grammatical correctness. change. Beliefs regarding the possibility and necessity of social change have been measured The survey begins by asking the individual his or over the years through different qualifiers. For her age, and the years during which he or she my research, I considered public opinion on the studied. The first half of the survey asks the ability to speak freely and criticize, the need to participant to reflect on his or her opinion of question authority, and the normalcy of protests several social and political topics during the time and demonstrations in democratic society. By he or she was a student, using the following dividing the results of each question into larger questions: generational groups, I hoped to see trends that will support my personal survey findings. 1. Did you participate in protests / rallies / manifestations when you were a student? If Challenges not, why? 2. How would you rate your fear of authority I faced several challenges completing this when you were a student? research. Because my surveys were administered 3. When you were a student, was there open over the internet, the average age of respondents dialogue within your family about political and social themes (sliding scale 1 -5)? skewed considerably towards the younger 4. When you were a student, did you feel that the generations, who have greater accessibility and political course of the country was going in a interest in technology. In addition, after most of positive direction (Sliding scale from “little” to my data had been collected, an individual “a lot”)? brought to my attention via internet that people
are wary of online surveys because of the The second half of the survey was designed to circulation of spies. This subject suggested that if tap into the individual’s current opinions about I had provided more information about myself or the role of protest and citizenship in Chile: opened my Facebook profile to “public” I would
have increased the level of confidence with my 5. Would you participate in a protest/strike/manifestation today for a cause participants and gain more results. that is important to you? 6. What is the best way to exercise your Secondly, I incorrectly assumed that the Chilean citizenship today in Chile? (Choices included education system mirrors the American system in “Voting”, “Protesting”, “Paying taxes”, or terms of relative uniformity of the ages of “Other, please explain;” participants could choose more than one answer.) students in different eras of schooling, and that I could group individuals generationally according The final question was open-ended response: to the years they spent in school. When I created the survey, my logic was that high school or 7. Thirty years have passed since the privatization college-aged individuals have reached an age of education and the emergence of the 2011 where they can be legitimate social actors and Chilean Student Movement. Why has so much have formed a political ideology and beliefs time passed since the return to democracy before such a large movement was born? about the nature of social change. I expected that the question “During which years were you a student?” would produce a four or eight year
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.6
time span that would allow me to categorize the moment of ideological change. Therefore, it individual into a generation. However, the occurred to me after distributing the surveys that number of years spent in school in Chilean it would have been more important to ask the society is not formulaic: many Chileans work subject not during which years they studied, but between high school and college, most majors their age. I added the question, but only sixty take longer than four years to complete, and more individuals responded. This led me to many respondents were in graduate or PhD make informed inferences for the other one programs. Many respondents reported a sixteen- hundred respondents as to their ages to be able year time period during which they studied, to group the respondents generationally. which was too broad to pinpoint a certain
Data Analysis Table 1: Survey Questions and Responses
Survey Question Age in Years 16 – 20 21 - 25 26 - 30 31 – 35* 36+* Protested as student 100 87 87 50 71 Would protest present day 94 93 100 83 100 “Little” or “no” fear authorities 76 76 72 83 71 “Always” dialogue with family 61 49 62 67 28 Negative political direction 94 81 79 50 57 Citizenship: Protest 78 76 83 17 71 Citizenship: Vote 65 71 52 67 57 Citizenship: Taxes 9 17 17 17 14 Citizenship: Other 19 25 21 33 14 *Small sample sizes Results are percentages
Of the 160 individuals that completed the the schooling information and age of the subject, survey, 35 gave full information, which I define I was able to uncover the correlation between age as the time bracket of high school education, and the years in which the individual attended college education if applicable, and current age. high school and/or university. Therefore, I was Using this information I categorized the different able to infer ages for those who did not supply years of schooling with attention to the current me with that information by comparing their age of the subject. For the other thirty years of schooling to those with years of individuals who supplied me with their age and schooling and ages. Because a large percentage of partial schooling information, I filled in the gaps the ages are inferred, I am aware of the of their high school and college time frame possibility of inaccuracy. However, because the according to the tendency I had discovered from correlation between years in schooling and age the full information. For the remaining one was consistent across responses, I estimate a hundred subjects, I inferred their ages based on margin of error of about two years. the consistent tendencies I had discovered. Using
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.7
Taking into account this discrepancy, I completed two analyses of my data. One analysis The second subset of respondents is comprised was comprised of just the sixty-five respondents of those aged 21 - 25. These respondents were who provided me complete information while born during the last five years of the military the second with all one hundred and sixty dictatorship, and the vast majority are currently subjects, including those with both full university students. 87% of this generational information and inferred information. I found subset have protested as students. The reasons consistency across the two analyses, so for the for not protesting were “lack of time” (73%), sake of succinctness, I will detail only the “not in agreement with the causes of the analysis of the larger sample here. marches” (45%) and “fear of repression” (27%.) 93% of the sample responded that they would I organized the subjects into five generational protest in the present day. Of those who groups, each spanning five years, with the goal of answered negatively, the most common reasons pinpointing ideological discrepancies to given were, “I adhere to other forms of protest, relatively specific age groups. The first such as dialogue”, “I am not in agreement with subset,ages16 through 20 years, were born those who organize the manifestations” and “fear during the first years of the new democratic of repression.” 67% of this subset reported regime in Chile and all are currently students. Of having “little” or “no” fear of the authorities. these, 100% of the sample reported having 49% claimed “always” having open dialogue protested, and 93% would protest again for an within their families about social and political important cause. Those who would not protest topics. 81% felt that the political course of Chile cite “a lot of vandalism” and the fact that “none is headed in a negative direction. In terms of the seem interesting or realistic.” 76% expressed best way to exercise citizenship, 76% answered “little” or “no” fear in the authorities. 61% by protesting, 71% by “voting”, 17% by “paying reported “always” having open dialogue with taxes” and 25% by other methods, namely their families. 94% felt that the political course of “collective organization.” Other ways are “by the country was headed in a negative direction. social networking”, “by “raising awareness” Regarding the best way(s) to exercise citizenship “respecting the norms”, “indefinite general in present day Chile, 78% responded by strike” and “assemblies.” “protesting”, 65% by voting, and 28% responded by other ways, such as “paying taxes”, “social The third generational subset is comprised of organizations,” and “conversing with others who subjects aged 26 – 30. These subjects were born do not share the same beliefs without the in the first half of the 1980s and were beginning conversation ending in a fight.” their elementary education when Pinochet’s regime fell. The majority are continuing their This subset of 16 - 20 years olds view protest as a higher education in 2012 or have finished their normal method of inciting social change, and education within the past five years. Examining they have a low fear of repression. This can be the large data set, 87% of individuals in this attributed to their formation as social actors generation claimed to have protested as students. under a democratic regime where certain social 75% of those who did not protest cited “fear of rights are guaranteed. For this generation, their repression” as their principal reason. Perhaps familiarity with the dictatorship is not personal, surprisingly, 100% of this generational subset but rather transmitted through older family would protest in the present day. As students, members and friends, history books, and the 72% report having “little” or “no” fear of the media. Their proclivity towards protest can also authorities and 62% report that they “always” be explained by their overwhelmingly pessimistic had open dialogue with their families about view of the political course of the country. social and political issues. 79% think that the
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.8
political course of the country is heading in a their families about social and political themes. negative direction, which represents a substantial However, the remaining two reported having decrease from the 94% of the youngest subset. “no” dialogue, reiterating that these responses 83% felt that “protesting” represented the best are not entirely polarized. 50% of the way(s) to exercise citizenship, whereas 52% cited respondents feel that politics is headed in a “voting”, 17% cited “paying taxes” and 21% negative direction. Only one respondent listed other reasons, most notably “generating answered that “protest” is the best way to webs of citizen organizations to make changes in exercise citizenship. Four of six emphasized local spaces, such as the neighborhood.” One “voting”, one emphasized “paying taxes” and two respondent explained that he or she believes cited different reasons, notably “just survive.” there is not a good way to exercise citizenship in Chile, including in the electoral field, which Though one can question the reliability of these “does not accomplish much.” results given the small data sample, we can still observe a sharp departure from previous The next generational subset comprises ages 31 - generations. It appears that those age thirty-one 35. This generation was born in the last five to thirty-five view protest as a much less viable years of the 1970s, started their education within method of social change, and as a whole are the last few years of the dictatorship and more content with the current political state of continued it into the 1990s. This particular the country. Additionally, because these generation has often been coined the “ni-ahí” individuals are no longer students, they do not generation, because of a general feeling of apathy share the same grievances of those of the and disinterest towards politics. Of those who younger generation currently battling increasing responded to the survey, all graduated from high student fees and debt. school in the mid-to-late 1990s and all finished their higher education before 2008. Because of The last generation surveyed are aged 36 years the increasing distance between their student and older. These individuals came of age under years and the present, I would expect to see a the military regime and all graduated from higher sharper divergence between their ideology as education before the year 2000. These students and their present beliefs. respondents also number comparatively fewer than the first three subsets. Of the seven It is important to note that this sample is respondents, five reported to have protested as comparatively smaller in number than other students. Those who did not protest claimed samples, leading me to question how adequately “fear of repression” and “generational passivity” these results represent a generation’s ideology. as the reasons. All seven respondents claim that Only 50% of this sample reported protesting as they would protest in the present day for a cause students. Those who answered negatively all important to them. Five of the individuals gave distinct answers, including “lack of time”, claimed they had “little” or “no fear” of the “fear of repression”, “lack of opportunity”, and “I authorities as students, whereas one expressed “a lived part of my student years under the military lot” of fear and the last expressed “extreme” fear. dictatorship.” All respondents agreed that they Only two of the respondents “always” had open would protest in the present day with the dialogue with their families. For this question, exception of one who stated, “there is a lot of individuals responded at every level of the violence.” Five of the six respondents reported continuum from “never” to “always.” Four of the “little” or “no” fear of authorities. Interestingly, seven individuals felt that the political course of the sixth respondent reported “extreme” fear, the country was headed in a negative direction. showing some variety of response. Four of six In terms of exercising citizenship, five respondents “always” had open dialogue with respondents cited “protest” as the best form(s),
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.9
four cited “voting” and two cited other reasons, which I dedicate myself in a way that is “paying taxes” and “developing the activity to conscious and committed to my beliefs.”
Table 2: Latinobarómetro Survey Data 15 – 25 26- 40 41 - 60 61+
Ability to speak out freely? 50 51 55 58 “agree” “strongly agree”
Should question authorities more 54 57 58 49 “agree” “strongly agree”
Marches are normal 80 80 74 66 “agree” “strongly agree”
Source: Latinobarómetro Public Opinon Survey Results are percentages
To provide a point of comparison between my of our leaders” we can also observe a positive own results and those of a much larger and more trend between age and affirmative response, diverse sample, I also observed several responses excluding the oldest generation age sixty-one from the Latinobarómetro survey of public and over. Speaking directly to the issue of protest opinion. For each question asked, at least one in society, individuals were asked to rate their thousand respondents ages fifteen and over level of agreement with the statement “marches comprise the sample. Though my own survey and street demonstrations are normal in focused on narrow generational subsets, the democracy.” Of the entire sample 76% “strongly Latinobarómetro categorizes results based on agreed” or “agreed.” Between generations, larger generations. While these results do not agreement spiked among the generation aged point to more micro-level discrepancies, they are twenty six through forty, although both the useful for identifying broader trends. When younger and immediately older generation asked about the ability to speak out freely and showed similar agreement. Those over sixty-one criticize in Chile, we can observe a strong answered least affirmatively to this question. correlation between affirmation of this ability and age. 50% of those aged fifteen through Conclusions and Insights twenty-five responded that they “always” and Several trends are apparent in the results. On an “almost always” have the ability to speak out aggregate level, it appears that all generations freely and critically in Chile. 51% of those twenty show proclivity towards protest and see protest six through forty share this opinion, 55% of as a tangible way of making change in Chilean those forty one through sixty, and 58% of those society. Perhaps unsurprisingly, there is a over sixty-one. Along the same lines, when asked downward trend between age of the respondent to rate level of agreement with the statement “we and whether they protested as students. Clearly, need to be more active in questioning the actions those who came of age during the 1980’s (36+)
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.10
were restricted by limited political freedoms of relative homogeneity of this response, it is the dictatorship. Those who were students important to keep in mind that this survey during the 1990s (mainly those ages 31 to 35) question called respondents to reflect on past make up the infamous ni-ahí generation. Given feelings. Arguably, the recollection and these disparities in the past protest activity, an articulation of these feelings is impossible overwhelming 94% of all respondents would without introducing a bias from present feelings protest in the present day. While 71% of and circumstances. “Fear” is an abstract concept respondents over the age of thirty-six had subject to the individual interpretation of each protested as students, 100% claimed they would respondent. Additionally, across generations protest in the present. These results were “fear” is relative to the specific eras in which the surprising, as I had expected to see a similar respondents were students. For example, an downward trend between age and current individual who claimed “little fear” of authorities proclivity towards protest. Contrastingly, these as a student during the dictatorship was aware results suggest that preferences, once formed, are that alliance with a leftist political party might be not necessarily rigid. The willingness of older grounds for disappearance by the DINA, generations to protest implies that ideology is a Pinochet’s secret police force. Contrastingly, a fluid process in dialogue with the changing student in 2011 who also claims “little fear” of political and social situation of the country. authorities is aware that throwing rocks at police Upon reflection, the repoliticization of these vehicles during protests may result in arrest or older generations is precisely what lent such a the use of tear gas, but logically not tremendous impact to the 2011 Student assassination, exile or disappearance. Clearly, Movement. While this movement naturally tactics of dissent and their correlating originated within the ranks of the students, as repercussions varied between generations, they bear the direct costs of the privatizing making the concept of “fear” extremely relative system, intergenerational participation and difficult to quantify. Though measuring the catapulted the movement into the worldwide changing ideology of fear was one of the political arena, specifically because it showed principal aims of my research, perhaps it is too that a society could mobilize collectively for a complex to attempt to quantify between common good. generations on a sliding scale. We can observe a somewhat consistent negative Across the generations, the respondents’ fear of correlation between age and level of open authorities as students was fairly low. There is a dialogue within the family. 61% of the youngest slightly positive correlation between age and fear generation claimed “always” having open of authorities; however, a surprising 83% of the dialogue within the family compared with only generation ages 31 to 35 had “little” or “no” fear 28% of the older generation. This strong of the authorities. Perhaps the positive disparity suggests that political constraints correlation observed among the other during the dictatorships and the years shortly generations would have continued had there after made taboo certain political and social been a larger sample size of this generation. I themes even among the family, the most intimate approached this research with the hypothesis of units. Arguably, a generation that lacks the that I would observe lower levels of fear among ability to speak of political issues within the individuals farther removed from memories of home is unlikely to manifest its grievances in the dictatorships and higher levels among public protest. Though the intergenerational individuals with more acute memories of disparity between responses was notable, the repression. I was surprised to find that levels of overall level of dialogue between respondents fear did not vary significantly between and family members was remarkably high. (1= generations. While attempting to explain the “never”, 5=”always”, aggregate average= 4) Even
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.11
among the generation comprised of those thirty- larger Latinobarómetro results, it appears that six and over, the average level of dialogue was older generations, having lived under a 3.3, suggesting slightly more openness than not. repressive system, are extremely conscious of the Accordingly, the average openness for the need to challenge authority in democracy. youngest generation was 4.4. One survey Therefore, rather than attribute the impact of this respondent suggested that while openness within movement to a generational change in ideology, the family is a good indication of comfort with perhaps it could be credited to a powerful the expression of political grievances, other organizing force of a politicized younger social circles are more important for some generation that in turn influenced the individuals, such as colleagues or classmates. intergenerational mobilization of a whole society. Chilean columnist Sergio Martínez, activist Perhaps unsurprisingly, there is a strong negative during the student protests of the 1960’s, trend between age of the respondent and reiterates that the older generations are not negative views of the current political situation. simply resting complacently as the students take That is to say, younger generations are more the streets. However, he does cite the necessity of pessimistic about the current political course of revitalizing tactics and protagonists, as the the country. This could be because the vast previous key actors “bored us with their majority are currently completing their repetitive comedy sketch.”(18) This education and have high stakes in present policy revitalization of protest tactics is evident in the decisions. As the majority of respondents in unification of technology and pop culture with older generations are most likely rooted in the use of historical forms of protests such as the careers and have attained a level of personal cacerolazo, (19) reminiscent of Chilean political success, they may feel more indifferent to the dissatisfaction of years past. The conscious political situation of the country.. Lastly, unification of past and present has inspired aggregate results show a high inclination towards mobilization and inclusivity across generations, the act of protest as one of the best ways to resulting in a cohesive and powerful movement. exercise citizenship across generations. The Though the future of the Chilean Student outlier would be that generation ages thirty-one Movement remains uncertain, the sheer strength, to thirty-five, but it is probable a larger sample solidarity and force of the movement during six size would render distinct results. Additionally, months of struggle proves to be a victory in itself, the interpretation of this generation in the showing the political and social rejuvenation of a context of “niahísmo” renders these results less society. surprising. Apart from this outlier, consistency across the generations suggests a cultural proclivity towards protest as a means of enacting Notes change, considered more highly effective than 1. Jump, Paul. "From Pinochet to Piñera, Chile's voting. Way Is to Make Students Pay." Times Higher Education, 5 May 2011.Web. 09 Dec. 2011. In conclusion, while these results certainly
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.12
in Chile. Web. Oct.-Nov. 2011.
8. “FINANCIAMIENTO DE LA EDUCACIÓN 16. "Intendente Del Biobío Atribuye a "hijos Fuera SUPERIOR EN CHILE.” Movimiento por la Del Matrimonio" El Estallido Social." Emol.chile. El recuperación de la universidad. Mercurio, 25 Aug. 2011. Web. 9 Dec. 2011.
UCDavis | EXPLORATIONS: THE UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Vol. 15 (2013) E. Loney, p.13