Mass Social Protests and the Right to Peaceful Assembly

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Mass Social Protests and the Right to Peaceful Assembly MASS SOCIAL PROTESTS AND THE RIGHT TO PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY A 12-COUNTRY SPECIAL REPORT BY FREEDOM HOUSE JANUARY 2015 Table of Contents Overview: Mass Social Protests and the Right to Peaceful Assembly ......................................................... 1 Chile: Reclaiming the Street – Chile’s Student Movement .......................................................................... 7 China: The Case of Shifang ........................................................................................................................ 13 Denmark: The Case of COP15 ................................................................................................................... 19 Kyrgyzstan: Commotion-Based Democracy .............................................................................................. 24 Libya: Save Benghazi Friday ...................................................................................................................... 30 Malaysia: The Bersih Movement ................................................................................................................ 37 Morocco: February 20 Movement .............................................................................................................. 44 Peru: “El Baguazo” ..................................................................................................................................... 49 South Africa: The COSATU March ........................................................................................................... 54 Turkey: The Case of Gezi Park Protests ..................................................................................................... 60 Uganda: Walk to Work ............................................................................................................................... 66 United States of America: Occupy Wall Street .......................................................................................... 71 Freedom of Assembly Case Study Methodology ....................................................................................... 78 Front cover photo credit: Photojournalist Paula Gonzalez (U.S.A.) March 24, 2011, Buenos Aires, Argentina. The photo was selected as a Finalist in the Freedom House Photo Contest 2014. Entitled, Primera plana frente al Ritz (Headline Before the Ritz) The Disappeared make the newspaper headline on the 2011 Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice in Buenos Aires, which commemorates the 35th anniversary of the 1976 military coup in Argentina. Managing Editor Lisa Davis Research Teams and Authors Viviana Giacaman (Chile, Peru) Alex Brockwehl (Chile, Peru) Paul Mooney (China) Caroline Nielmann (Denmark) Matthew Schaaf (Kyrgyzstan) Susan Corke (Kyrgyzstan) Aalaa Abuzaakouk (Libya, Morocco) Monjib Maati (Morocco) Sue Gunawardena-Vaughn (Malaysia) Billy Ford (Malaysia) Cathal Gilbert (South Africa) Staff researchers (Turkey) Alissa Skog (Uganda) Lisa Davis (Overview, United States) Bridget Hebbard (United States) Editors Sarah Repucci (main) Russell Raymond Tyler Rolance Methodology Vanessa Tucker Freedom House thanks Mr. Ernesto de la Jara, Carmen Gomex, and Nelida Gandarillas from the Instituto de Defensa Legal, who were instrumental in leading and conducting the field research in Peru, and Andrea Sanhueza, for field research in Chile. We also thank the staff at the International Center for Not- For-Profit Law for their advice in developing the methodology, case study selection, and information provided on the legal environment for some of the chapters of this report. THIS STUDY WAS MADE POSSIBLE BY THE GENEROUS SUPPORT OF THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. Overview: Mass Social Protests and the Right to Peaceful Assembly Chile The year 2011 was widely viewed as one of mass social protest around the world. China People took to the streets to voice their grievances and aspirations in the unexpected Denmark Arab Spring, the anti-austerity backlash in Europe, and the occupation of public spaces and financial districts in the United States. Seen on the streets of Hong Kong today, Kyrgyzstan citizens choose mass public assembly to press their governments for change. In Libya democracies and nondemocracies alike, citizens have courageously assembled in Malaysia peaceful protest on issues including climate change, land use, education, wages, Morocco elections, corruption, financial influence on politics, increased poverty, and dictatorship. Peru Disturbingly, as mass public protest is increasingly used as a means of participation in South Africa political life, a number of authoritarian regimes have responded with violence, new Turkey legal restrictions, and blatant violations of the rule of law, all on the pretense of Uganda maintaining public order and stability. United States Freedom House researched cases of mass social protests in 12 countries to glean best practices and determine the causes for failure in promoting and protecting the right of peaceful assembly. Our comparison spanned a range of democratic and nondemocratic societies as well as an array of issues at stake in each setting. This report not only evaluates the role of the executive and law enforcement agencies in enabling or restricting freedom of assembly, but also investigates how government ministries, legislators, courts, political parties, national human rights institutions, think tanks, media, labor unions, civil society organizations, and even businesses respond to the content of protests and affect the peaceful exercise of the right to assemble. The study yielded the following general findings: • Citizens increasingly turn to mass protests to address grievances in the face of unresponsive elites, and these protests often drive significant changes in the political agenda. • Authorities in various countries use aggressive methods, such as excessive force and criminal sentences, to dissuade citizens from protest, and in undemocratic countries they try to block protests “upstream,” while the events are being organized. • Communication between police and protesters, and of equal importance, dialogue among authorities and other democratic stakeholders on the issues raised by protesters, reduce tensions and improve the prospects for peaceful assembly. • Struggles between protesters and authorities play out in the media, as officials use traditional media to generate public disdain for the protesters, while the protesters themselves turn to social media to get their messages out. Page 1 Citizens increasingly turn to mass protests to address grievances in the face of unresponsive elites, and these protests often drive significant changes in the political agenda. Protest organizers and participants from the 12 countries examined repeatedly said in interviews that the status quo had not and would not change through institutional channels; in many cases, the institutions were dominated by strong political monopolies or other elites. Change required a visible and persistent show of numbers and voices. The mass protests, as a non-institutional form of democratic participation, served to channel important issues into the institutional process. In some settings, they paved the way for shifts in official policy. For example, the protests of the February 20 Movement in Morocco precipitated parliamentary debates and constitutional reform, though the reform itself remained a top-down process. Marginalized voices and new ideas often came to the forefront. Mass demonstrations in Chile, Denmark, Kyrgyzstan, Peru, South Africa, and the United States brought about public support for educational reform, increased awareness of climate degradation, reforms addressing sustainable use of resources and land rights, improved labor conditions, and greater national attention on the structural inequities and influences surrounding the economic crisis. Changes in public opinion led to a change in elected leadership in some instances, such as Chile and New York City. The experiences of individual protest movements offered valuable lessons for their counterparts in other locations, and these had a discernable impact on the ability of demonstrators to assemble peacefully in the face of aggressive responses from authorities.1 Protests also displayed an innovative character, with planning and alliance-building before and during the events, unique internal decision-making processes, and dynamic flexibility as the demonstrations unfolded. In Chile, protesters used music, dance, and comedy to liven up the streets and their message. The sense of festivity dampened any violent confrontation, and the movement grew from a student protest to reach broader constituencies with each successive march. In Turkey, protesters at times used silent, statuesque assemblies to counteract the police’s aggressive efforts to block motion and suppress speech. And in the United States, well-networked activists in the Occupy Movement gained solidarity from parallel protest camps and marches that spread to over 70 cities. Organizers and protesters in many settings employed internal processes to mediate disagreements, isolate provocateurs, and identify and deal with surveillance by authorities. Various protest movements had their own security protocols; in the cases of encampments, activists set up their own sanitation and health committees to ensure safety and avoid government intervention on these grounds. As officials and traditional media failed to address their grievances, discredited them, or responded in other negative
Recommended publications
  • James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
    Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf Dokument
    Udskriftsdato: 2. oktober 2021 2017/1 BTB 91 (Gældende) Betænkning over Forslag til folketingsbeslutning om en uvildig undersøgelse af udlændinge­ og integrationsministerens håndtering af adskilt indkvartering af mindreårige gifte eller samlevende asylansøgere Ministerium: Folketinget Betænkning afgivet af Udvalget for Forretningsordenen den 23. maj 2018 Betænkning over Forslag til folketingsbeslutning om en uvildig undersøgelse af udlændinge- og integrationsministerens håndtering af adskilt indkvartering af mindreårige gifte eller samlevende asylansøgere [af Mattias Tesfaye (S), Nikolaj Villumsen (EL), Josephine Fock (ALT), Sofie Carsten Nielsen (RV) og Holger K. Nielsen (SF)] 1. Udvalgsarbejdet Beslutningsforslaget blev fremsat den 14. marts 2018 og var til 1. behandling den 26. april 2018. Be- slutningsforslaget blev efter 1. behandling henvist til behandling i Udvalget for Forretningsordenen. Møder Udvalget har behandlet beslutningsforslaget i 2 møder. 2. Indstillinger og politiske bemærkninger Et flertal i udvalget (DF, V, LA og KF) indstiller beslutningsforslaget til forkastelse. Flertallet konstaterer, at sagen om udlændinge- og integrationsministerens håndtering af adskilt ind- kvartering af mindreårige gifte eller samlevende asylansøgere er blevet diskuteret i mange, lange samråd, og at sagen derfor er belyst. Flertallet konstaterer samtidig, at ministeren flere gange har redegjort for forløbet. Det er sket både skriftligt og mundtligt. Flertallet konstaterer også, at den kritik, som Folketingets Ombudsmand rettede mod forløbet i 2017, er en kritik, som udlændinge- og integrationsministeren har taget til efterretning. Det gælder både kritikken af selve ordlyden i pressemeddelelsen og kritikken af, at pressemeddelelsen medførte en risiko for forkerte afgørelser. Flertallet mener, at det afgørende har været, at der blev lagt en så restriktiv linje som muligt. For flertallet ønsker at beskytte pigerne bedst muligt, og flertallet ønsker at bekæmpe skikken med barnebru- de.
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE by Ethan Earle Table of Contents
    A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE By Ethan Earle Table of Contents Spontaneity and Organization. By the Editors................................................................................1 A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street....................................................2 By Ethan Earle The Beginnings..............................................................................................................................2 Occupy Wall Street Goes Viral.....................................................................................................4 Inside the Occupation..................................................................................................................7 Police Evictions and a Winter of Discontent..............................................................................9 How to Occupy Without an Occupation...................................................................................10 How and Why It Happened........................................................................................................12 The Impact of Occupy.................................................................................................................15 The Future of OWS.....................................................................................................................16 Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, November 2012 Editors: Stefanie Ehmsen and Albert Scharenberg Address: 275 Madison Avenue, Suite 2114,
    [Show full text]
  • The Occupy Wall Street Movement's Struggle Over Privately Owned
    International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 3162–3181 1932–8036/20170005 A Noneventful Social Movement: The Occupy Wall Street Movement’s Struggle Over Privately Owned Public Space HAO CAO The University of Texas at Austin, USA Why did the Occupy Wall Street movement settle in Zuccotti Park, a privately owned public space? Why did the movement get evicted after a two-month occupation? To answer these questions, this study offers a new tentative framework, spatial opportunity structure, to understand spatial politics in social movements as the interaction of spatial structure and agency. Drawing on opportunity structure models, Sewell’s dual concept of spatial structure and agency, and his concept of event, I analyze how the Occupy activists took over and repurposed Zuccotti Park from a site of consumption and leisure to a space of political claim making. Yet, with unsympathetic public opinion, intensifying policing and surveillance, and unfavorable court rulings privileging property rights over speech rights, the temporary success did not stabilize into a durable transformation of spatial structure. My study not only explains the Occupy movement’s spatial politics but also offers a novel framework to understand the struggle over privatization of public space for future social movements and public speech and assembly in general. Keywords: Occupy Wall Street movement, privately owned public space (POPS), spatial opportunity structure, spatial agency, spatial structure, event Collective actions presuppose the copresence of “large numbers of people into limited spaces” (Sewell, 2001, p. 58). To hold many people, such spaces should, in principle, be public sites that permit free access to everyone. The Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement, targeting the engulfing inequality in the age of financialization and neoliberalization, used occupation of symbolic sites to convey its message.
    [Show full text]
  • Contextualizing Disaster
    Contextualizing Disaster This open access edition has been made available under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license, thanks to the support of Knowledge Unlatched. Catastrophes in Context Series Editors: Gregory V. Button, former faculty member of University of Michigan at Ann Arbor Mark Schuller, Northern Illinois University / Université d’État d’Haïti Anthony Oliver-Smith, University of Florida Volume ͩ Contextualizing Disaster Edited by Gregory V. Button and Mark Schuller This open access edition has been made available under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license, thanks to the support of Knowledge Unlatched. Contextualizing Disaster Edited by GREGORY V. BUTTON and MARK SCHULLER berghahn N E W Y O R K • O X F O R D www.berghahnbooks.com This open access edition has been made available under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license, thanks to the support of Knowledge Unlatched. First published in 2016 by Berghahn Books www.berghahnbooks.com ©2016 Gregory V. Button and Mark Schuller Open access ebook edition published in 2019 All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission of the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Button, Gregory, editor. | Schuller, Mark, 1973– editor. Title: Contextualizing disaster / edited by Gregory V. Button and Mark Schuller. Description: New York : Berghahn Books, [2016] | Series: Catastrophes in context ; v.
    [Show full text]
  • Latin American Studies UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FALL 2011 – WINTERSPRING 20122007
    BERKELEY REVIEW OF Latin American Studies UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FALL 2011 – WINTERSPRING 20122007 72 Migrantes in Mexico Peru’s Surprising Left Turn Student Leaders in Chile Table of Contents BERKELEY REVIEW OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES FALL 2011 – WINTER 2012 Comment Harley Shaiken 1 72 Migrantes Alma Guillermoprieto 2 Hispanic Panethnicity G. Cristina Mora 7 The Center Could Not Hold Tomás Bril-Mascarenhas 12 Thinking Continentally Robert A. Pastor 16 Remembering an Economic Visionary Peter Evans 18 Student Leaders Reinvent the Protest Ernesto Muñoz-Lamartine 25 Holding a Mirror to Mexico Harley Shaiken 31 Missed Connections Sarah Krupp 42 Lessons From New York? Celeste Kauffman 45 Michelle Bachelet: A Rendezvous With History Beatriz Manz 48 Reclaiming the Dream Kevin Escudero 55 Sand in the Gears of Impunity Sarah Weber 58 Cultivating a Coca-Free Future Sarah Krupp 63 Vuelvo Patricio Manns 68 The Berkeley Review of Latin American Studies is published by the Center for Latin American Studies, 2334 Bowditch Street, Berkeley, CA 94720. Chair Harley Shaiken Vice Chair Editor Dionicia Ramos Ledesma Jean L. Spencer Assistant to the Chair Design and Layout Brittany Gabel Greg Louden Thanks to Meredith Perry Contributing Editor: Deborah Meacham Special thanks to: Lavinia Barros de Castro, Almudena Bernabeu, Canana Films, Maria Coelho, Leo Gertner, Kate Goldman, Alma Guillermoprieto, Steven Levitsky, Soledad Martinez, Margarita Ortega, Horacio Salinas, Peter Turton. Contributing photographers: Daniel Álvarez Valenzuela, antitezo, Gilles Bassignac, Di Bédard, Catherine Binet, Tom Blackwell, Jim Block, Zang chi sd, Noel Criado, Mychele Daniau, Juan David Gastolomendo, Nicky Hamilton, Megan Kang, Sarah Krupp, Elmer Lennihan, Steven Levitsky, Dana Lixenberg, Lon&Queta, Aliosha Marquez, Felix Marquez, Elmer Martinez, Susan Meiselas, Jit Hoong Ng, Lenin Nolly Araujo, Cristobal Palma, Dionicia Ramos, Newton Thomas Sige, Cadu Tavares, Asterio Tecson, Mario Tellez Cardemil, Fabiola Torres.
    [Show full text]
  • POLICING REFORM in AFRICA Moving Towards a Rights-Based Approach in a Climate of Terrorism, Insurgency and Serious Violent Crime
    POLICING REFORM IN AFRICA Moving towards a rights-based approach in a climate of terrorism, insurgency and serious violent crime Edited by Etannibi E.O. Alemika, Mutuma Ruteere & Simon Howell POLICING REFORM IN AFRICA Moving towards a rights-based approach in a climate of terrorism, insurgency and serious violent crime Edited by Etannibi E.O. Alemika, University of Jos, Nigeria Mutuma Ruteere, UN Special Rapporteur, Kenya Simon Howell, APCOF, South Africa Acknowledgements This publication is funded by the Ford Foundation, the United Nations Development Programme, and the Open Societies Foundation. The findings and conclusions do not necessarily reflect their positions or policies. Published by African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum (APCOF) Copyright © APCOF, April 2018 ISBN 978-1-928332-33-6 African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum (APCOF) Building 23b, Suite 16 The Waverley Business Park Wyecroft Road Mowbray, 7925 Cape Town, ZA Tel: +27 21 447 2415 Fax: +27 21 447 1691 Email: [email protected] Web: www.apcof.org.za Cover photo taken in Nyeri, Kenya © George Mulala/PictureNET Africa Contents Foreword iv About the editors v SECTION 1: OVERVIEW Chapter 1: Imperatives of and tensions within rights-based policing 3 Etannibi E. O. Alemika Chapter 2: The constraints of rights-based policing in Africa 14 Etannibi E.O. Alemika Chapter 3: Policing insurgency: Remembering apartheid 44 Elrena van der Spuy SECTION 2: COMMUNITY–POLICE NEXUS Chapter 4: Policing in the borderlands of Zimbabwe 63 Kudakwashe Chirambwi & Ronald Nare Chapter 5: Multiple counter-insurgency groups in north-eastern Nigeria 80 Benson Chinedu Olugbuo & Oluwole Samuel Ojewale SECTION 3: POLICING RESPONSES Chapter 6: Terrorism and rights protection in the Lake Chad basin 103 Amadou Koundy Chapter 7: Counter-terrorism and rights-based policing in East Africa 122 John Kamya Chapter 8: Boko Haram and rights-based policing in Cameroon 147 Polycarp Ngufor Forkum Chapter 9: Police organizational capacity and rights-based policing in Nigeria 163 Solomon E.
    [Show full text]
  • Udkast Betænkning Forslag Til Lov Om Ændring Af Lov Om Statens Istjeneste
    Forsvarsudvalget 2012-13 L 45 Bilag 8 Offentligt Til lovforslag nr. L 45 Folketinget 2012-13 Betænkning afgivet af Forsvarsudvalget den 00. november 2012 Udkast til Betænkning over Forslag til lov om ændring af lov om Statens Istjeneste (Nyordning af Statens Istjeneste og indførelse af beredskab for isbrydning i danske farvande) [af forsvarsministeren (Nick Hækkerup)] 1. Udvalgsarbejdet Deputationer Lovforslaget blev fremsat den 26. oktober 2012 og var til Endvidere har følgende mundtligt over for udvalget rede- 1. behandling den 2. november 2012. Lovforslaget blev efter gjort for deres holdning til lovforslaget: 1. behandling henvist til behandling i Forsvarsudvalget. Danmarks Skibsmæglerforening, Danmarks Rederiforening, Møder Danske Havne og Udvalget har behandlet lovforslaget i <> møder. DI/Transport. Høring Spørgsmål Et udkast til lovforslaget har inden fremsættelsen været Udvalget har stillet 12 spørgsmål til forsvarsministeren til sendt i høring. Den 25. oktober 2012 sendte forsvarsministe- skriftlig besvarelse, som denne har besvaret. ren de indkomne høringssvar og et notat herom til udvalget. 2. Indstillinger [og politiske bemærkninger] Skriftlige henvendelser <> Udvalget har i forbindelse med udvalgsarbejdet modtaget Sambandsflokkurin og Javnaðarflokkurin var på tids- skriftlige henvendelser fra: punktet for betænkningens afgivelse ikke repræsenteret med Danmarks Skibsmæglerforening, medlemmer i udvalget og havde dermed ikke adgang til at Danmarks Rederiforening, komme med indstillinger eller politiske udtalelser i betænk- Danske Havne, ningen. DI/Transport, En oversigt over Folketingets sammensætning er optrykt Esbjerg Havn i betænkningen. Der gøres opmærksom på, at et flertal eller Hanstholm Havn, et mindretal i udvalget ikke altid vil afspejle et flertal/ Hirtshals Havn og mindretal ved afstemning i Folketingssalen. Thyborøn Havn. Forsvarsministeren har over for udvalget kommenteret de skriftlige henvendelser til udvalget.
    [Show full text]
  • Handbook for the Protection of Internally Displaced Persons
    Handbook for the Protection of Internally Displaced Persons Action Sheet 8 Liberty and Freedom of Movement Key message The ability to move freely and in safety within one’s country is a basic right as well as a pre-condition for the enjoyment of many other rights. Limitations on freedom of movement can have serious consequences for the lives, health and well-being of individuals and communities. Ensuring freedom of movement thus forms an important part of any protection strategy. 1. What do we mean by the term freedom of movement? Freedom of movement consists of the right and ability to move and choose one’s residence freely and in safety within the territory of the State, regardless of the purpose of the move. It also includes the right to leave any country and to return to one’s own country. It is closely related to the right to liberty and security of person, which guarantees freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention, and the right to seek asylum in another country. Taken together these rights mean that all persons, including the internally displaced, have the right to: l Take flight and seek safety in another part of the country (of choice), or to leave the country in order to seek asylum in another country. l Move freely and in safety within the country, including in and out of camps and settlements, regardless of the purpose of the move. l Voluntarily return to the place of origin or relocate to another part of the country. l Not be arbitrarily displaced or forced to return or relocate to another part of the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom of Movement of Workers – Directive 2004/38/EC – Right of Residence – Derived Rights for Third-Country Nationals)
    JUDGMENT OF THE COURT 13 May 2020 (Freedom of movement of workers – Directive 2004/38/EC – Right of residence – Derived rights for third-country nationals) In Case E-4/19, REQUEST to the Court under Article 34 of the Agreement between the EFTA States on the Establishment of a Surveillance Authority and a Court of Justice by the Supreme Court of Norway (Norges Høyesterett), in a case pending before it between Campbell and The Norwegian Government, represented by the Immigration Appeals Board (Utlendingsnemnda – UNE), concerning the interpretation of Directive 2004/38/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 April 2004 on the right of citizens of the Union and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States amending Regulation (EEC) No 1612/68 and repealing Directives 64/221/EEC, 68/360/EEC, 72/194/EEC, 73/148/EEC, 75/34/EEC, 75/35/EEC, 90/364/EEC, 90/365/EEC and 93/96/EEC, and in particular Article 7(1)(b) read in conjunction with Article 7(2) thereof, THE COURT, composed of: Páll Hreinsson, President, Per Christiansen, and Bernd Hammermann (Judge-Rapporteur), Judges, Registrar: Ólafur Jóhannes Einarsson, having considered the written observations submitted on behalf of: Ms Campbell, represented by Anne-Marie Berg, Advocate; – 2 – the Norwegian Government, represented by Pål Wennerås, Advocate with the Attorney General of Civil Affairs, acting as Agent; the EFTA Surveillance Authority (“ESA”), represented by Ewa Gromnicka, Erlend Møinichen Leonhardsen and Carsten Zatschler, members
    [Show full text]
  • Facilitating Peaceful Protests
    ACADEMY BRIEFING No. 5 Facilitating Peaceful Protests January 2014 Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Geneva Académie de droit international humanitaire et de droits humains à Genève Academ The Academy, a joint centre of ISBN: 978-2-9700866-3-5 © Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights, January 2014. Acknowledgements This Academy Briefing was written by Milena Costas Trascasas, Research Fellow, and Stuart Casey-Maslen, Head of Research, at the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights (Geneva Academy). The Academy would like to thank all those who commented on an earlier draft of this briefing, in particular Anja Bienart and Brian Wood of Amnesty International, and Neil Corney of Omega Research Foundation. The Geneva Academy would also like to thank the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (DFAE) for its support to the Academy’s work on facilitating peaceful protests, especially the Human Security Division for its funding of the publication of this Briefing. Editing, design, and layout by Plain Sense, Geneva. Disclaimer This Academy Briefing is the work of the authors. The views expressed in it do not necessarily reflect those of the project’s supporters or of anyone who provided input to, or commented on, a draft of this Briefing. The designation of states or territories does not imply any judgement by the Geneva Academy, the DFAE, or any other body or individual, regarding the legal status of such states or territories, or their authorities and institutions, or the delimitation of their boundaries, or the status of any states or territories that border them.
    [Show full text]
  • Draft General Comment No. 37 (Right of Peaceful Assembly)
    www.icnl.org [email protected] PRESENTED TO UN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE SUBMISSION Draft General Comment No. 37 (Right of Peaceful Assembly) Introduction ICNL is grateful for the opportunity to provide comments on the revised draft General Comment No. 37 on Article 21 (right of peaceful assembly) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Please find below principal comments relating to the following issues of general significance: (1) the definition of “assembly”; (2) assemblies through digital means; (3) authorization and notification requirements; (4) use of force in the context of assemblies; and (5) the fundamental nature of peaceful assembly rights. Accompanying these principal comments, we have attached a marked-up version of General Comment No. 37 which addresses the text of the Comment in greater detail, indicating proposed edits (including edits on a number of specific or technical issues not raised in our principal comments) and rationales for these edits. We hope the Committee will find these comments helpful in its review of the draft Comment. Principal Comments 1. THE DEFINITION OF “ASSEMBLY” The conception of “assembly” set forth in the draft General Comment, at paras. 4 and 13, is limited to gatherings of persons with a common expressive purpose in a publicly accessible place. In our view, this conception omits historically and currently important forms of assembly that require protection against restrictions, while also 1126 16th Street NW #400 Washington, DC 20036 2/21/2020 leaving insufficient room to encompass evolving and future forms of assembly. We would recommend clarifying that the protections of article 21 apply to gatherings where the participants intend to engage in important civic activities other than common expression; to gatherings in private, non-publicly-accessible places; and to gatherings “by persons,” in various forms, rather than “of persons”.
    [Show full text]