UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations

1-1-1995

A multi-varied approach to meaning of some East Baltic symbols

Indre Rita Antanaitis University of Nevada, Las Vegas

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Repository Citation Antanaitis, Indre Rita, "A multi-varied approach to meaning of some East Baltic Neolithic symbols" (1995). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 524. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/mh3u-lcdo

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A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600

A MULTI-VARIED APPROACH TO MEANING

OF SOME EAST BALTIC NEOLITHIC

SYMBOLS

by

Indre Rita Antanaitis

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

in

Anthropology

Department of Anthropology University of Nevada, Las Vegas December 1995 UMI Number: 1377625

Copyright 1996 by Antanaitis, Indre Rita

All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 1377625 Copyright 1996, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ©1996 Indre Rita Antanaitis All Rights Reserved The Thesis of Indre R. Antanaitis for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology is approved.

Chairperson, Alan H. Simmons

Examining Committee Member, George Urioste, Ph.D

Examining Committee Member, Bernardo T. Arriaza, Ph.D

Graduate Faculty Representat±ve-r/Robert Tracy, Ph.D.

Interim Graduate Dean, Cheryl L. Bowles, Ed.D.

University of Nevada, Las Vegas December 1995 ABSTRACT

Three sets of material and ideological data from East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded

Ware culture sites c. 6500-3500 B.P. are compiled and compared in order to reasonably interpret certain aspects of these prehistoric people’s ideology, specifically as it relates to their faunal environment and gender-based patterns in their social system. Approaches taken consist of 1). statistical analyses of a symbolic data base comprised of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic art data, and grave good inventories as they relate to gender, 2). a comparison of frequencies of faunal types represented in economy and zoomorphic symbols, and 3). a cross-cultural comparison of contexts of the most frequently occurring Neolithic faunal symbols in East Baltic historic mythology, , and ethnography. It is hoped that the combined multi-varied approach data results can serve as a middle ground between vague abstract theorizing about Neolithic ideology, and a wealth of infrequently addressed symbolic material data. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT...... iii

LIST OF FIGURES...... vi

LIST OF TABLES...... viii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... ix

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION...... 1 The Research Problem and its Significance ...... 1 Definitions and Assumptions ...... 3 Limitations ...... 5

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF LITERATURE...... 8 East Baltic Paleoenvironment: Climate, Geography, and Vegetation 11 Site Summaries ...... 14 Sarnate ...... 14 Sventoji ...... 17 Lubana ...... 21 Kretuonas ...... 25 Akali ...... 27 Narva-Riigikula I and II (NR 1 and 2) ...... 29 Tamula ...... 33 Zvejnieki ...... 35 Duonkalnis ...... 41 Previous Interpretations ...... 41 Traditional Perspectives in Archaeology ...... 41 An Archaeomythological Approach to Ideology ...... 47 Summary ...... 52

CHAPTER 3: DATA COLLECTION AND FINDINGS...... 54 First Approach ...... 54 Summary of First Approach ...... 67 Second Approach ...... 68 Summary of Second Approach ...... 72 Third Approach ...... 73 Estonian Sources ...... 73 Lithuanian Sources ...... 79 Latvian Sources ...... 84 Summary of Third Approach ...... 86 CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSIONS...... 88 Review ...... 88 Conclusions ...... 91 Implications of Method and Final Word ...... 96

APPENDIX A: CODE SHEET FOR SYMBOLIC DATA BASE AND TABLES 152

APPENDIX B: ARTISTIC/ SYMBOLIC ITEMS FROM SETTLEMENTS...... 158

APPENDIX C: BURIAL DATA...... 163

APPENDIX D: ZOOARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA BASE...... 179

APPENDIX E: CONSENT FOR RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS... 190

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 191 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware project culture area ...... 98 Figure 2. Sarnate planview ...... 99 Figure 3. Sventoji planview ...... 100 Figure 4. Lubana planview ...... 101 Figure 5. Early Neolithic fish weir at Zvidze ...... 102 Figure 6. Kretuonas 1B planview...... 103 Figure 7. Graves at Kretuonas 1B ...... 104 Figure 8. Location of Akali ...... 105 Figure 9. Planview of Narva-Rigiikula 1 ...... 106 Figure 10. Geographical location of Tamula ...... 107 Figure 11. Tamula burials ...... 108 Figure 12. Zvejnieki cemetery planview ...... 109 Figure 13. Duonkalnis shaman ...... 110 Figure 14 a. staff of female or elk at Sventoji 3B ...... 111 b. Unfinished staff of female elk at Sventoji 3B ...... 112 Figure 15. Animal teeth pendants at Sventoji ...... 113 Figure 16a-c. "Embryonic” ceramic figurines ...... 114 Figure 17. Female figurine found in child’s grave number 172 at Zvejnieki 115 Figure 18. Face of wooden pole at Sventoji ...... 116 Figure 19. Anthropomorphic motifs in projectarea ...... 117 a. in the Early Neolithic at Sarnate ...... 117 b. in the Middle Neolithic at Nainiekste ...... 117 c-f. in the Late Neolithic at Abora ...... 118 Figure 20. Bird motifs in project area ...... 119 a. in the Middle and Early Neolithic at Sventoji 23 and 3B ...... 119 b. in the Late Neolithic at Zvejsalas ...... 119 c-h. in the Early to Middle Neolithic at Sarnate ...... 120 Figure 21. Unidentifiable animal motifs in project area ...... 121 a. from Middle Neolithic at Sventoji 3B ...... 121 b. from Middle to Late Neolithic at Akali ...... 121 c. from Late Neolithic at Lagaza ...... 121 Figure 22. Snake motifs in project area at Abora, Late Neolithic ...... 122 Figure 23. Zvejnieki Early Neoltihic male grave number 170 ...... 123 Figure 24a. Zvejnieki Early Neolithic male grave number 164 ...... 123 Figure 24b. Grave number 164’s grave inventory ...... 124 Figure 25. Early Neolithic male burial #160 at Zvejnieki ...... 125 Figure 26. Zvejnieki Early Neolithic male grave number 162 with goods ...... 125 Figure 27. Early Neolithic Zvejnieki female #178 in collective burial ...... 126 Figure 28. Middle to Late Neolithic male burial #225 at Zvejnieki with ...... 127 Figure 29. Grave goods of Middle to Late Neolithic Zvejnieki male #228 ...... 128

vi Figure 30a. Late Neolithic male Zvejnieki burial #277’s grave goods ...... 129 Figure 30b. Collective Late Neolithic burial, numbers 275-278 ...... 130 Figure 31a-b. Grave goods of Late Neolithic Zvejnieki female burial #221 ...... 131 Figure 32. Partial grave inventory of Tamula Late Neolithic female burial number 8 ...... 133 Figure 33. Partial grave inventory of Tamula female burial number 10 ...... 134

vii LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Radiocarbon dates and general chronology of settlements ...... 135 Table 2. Zvejnieki cemetery radiocarbon dates ...... 137 Table 3. Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representative symbolic art ...... 138 Table 4a. Pendants/ amulets/ bone deposits in burials ...... 138 Table 4b. Pendants/ amulets in habitation sites only (without graves) ...... 139 Table 4c. Pendants/ amulets/ bone fragments in burials at Zvejnieki ...... 139 Table 4d. Pendants/ amulets/ bone fragments in burials at Tamula ...... 140 Table 5a. Local and temporal distribution of human motif ...... 140 Table 5b. Local and temporal distribution of elk/ red deer motif ...... 141 Table 5c. Local and temporal distribution of bird motif ...... 141 Table 6a. Total and average number of Neolithic grave goods at Zvejnieki per gender ...... 142 Table 6b. Total and average number of variety of grave goods per gender at Zvejnieki ...... 143 Table 6c. Higher status by gender at Zvejnieki ...... 144 Table 7a. Total and average number of grave goods by gender at Tamula (Late Neolithic) ...... 145 Table 7b. Total and average number of variety of grave goods per gender at Tamula ...... 145 Table 7c. Higher status by gender at Tamula ...... 146 Table 8a. Zvejnieki high status male burial grave good inventory by functional category ...... 147 Table 8b. Zvejnieki high status female burial grave good inventory by functional category ...... 148 Table 9. Tamula high status male and female grave good inventory by functional category ...... 149 Table 10. A comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in Sventoji 1B and 2B ...... 150 Table 11. A comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in Sventoji 3B and 23 ...... 150 Table 12. A comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in Abora and Lagaza ...... 150 Table 13. A comparison of Tamula’s zooarchaeological and zoomorphic motif data ...... 151

viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work would have been impossible without the financial support and opportunity for research abroad afforded by a Fulbright grant. For this I am most grateful.

Many individuals in the Baltics supported my efforts and helped me locate research data or were a source of information in themselves. Sincere thanks to Drs.

Rimute Rimantiene, Girininkas, and Adomas Butrimas for advising me in

Lithuanian archaeology, and for Dr. Linas Daugnoras’s and Darius Duoba’s help with zooarchareological questions. I am also very thankful for access to the

Lithuanian Folklore Archives in , and for the opportunity to consult with Dr.

Bronislava Kerbelyte and her colleagues Drs. Norbertas Velius and Nijole Laurinkiene.

Labai aciu.

Maira Bundza, librarian of Western Michigan University’s Latvian Studies Center

Library, helped me make my first contact with a Stone age archaeologist in . Dr.

Ilze Loze and Mr. Valdis Berzins, Stone Age archaeologists of Latvia’s National

Museum’s Archaeology Department answered my questions and gave much valued advice. Dr. Guntis Smidchens, professor at the Scandanavian Department at the

University of Washington in Seattle, helped me make my first Latvian, and consequently Estonian, folklore research contacts. Dace Bula and Guntis Pakalns at

Latvia’s Science Academy’s Folklore Archives were very helpful in advising me about

Latvian folklore materials. A hearty pal dies! Dr. Olo Valk at ’s Folklore Archives in Tartu guided me in my quest for

Estonian folklore and mythology materials. His archaeologist brother Dr. Heiki Valk

answered my questions about Estonian Stone Age archaeology sources.

Zooarchaeology student Lembi Lougas in and archaeologist Aivar Kriiska in

Parnu were also good contacts, surely fellow colleagues in the future. Thank you!

Terese Jurkuviene, Teodora Kilikeviciene, Virginija Ramanauskaite, Gema

Zinkeviciene, Marius Vaisnys, and fellow Fulbrighter David Burgess and his English

class at the Police Academy in Vilnius translated from Russian to Lithuanian for me.

Jadvyga Gerasimovic at Computerland in Vilnius helped with computer questions and

problems. The Economics Institute of the Science Academy gave me an electronic

mail account that was very useful. Dekoju! Latvian (to Lithuanian) translators included

Valdis Lauva, Laila Varnas, and especially Ronalds Toms. Estonian information was

mostly written in German (or English), and was translated by Mrs. Jolita Vailioniene and

Mr. Vaitiekunas. Aciu. These people were a crucial link to my research

materials; the work could not have been accomplished without their help.

Back in the United States, I would like to acknowledge my thesis committee Drs.

Alan Simmons, George Urioste, Bernardo Arriaza, and Robert Tracy for their

encouragement, suggestions, and advice. Thanks also to Prof. Fred Sigman in the Art

History Department. Greg Haynes at the Desert Research Institute offered some

practical advice on statistics, and fellow archaeology graduate students Jason Cooper and Greg Seymour and his wife Alice Sinkovec helped with tables. Thanks for your highly valued help.

Lastly, but not leastly, I would like to acknowledge my family, both in America and , who was always very supportive. I would like to include my gratitude here to Dr. Marija Gimbutiene (1921-1994) who read my first thesis proposal (of the third approach in this thesis) and gave me much valued advice. Nuosirdziausiai dekoju. CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The Research Problem and its Significance

"To leave an immense part of the history of the human mind a blank runs the risk of encouraging the idea that during all those millenia the activity of the mind was confined to the preservation and transmission of ...” (Eliade 1978:8)

Cognitive archaeology endeavors to reconstruct past ways of thought as inferred from material remains (Renfrew 1994b:3). The central purpose of this thesis is to reconstruct aspects of ideology of the East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware cultures, dated to c. 6500-3500 B.P., and known primarily as the Narva and Comb-and-

Pit cultures (Figure 1). They are hunter-fisher-gatherers who produced artistic and symbolic material culture including animal tooth pendants; ornaments; and amber, bone, wood, and elk horn figurines in the shapes of mammals, birds, reptiles, fish, and people. These items are found in both grave and habitation sites. Remains of the art and burials of these cultural groups will comprise a main symbolic data base that will allow several inferences concerning the East Baltic Neolithic people’s worldview. In the spirit of the interdiciplinary underpinning of cognitive archaeology (Renfrew 1985:2-

4; Gimbutas 1989:xv), three methods will be used to identify symbols, motifs, or concepts that may have held particular meaning in Nan/a and Comb-and-Pit Pottery people’s religious orientation. The first two are based on material archaeological data, and the third on a synthesis of archaeological data with , folklore, and ethnography. Each method will allow different inferences.

l 2

The first method will be statistical. Constructing as thorough of a symbolic data base as possible from the published literature on East Baltic Neoltihic sites in the project area (Figure 1) will enable answers to certain research questions by frequency correlations of significant data. Archaeologists have either asserted (Gimbutiene

1985:180) or suggested (Rimantiene 1984:103; Loze 1983:11) that pre- in the East Baltic was matricentric. Is there any archaeological indication of this? Most East Baltic archaeologists refer to reverence for certain animals in the

Neolithic, especially the elk or red deer. What anthropomorphic and zoomorophic motifs or symbols were the most frequent during the Neolithic in the proposed culture area? How did these motifs change through time? What were the similarities and differences among symbols regionally? Were men and women treated differently in burials? If so, how?

The second approach to the symbolic data base will involve the compilation of an osteological data base and the comparison of zooarchaeological data with the zoomorphic representations in art. This comparison will help illustrate how East Baltic

Neolithic cultures related to their animal environment. Is a correlation evident between types and frequencies of animals exploited for dietary and economic purposes and those that they depicted in art? Which animals were most significant in art and which for the general economy?

The third method of interpreting the data base is fashioned after Marija

Gimbutas’s (1989) archaeomythology. Gimbutas advocates leaning heavily on comparative mythology, folklore, ethnography, and linguistics in order to better understand the meaning of and . Further inferences about the possible religious orientation of the Nan/a and Comb-and-Pit Pottery cultures will be made by comparing Lithuanian, Latvian, and and folklore, and north European ethnography to some of the most frequently encountered Neolithic artistic motifs and to indications of status. This comparison is not intended to imply that a direct correlation exists between prehistoric symbols and those found within

Baltic mythology. It is argued, however, that a hold over of similar meaning may be possible. The are among the last to have accepted in

(Balys 1966:8; Kuusi et al 1977:26,28; Gieysztor 1965:418) and have been noted for the animistic character of their religion even in historical times. For example, western Lithuania was baptized only in 1410, though many historical sources insist that held steadfastly to the old religious ways until the mid-

17th century. Lithuanian is also one of the most conservative Indoeuropean languages, the oldest living language related to Sanskrit. Given these conservative tendencies, I argue by analogy that at least some elements of the East Baltic Neolithic religious system may still be reflected in early historic and folklore.

This data base will help East Baltic and European researchers make inferences about East Baltic pre-Corded Ware Neolithic ideology based on statistical material evidence. It can also serve as a physical foundation for interpretive approaches that make inferences to the meaning of late stone age symbolism and religion in the Baltic

States.

Definitions and Assumptions

The Neolithic in the Baltics is defined chiefly by the appearance of pottery and a higher degree of sedentarism due to an expanded fishing lifestyle (with specialized fishing implements) and polished stone tools (Rimantiene 1984:107). This is not the same definition of Neolithic as that used by American or most European archaeologists, who consider the biggest criterion for the Neolithic to be the of animals and plants - animal husbandry and agriculture. Subsistence data suggest that adoption of farming by local East Baltic foragers was a gradual process during the Middle and

Late Neolithic (Rimantiene 1992b:368), and only began to gain momentum in the

Bronze Age.

During the Middle Neolithic, the Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture came into the

Narva culture area from Karelia and began to mix or live adjacent to local Narva populations. This mixing or co-habitation was especially intense in eastern Latvia and the distinct cultural affiliation of some sites there is not clear. For simplicity’s sake, the cultural affiliation of such sites is referred to as NCP (Narva/ Comb-and-Pit Pottery cultures) in the data base tables. In the Late Neolithic of western Lithuania, the Corded

Ware or Battle-ax culture mixed with the local Narva populations; this hybrid culture is called the Baltic Haff (Bay Coast, Rzucewo, Haffkusten) culture. NCP sites with general Corded Ware culture influence are referred to as NCPCW. Although this thesis focuses on the pre-Corded Ware cultures, it is important to consider continuing artistic and burial traditions of cultures that mixed with the Narva and Comb-and-Pit Pottery cultures also.

Religion is a culturally patterned system of beliefs and practices concerned with the transcendent or sacred (Winthrop 1991:238). Universal characteristics of religion include 1. a body of religious enshrined in the form of a , passed down from one generation to another; 2. or spirits; 3. localized sacred places; 4. religious or ritual specialists; 5. ritual. Recognizing religion in the archaeological record means recognizing cult (Renfrew 1994a:51) or ritual. Iconographic symbols and burials are related to cult and ritual. 5

Symbols play a major role in religion, and what symbols signify are above all culturally constructed and culturally bound. Symbols represent or recall something by possession of analogous qualities or by association in fact or thought (Lessa and Vogt

1979:90). The proper understanding of any symbol lies in a wholistic and in-depth study of the cultural context in which it operates rather than in any universal typology or theoretical model (Ortner 1979:93).

Culture finds symbolic expression through art. Art can be symbolic in its conveyance of direct meanings, as, for example, with representational visual art, but it can also be reflective of emotion or certain social behavior, economic organization, etc.

(Merrian 1971:101-102), or serve as a connection with the gods, the cosmos, and society. Gimbutas says that "...symbols are seldom abstract in any genuine sense; their ties with nature persist and are to be discovered through the study of context and association (Gimbutas 1989:xv).”

Symbolic statements are also made about the dead by the living using funerary or burial rites to somehow mark the dead’s place in the universe. In these burial , the living are guided by beliefs about death and what may follow it (Chapman, Kinnes, and Randsborg 1981; Huntington and Metcalf 1991).

Limitations

Sampling of representative sites was determined by the best represented sites in the published literature describing the Nan/a and Comb-and-Pit Pottery cultures.

Zoo-archaeological data are often analyzed only superficially, noting percentages of bones belonging to specific animal species. Cultural affiliations of hybrid cultures are not always specified clearly in the literature, making it difficult to assess type of cultural group. Dates are occasionally established by botanical or geological data alone and radiocarbon dates are often uncalibrated. Accurately dating mythology and folklore is

also very difficult if not impossible.

This thesis does not examine all art forms present within the material remains of the pre-Corded Ware Neolithic in the East Baltic, such as ceramics or amber

ornaments. Ceramic ornamentation can be very complex, intra-site ceramics statistics

have been compiled very differently (i.e., counting sherds or pots for ornamentation statistics), and the enormity of sherds at each site deterred further efforts of pottery examination. Amber beads and pendants are also too numerous; correlations of amber data in Stone Age East Baltic sites would comprise a separate thesis or dissertation in itself and will not be dealt with in any detail here. The focus in this work is

representative art, often figuirines or , and ornaments that show a connection to the animal environment, namely animal tooth pendants.

Marija Gimbutas’s archaeomythological approach is a very complex method of interpretation, employing information from many disciplines and a wide geographical comparative base. The limited scope of this thesis considers only a few topics in comparative mythology, folklore, and ethnography, takes its comparative base mostly from the Baltic states, and includes other ethnographical references restricted to northern lattitude huner-(fisher-)gatherers such as those in Siberia, , and

Karelia. Comparative linguistics is beyond the scope of this project.

Gender distictions were not discernable in many burials in the largest cemetery of Zvejnieki; this reduces the data base of skeletons from which to make inferences concerning differential treatment of males and females in burials. The Stone Age

Zvejnieki cemetery’s anthropological data is presently being reexamined. Twelve new radiocarbon dates already show that in a few instances, previous dating was not always accurate (Zagorska 1994; Denisova 1994). Other new data, including gender distinctions, are not being divulged until the publication of a new monograph by the investigators, so this thesis uses mostly previously published data (Zagorskis 1974;

1987), noting some possible discrepancies (Gerhards, 1994 interview).

Despite the many limitations in this project, the existing data still point to certain significant correlations and trends. These help answer questions about the past ways of thought of the East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware cultures. CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The literature for this study is vast. It encompasses not only individual sites, such as Narva-Riigikula, Akali, and Tamula in Estonia, but also clusters or series of sites such as sites A-Z and 1-15 in Sarnate (in western Latvia), and a cluster of nine different sites in the Lubana lowland (in eastern Latvia). Most of these site series consist of more than one cultural layer. Each archaeological site or site cluster was excavated over the course of at least a decade or so. Rimute Rimantiene, for example, has been the excavation leader at the Sventoji site series in western Lithuania from

1966-1972 and 1982-1995, and wrote two books about the excavations’ findings (1979;

1980). She has also written a textbook on the Stone Age in Lithuania (1984). L.

Vankina wrote the monograph on the site series at Sarnate (1970) in western Latvia

(Valdis Berziips is now studying this culture area); Algirdas Girininkas has been the project director at Kretuonas in northeastern Lithuania (1985:5-9; 1990); llze Loze - at

Lubana in eastern Latvia (1988; 1979). Francis Zagorskis passed away in 1989

(Bundza, 1993 personal communication), but excavated at Zvejnieki in northern Latvia and wrote a very thorough book about the archaeological findings (1987); Lembit

Jaanits led the expedition at Akali (1959) and Tamula (1957; 1985) in southeastern

Estonia, and archaeologist N. N. Gurina excavated at and authored reports on Narva-

Riigikula in northeastern Estonia (1955:153-171).

8 9 This thesis’s site summary information is taken from these authors’ individual monographs or reports, unless otherwise indicated. Since a familiarity with the cultural context is crucial to understanding symbolic meaning, and since data on these sites are not available in the English language (see Rimantiene 1992a,b; Loze 1993, and

Selirand and Tonisson 1984 in the bibliography for exceptions), these summaries are important for a familiarization with site content.

The most thorough summarized description of the paleoenvironmental background of the East Baltic is provided by Paul M. Dolukhanov in his 1978 Ecology and Economy in Neolithic Eastern Europe. Thus, the general environmental background provided in this thesis is a short summary from Dolukhanov’s book (pages

113-126). Explanations of reference names to the (snail names) are taken from ’s of Lithuania (forthcoming).

Since this thesis involves zooarchaeological research, a closer look at available data on bone analyses form one of its components. Zooarchaeological specialists in the Baltics are few. Statistics such as MNI’s (minimum number of individuals) are not used regularly. The zoo-osteological data compiled by V. Danilcenko (see most individual site monographs) and K. Paaver (1965) are used most often. Sloka

(1986:127-130) is the only specialist to have examined fish bones and published his findings in the East Baltic Neolithic. Interest in bone remains, however, recently has begun to gain interest in the Lithuania and Estonia. Lembi Lougas in Tallinn, Estonia and Darius Duoba in Vilnius, Lithuania, are doctoral candidates specializing in bone material analysis, and Linas Daugnora, a veterinarian in , is collaborating with archaeologist Algirdas Girininkas in examining bones at the Kretuonas series of Stone

Age sites (Girininkas and Daugnora 1994:13-20; 1995; forthcoming) and of Stone Age bone material in Lithuania in general (Girininkas and Daugnora forthcoming). Recently,

L. Daugnora and D. Duoba collaborated in authoring an article on the bone remains at

the Sventoji 4 site (Duoba and Daugnora 1994:24-28).

Marija Gimbutas was already using an interdisciplinary (archaeology,

ethnography, the history of ) approach in her 1946 doctoral dissertation ( Die

Bestattung in Litauen in der vorgeschichtlichen Zeit) about Lithuanian funerary customs

in the (Marler forthcoming). Her book Ancient Symbolism in Lithuanian Folk

Art was published in 1958 and in the in 1994. M. Gimbutas also

wrote the only existing monograph on the prehistory of the (1963; Gimbutiene

1985 in Lithuanian) and numerous articles on the use of mythology combined with

archaeological studies (i.e., 1962; 1989b) (see Andrasiunaite-Straksiene 1995). Her

branch of archaeomythology is typically recognized in America with the trilogy of books

she wrote on Old European deities (1982; 1989; 1991).

Bronze age archaeologist Nakaite-Vaitkunskiene at the Lithuanian

Science Academy’s History Institute has also done some interpretation along

archaeomythological lines (1991). Zagorskis (1987), Jaanits (1959), Loze (1983), and

Eliade (1978) tend to more exclusively use ethnographic comparisons in their published works when interpreting symbolic archaeological data.

Much of Baltic folklore and mythological records have been skewed by non­

professional enthusiaists. For this reason, I was guided about reliable sources in

folklore and mythology by professional mythologists Bronislava Kerbelyte at the

Lithuanian Academy of Science’s Folklore Institute, Dace Bula at the Folklore Archives

in the Latvian Academy of Sciences in , and Olo Valk at the Folklore Archives in

the Academy of Sciences in Tartu, Estonia. East Baltic Paleoenvironment: Climate, Geography, and Vegetation

Before becoming familiar with the physical environment of the past, a familiarity with the modern climate of the East Baltic is helpful. The modern environment is affected by the following atmospheric circulation pattern: Cyclones that occur frequently in winter are carried in from the Atlantic eastward from Ireland. These cyclones consist of moist wet winds and are usually followed by cold north winds - anticyclones from the

Arctic. The East Baltic receives more than 600 mm of rain annually. The high ground in Latvia and Estonia receive 800 mm annually. The coldest weather is caused by the intrusion of Arctic air when the temperature drops to 20-25° C. In the middle of May, day time temperature is above 10° C, and reaches above 20° C in July and August.

The daytime temperature in early October drops below 10° C and the first frosts occur.

The Atlantic cyclonic movement causes rainy weather that continues to the beginning of the cold season. (Dolukhanov 1978:122)

The evolution of the natural environment in northern Europe during the

Holocene was determined to a large extent by the evolution of the Baltic Sea

(Dolukhanov 1979:116). The eustatic rise of the sea level and tectonic movements of the ’s crust were responsible for the changes in the Baltic Sea’s size, salinity, and temperature.

During the Preboreal climatic period, the retreating glacier (known as the Valdai on the Russian plain and the Wiirm or Weichselian in western Europe) formed a connection between the Baltic depression and the North Sea. The absolute date for this occurrence has been established as 10,189 B.P. by the sophisticated counting of varves; this date marks the beginning of the Holocene (Dolukhanov 1979:116). The

Baltic Ice Lake was thus transformed into a marine basin - the Yoldia Sea (named after 12 a pelecypod Yoldia arctica), which existed between 10,189 and c. 9200 B.P. The climate was cool, although it gradually warmed. Birch and pine dominated the forests.

Reindeer and other tundra forms of life survived and mixed with the incoming forest forms. Gradually the sea level rose and isostatic upheaval caused the strait to close up once again. The resulting freshwater lake is called the Ancylus Lake (named after the gastropod Ancylus fluviatilis) and it formed in the beginning of the climatic period, which spanned c. 8900-8000 B.P. Pine and spruce forests increased greatly.

Alder was very common along rivers and lakes. Water caltrop or chestnut (Trapa natans) grew in many lakes. Peat (an ideal anaerobic preservative) accumulated at a high rate in .

When the Baltic Sea regained its connection with the North Sea, its water became very salty; this stage began c. 7100 B.P. and is called the Littorina Sea (after a marine pelecypod Littorina littorea). Several fluctuations of the Sea level occured during this period. The fluctuations are noticeable in the terraces of the northern Baltic and in the statigraphy of off-shore peat bogs. The following fluctuations have been recorded (Dolukhanov 1979:117):

Transgression: 7100-6900 B.P. Regression: 6500-6300 B.P. Transgression: 6300-5900 Regression: 5900-5600 B.P. Transgression: 5600-4600 B.P. Regression: 4600-4300 B.P. Transgression: 4300-4000 B.P. Regression: 4000-3700 B.P. Transgression: 3700-3300 B.P. Regression: 3300-3000 B.P.

During the transgressions, the coastline was submerged, but during the regressions, many hunter-fisher sites are found. The lower cultural layer of Sventoji and the Sarnate site appeared at off-shore lagoons during the regression of 4600-4300 B.P. The top layer of Sventoji formed during the regression between 4000 and 3700

B.P.

Numerous hunting and fishing communites found within lake depressions generally coincide with periods of lake regression. Evidently, the water level in lakes fluctuated as , and geological investigations supported by radiocarbon dates and pollen analysis indicate that the fluctuations were usually synchronized with those of the Baltic Sea (Dolukhanov 1979:119-120).

The climate became less humid, though it was still warm during the third

Littorina transgression. Many bogs dried out and forest fires were common. Spruce reached its highest abundance since the recession of the glacier. Some amber, petrified evergreen tree resin from submerged pine and spruce forests, is found in

Littorina deposits. Water chestnuts grew prolifically.

During the first half of the Atlantic period, pine and alder forest predominated, and there was an increase in spruce forests and broad-leaved trees. Pine and alder still dominated in the second half of the Atlantic. Broad-leaved trees (elm, lime or linden, hornbeam, ) achieved their maximum spread in the second half of the

Atlantic, and spruce forests increased further. Radiocarbon dates from this period are between 6500 and 4500 B.P. This time period is known as the Climatic Optimum; the temperature averaged 2-3° C higher than today and was more humid. Conditions for settlement were optimal and permanent habitation sites formed along coastlines, lagoons, rivers, and lakes.

About 4500-4000 B.P. in the Subboreal climatic period, a decrease in broad­ leaved species occurred, especially elm, and alder and pine forests dominated. A massive spread of spruce forest occurred in the Subboreal’s second half. Periods of 14 drought dominated the area. The Kursiq nerija (Kurische Nehrung) sand dunes of

Lithuania formed during the second part of the Subboreal. This was probably a time of extensive dune migrations. Many bogs dried out, and forest fires were common.

Site Summaries

Sarnate

The Sarnate swamp-peatbog is located in western Latvia and covers 2889 ha.

(Figure 2). Its surroundings are flat, three to four meters above sea level. The peatbog is narrow in the middle, and two small lakes, Semba and Pazu, are found there. Both of these lakes have flat, swampy shores. A small river flows from Semba Lake north to the sea. The meadowed-over peat found on the high ground surrounding the swamp has been used for farming for decades.

Not all of the Sarnate sites occurred at the same time. Sites also differ in respect to construction and materials. The Sarnate I type of sites belong to the western variant of the that settled in the area during the second half of the Atlantic climatic period (as indicated by calibrated radiocarbon dates). Characteristic of the 25

Narva (named A-Z) habitation sites is a carefully made surrounded by remnants of a wooden house. were built using trees, bark, and sand. The peat would first be sprinkled with sand, then a five to twelve centimeter (cm) layer of trees, and then this would be covered by a layer of lime tree bark. At the end, another 20 cm layer of sand would be poured and the fire would be built on top of that. The hearths would be continually renewed when the trees became too burnt or rotten; some hearths had four to seven alternating layers. A layer of water chestnut ( Trapa natans) and hazelnut ( Corylus avellana) shells were found around the hearths - these reach up to 40 cm around some hearths.

Sometimes up to five or six nut-cracking mallets were found in each pile.

Houses were constructed with five to twelve cm birch or ash . Less often they were made from coniferous trees. The trees would be hammered into the ground up to the blue clay that comprises the hard ground.

The excavations concentrated around the hearth, in an area sectioned off by covered leaves, branches, bark, and other scraps. Characteristic of the Sarnate I sites are carefully made wooden tools, amber ornaments (see below), and a unique ceramic from porous clay fashioned into round, various-sized or small, oval pots - Narva culture pottery. Very few artifacts were found. Bone tools and animal bone preserved very poorly. Faunal fragments found include those of ( Sus scrofa), aurochs ( Bos primigenius), seal (probably Phoca hispida), elk ( Alces alces), red deer ( Cervus elaphus), roe deer ( Capreolus capreolus), brown bear ( Ursus arctos), wild horse ( Equus cab alius), badger (Meles meles), beaver {Castor fiber), and pine marten ( Maries martes) (Paaver 1965:38, 437-440). Among fish remains are pike ( Esox lucius), zander

{Lucioperca lucioperca), and catfish ( Siluris glamis). Bird bones of jay ( Garrulus glandarius) and duck were also discovered.

Fishing was a major activity; this is shown by the remains of six fish traps, leisters, and numerous net components - pine bark floats, stone sinkers, and a netting fragment. Conical wooden fragments may be blunt for hunting birds or small mammals. Other hunting weapons include wooden and slings (Valdis

Berziips, 1995 personal communication). 16 The Sarnate I type is characterized mostly by the houses closest to the prehistoric lake - F, G, K, N, T, X, and Y - they have more massive hearths and more artifacts. Houses J, L, S, U, V, and Z are also Sarnate I, but their cultural layer is thinner with fewer artifacts. The dwellings furthest from the prehistoric lake are thought to be a later phase of the Sarnate I type.

The Sarnate Lake began to dry out, overgrow, and become peatbog during the warm and dry climate of the Subboreal. Fifteen habitation sites (named numbers 1 -15) characterize the Sarnate II type inhabitants who settled on this peat. The sites belong to the Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture by their ceramics. These sites can be recognized as low, oval-shaped rises in the land oriented NE - SW, comprised of charcoal and ash-mixed sand. Sand had covered this entire area on the dry peat. Only a five to ten cm of sod covered this sand. In places, the sand was deeper and more compact, hard, mixed with coal and ash - probably hearths. At the center around the hearths were a few rocks and burnt fish bones. Nothing was found in the peat area outside of the sand-covered area, but the living areas were full of various flint tools and flakes. These tools were fashioned from non-local flint. No wooden tools or tools used to work wood were found. Water chestnuts were also not found.

By its composition (mostly clay with heavy sand), form and ornamentation, the ceramics are similar to the ceramics of the second half of the fifth millenium B.P. found in northern Latvia, Estonia, and Karelia. All of the Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture sites at

Sarnate were at Sarnate’s northern end, surrounding the Nan/a sites in a semi-circle.

Of all the Sarnate II type sites, house Number 3 had the wealthiest cultural layer.

Dwellings 5, 8, and 12 also contained much ceramic material. 17

Both Narva and Comb-and-Pit Pottery sites at Sarnate had areas for working

amber, which was clearly worked in large quantities. Sarnate was part of an exchange

network that spread amber far from its source area on the Baltic Sea coast. Flint and

slate for tool-making were apparently obtained in return.

Artistic and symbolic items include spoon handles with zoomorphic, mostly bird

head decorations found inside the dwellings, a 1.7 meter (m) tall pole with a carved

human head built near a house under a tree, a decorated miniature wooden hoe at the

base of a hearth, and a wooden object resembling a phallus in a pit in dwelling K.

Sventoji

The Sventoji site is located in western Lithuania along the Baltic coast, about

100 km south of Sarnate. The settlements used to be around a shallow (average depth was 2 m) coastal lake that became a by the end of the Neolithic (Figure 3). The lagoon probably formed in the Littorina Sea stage. At the beginning of this stage, the level of the sea was five to six meters higher than today. A small river had made its way into a small elongated ravine; the lagoon with its small tributaries flowing to the

Sea formed from this river (Rimantiene 1979:9). The Sventoji site first occurred during a later regression, as mentioned (on p. 12).

Out of 42 Neolithic sites found at Sventoji, ten were excavated. Four of the excavated sites consist of two cultural layers. The bottom cultural layer is Nan/a; the top is called the Bay Coast culture, a mixture of local Nan/a and Corded Ware culture groups. This thesis focuses on the best-researched Sventoji sites of the bottom layer:

Sventoji 4B, 1B, 2B, 23, 3B, and 6, and makes some reference to the upper layer’s #9 and 1A sites. Palynological analysis indicates that the bottom Nan/a layer belonged to two climatic periods: the end of the Atlantic and the beginning of the Subboreal. The Early

Neolithic sites existed during a climatic optimum when fish and animals were very plentiful. In the Middle Neolithic, with the approaching Littorina Sea transgression, the climate became wetter and the later campsites are located on the drier, more elevated east side of the lagoon. Vegetation changed from a predominance of oak, elm, linden, and pine to more spruce, birch, and ash. Water chestnuts were present in the lagoon, and hazelnuts were plentiful in the forest’s undergrowth. Both of these nuts were harvested by the surrounding inhabitants. Imported hemp (used for and possibly for medicine) and millet appeared in the Middle Neolithic. Although agriculture still did not play a major role in subsistence among the Bay Coast populations, the people did cultivate wheat, millet, hemp, and mallow (Rimantiene 1992a:372). Domesticated animal remains include dogs and some cattle.

Fish caught most often during the Early Neolithic at sites 1B and 2B were freshwater predatory fish, usually pike (Esox lucius) and perch ( Lucioperca lucioperka).

The pike were between 30 and 130 cm long; the perch - 36-70 cm. Saltwater fish such as flounder ( Rhombus maximus and Pleuronectidae) and cod ( Gadus mohua callaris) were also caught. The same fish were caught in the Middle Neolithic early site 3B and late Middle Neolithic site 23, but in different proportions - more pike and less perch.

The main animals hunted during the Early Neolithic at Sventoji were wild boar and elk. Site 2B’s assemblage also consisted of a large percent of seal and beaver bone. A change in animals hunted occurred in the Middle Neolithic; boar bones made up about half of the bones found in 3B, followed by deer, elk, and beaver. By the late

Neolithic at site 23, boar and aurochs bone were practically in equal proportion, 19 followed by elk, beaver, red, and roe deer. The faunal material in the upper (Bay

Coast) cultural layer of Sventoji did not preserve well. It is believed that the fish most caught was still pike, and the animals hunted were wild boar, elk, aurochs, and seal.

The main hunting tools were spears, and bows and . The earliest arrowheads were wooden and double conical in shape. Triangular, rhomboid, and lanceolate flint arrowheads were used more often only in the late Middle Neolithic.

Fossil wood and slate spearpoints were traded in from the north during the Middle

Neolithic. Long, narrow, triangular or rhomboid bone spearpoints were found in all the sites. were used to hunt seals. Netting was the most important method for fishing. Six lime ( Tilia) bast net fragments were found at 2B. Pine bark or rolled birch bark floats were attached to the upper side of the net, and stone net sinkers with notched sides tied with birch bast thread - to the lower side of the net. Other fishing equipment included leisters, fish prongs, and picks. The remains of a Sventoji 9, a Bay

Coast culture site, contained the remains of a 32 m long fish weir.

Other tools were made of bone, wood, and stone. Flint tools increased during the Middle Neoltihic with the importing of high quality flint. Stone , ax sharpeners, flint scrapers, burins, perforators, and were found at all the sites. Also found were bone scrapers and awls, wooden distaffs used for making thread, and birch bark . The Bay Coast culture sites had considerably more flint and stone artifacts.

Most of the flint tools were made from non-local flint.

Narva ceramics were tempered with shell and there were two main forms: large wide-mouthed vessels with a pointed base, and bowls. Rounded and smaller bowls appeared in the Middle Neolithic. Bay Coast pots were tempered with granite and had flat bottoms. 20

Remains of three buildings were found at Sventoji 23. They were about six meters long and five meters wide, constructed of thicker posts in the middle of the structures to support the roof and thinner posts for the walls. Pine bark covered the dirt floor. The entrance was to the east with a hearth close to the entrance in a pit. No house remains were found at the Bay Coast sites, but the Sventoji 1A settlement was encircled by a double wall of posts 50-100 cm apart. The space inbetween was filled with vertical posts. Remains of two other fences were found around this site. No graves were found at Sventoji settlements, but a few mandibles and other head bones were found in the general debris at Sventoji 23.

The most numerous ornaments during the Early Neolithic were perforated incisors of wild animals - elk, red deer, wild boar. From the Middle Neolithic onward, however, amber ornaments far outnumber animal tooth pendants. Various amber buttons and pendants were produced in massive quantities, as at the amber workshop at Sventoji 23, and exported. Pendants and buttons were especially widely used for making ornaments by the Bay Coast culture. A dotted symmetrical cross ornamentation occasionally appeared during the Middle and Late Neolithic, resembling

Globular Amphora (Corded Ware) culture ornamentation. Ring-shaped objects resembling slate items of the Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture also appeared.

Sculpture art was found among the Narva populations: a tall pole with a carved human head, antler staves with the carved heads of female elk or moose, wooden scoops with decorated handles of bird head motifs, and dotted motifs of animals on walls of pots. The Bay Coast culture sites contained no items of representative art. 21

Lubana

Lubana in eastern Latvia is the largest district in which Stone Age settlements have been found in Latvia (See Figure 4). Four shorelines have been traced around

Lake Lubana, only one of which, that of the late glacial period, can be traced continuously around the entire basin. Geological-geomorphological investigations at the Stone Age settlements distinguish main stages of development of Lake Lubana in the Holocene reflecting the Preboreal to Boreal, two Atlantic and two Subboreal transgressions, and a significant Subatlantic transgression (Loze 1993:120-121).

Out of 30 habitation sites found in the Lubana lowland surrounding Lake

Lubana, 13 were excavated. The area was already inhabited in the early during the Preboreal climatic period at the end of the eleventh through the tenth millenia B.P. Habitation is indicated by the presence of hunting and fishing tools, harpoons. The Mesolithic continued throughout the Middle Mesolithic during the Boreal climatic period of the ninth and eighth millenia B.P. The site of Zvidze during this time period contains bird points, harpoons, fish spears, scrapers, and daggers. The Late Mesolithic covers the first half of the Atlantic period in the seventh millenium B.P. and is represented by the sites of Zvidze and Osa, where among the bone and antler tools found were antler axes, daggers, spears, chisels, and tools with a working edge cut at a 45° angle.

As noted, a definite continuity can be traced from the Mesolithic Kunda to the

Neolithic Narva, especially with bone tools and fishing economy. Ceramic use, sedentariness, and some more specialized hunting equipment such as fish nets are used to separate the Mesolithic Kunda and Neolithic Narva. 22

Early Neolithic sites occur during the second half of the Atlantic period and

include the sites of lea, Zvejsalas, Osa, and Zvidze. Of these sites, Zvidze is the best

researched. Early Neolithic layers (9-11) formed in coaly peat in between which is a

layer of sapropel containing the remains of a fishing weir. The location of the

sapropelous layer in between the layers with peat and coal shows the changes in water

level at Lake Lubana which were connected to the transgressions of the Sea during the

second half of the Atlantic period. On both sides of the Zvidze Early Neolithic weir

were remains of creels made of rods and withies. Remains of horizontally-laid sticks

stretched up to a meter wide (Loze 1993:122) (Figure 5).

Hunting and fishing were the main subsistence strategies. The hunted fauna of

Zvidze’s Early Neolithic layer shows remains of wild boar, elk, red deer, bear, river

beaver, badger, fox, marten, and wolf. Waterfowl, grebe, divers, and other birds were

also hunted, though the percenage of waterfowl bones is the highest. Pike were

predominant in catches, at levels of 93.8% at Zvidze. The pike weighed between 0.25

and 22 kilograms (kg) and were from 31 to 135 cm long (Sloka 1986:127-128).

Artifacts from the Early Neolithic include biconical and needle-shaped bone

arrowheads, triangular-shaped spearheads with or without notches, various fishhooks,

chisel-shaped tools, tools with the working edge cut at a 45° angle, hoe-shaped tools,

antler hafts, wooden couplings in which antler or stone tools could be fixed, and wooden hafts.

Early Neolithic pottery is tempered with ground shells or other organic matter, the vessels are wide-mouthed and have pointed bottoms. Small bowls have roundish bottoms. The Nan/a culture inhabited the lowland during the Early Neolithic. The population at Lubana significantly increased during the Middle Neolithic.

The Middle Neolithic habitation sites, depending on their topographical and

stratigraphical peculiarities, are divided into two groups in the Lubana marshy

meadows. Some of the sites are situated on mounds that rise slightly above the

peatbog. The others are directly in the peat. Among the best excavated Middle

Neolithic sites are Zvejsalas, Nainiekste, Su|ka, and Zvidze. The inventory of the

Middle Neolithic cultural layers is more diverse, containing bone arrowheads and

spearheads, bone harpoonheads, knives, bone chisels, antler hafts and chisels, flint

tools, slate chisels and , wooden artifacts - beetles, arrowheads, hoes, hafts,

hooks, mixers.

A well-developed intertribal exchange system is evident by nonlocal flint and

slate resources, much raw amber, and many amber articles. Amber ornaments include trapezium-shaped flat buttons, pendants with natural pieces of amber, button-shaped

beads with a v-shaped perforation, ring-shaped beads, and anthropomorphic and

zoomorphic figurines.

In the Middle Neolithic, clay pots with granite temper and characterized by a uniform ornamentation, belong to the Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture. Clay pots tempered with plant fiber or pounded cockle shells and characterized by a more innaccurate style with a great number and diversity of patterns belong to the Porous

Pottery or Piestiipa culture. This culture probably formed in the course of interaction between the local Narva and the new Comb-and-Pit Pottery groups (NCP).

Corded pottery and boat axes of the Corded Ware culture appear in Lubana in the Late Neolithic. These groups settled in the Middle Neolithic habitation sites, mixing with the local inhabitants throughout the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age 24

(NCPCW). The largest Late Neolithic excavations were carried out at Abora, where surface dwelling remains with stone hearths were found, along with remains of fish traps, and a woven of willow switches. Sixty-one burials were found in the center of the site. The deceased were buried extended, bent, and in sitting positions.

Grave inventory includes amber ornaments and articles of stone, slate, and flint. In the

Lagaza site, more remains of dwellings were found. They were constructed of posts and had rectangular contours and a ridged roof.

The lowlanders of the Late Neolithic began to breed cattle and practice more agriculture - the Corded Ware culture groups are believed to have stimulated this development. Hunting and fishing did, however, remain the primary subsistence strategies in the economy of the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages in the East

Baltic. The most important hunting tools of the Late Neolithic were flint and bone arrowheads. Harpoonheads were also found. Fish traps, fragments of a fishing net, and simple and composite slate hooks testify to the individual character of fishing.

Pots were tempered with either shells or sand. Sand tempered items were usually goblets, representing pottery of the Corded Ware culture. Stone axes having a boat-shaped form can be added to the artifact type listing of the Lubaners in the Late

Neolithic.

Lubana was one of the main processing centers of Neolithic amber in the East

Baltic. Over 2,000 amber articles have been found there. Almost half of them come from Abora. Amber ornaments include various pendants, beads, rings, middle parts for fastening necklaces, and zoomorphic figurines such as waterfowl and grass snakes.

Non-amber ornaments include bone pendants, rings and lunulae, and drilled animal teeth. 25 Plastic art is made from bone, antler, wood, and clay and is in the zoomorphic shapes of waterfowl, elk, beaver, bear, snake, fish, or in anthropomorphic forms like dot patterns on pottery, wooden, or miniature ceramic figurines.

Kretuonas

The Kretuonas Lake is on the northern boundary of the Svencionys-Naruciai highland and the Zeimena lowland in northeastern Lithuania. It is the largest of 22 lakes in the northeast Lithuanian basin. Five rivers flow into the lake and one flows out.

The deepest present depth is 12.6 m (Figure 6). The best-published sites in this series are Kretuonas 1B, Zemaitiske 1, and Zemaitiske 2.

The forest of site Kretuonas 1B was characterized by a high percentage of coniferous trees (fir and pine). Palynological data from Zemaitiske 1 and 2 show a dark coniferous forest and a lessening of deciduous trees (birch and alder). Kretuonas 1B belongs to the transition period from the Atlantic to the Subboreal, and Zemaitiske 1 and 2 occurred during the middle Subboreal. During the Subboreal, which began in the

Middle Neolithic, big changes occurred in vegetation and fauna: deciduous trees and hazelnut groves began to lessen in number and pine began to dominate in eastern

Lithuania. In the Late Neolithic, the climate became more continental. The water level suddenly fell. Precipitation lessened by one third. The water level of Zemaitiske 2, for example, was 0.5-1 m lower than today. Many peat bogs became dry; black alder and occasionally spruce began to dominate. Birch and spruce replaced lime and elm groves.

The remains of red deer dominate the faunal record of Kretuonas 1B. Only three percent of the faunal remains belong to domesticated animals - cattle, dog, and pig. Hunting and fishing equipment of Kretuonas 1B includes the assortment of bone 26 and antler tools typical of the Narva culture and some flint hunting tools such as microlithic arrowheads. Red deer bones dominated elk in the faunal assemblage of

Zemaitiske 1 and 2. The number of domestic bones, however, did not increase in the

Late Neolithic sites, representing only about one percent of the faunal assemblage at that time.

Remains of 14 conically-shaped hearths were found in Kretuonas 1B. Pottery sherds verify that the inhabitants here were Nan/a culture peoples. Hearths 1,2,4, 11, and 12 were especially associated with working bone, and hearths 13-15 - with leather and flint. The hearth territory was apparently also the location of buildings that were probably square and above ground. A fence construction similar to the one at Sventoji

1A was found around Zemaitiske 1. It protected the site from the north side.

Zemaitiske 1 and 2 are also Narva culture sites. The influence of Comb-and-Pit

Pottery in this region was not significant (Girininkas, 1994 personal communication).

Six graves were found in the northeast part of Kretuonas 1B. The skeletons were all extended on their backs. Four articles were associated with the group of deceased: a dagger, a boar canine, a lever with rounded ends, and a flint .

One women’s grave is somewhat more distant from the other graves of men and a child, suggesting that these five deceased were more closely related to each other

(Figure 7).

No amber artifacts are found in the Middle and Late Neolithic Kretuonas sites.

Pendants resemble amber pendants found elsewhere, as in the Lubana lowland, but they are made of bone instead of amber. These bone pendants dominate the assemblage of ornaments. Other items include a couple perforated animal tooth 27 pendants, a ceramic fragment resembling a bird’s head, a pottery sherd with the design of a fish, and ornamented arrowheads.

Akali

This site is located on the western shore of Lake Peipsi near the shore of Lake

Akali where it branches off from the Emajogi River (Figure 8). The Emajogi, which flows out of the Vortsjarv, is one of Estonia’s largest rivers. According to geological dates, the earliest Neolithic sites forming in this area were not bogged over yet. The relief was different then; it consisted of sandy hills, meadows, and forests. The rivers and lakes created perfect fishing opportunities, the forests, bush areas and meadows - hunting opportunities. The osteological data from Akali indicates that animals hunted most were red deer, wild boar, beaver, and aurochs. Fish remains indicate that wels

(Silurus) and pike were caught.

The Akali site is spread out over a large territory (17,000 m2), but the entire area was not all occupied at the same time. In the beginning, the habitation was near the shore of the river. In time, as the water level rose, the site slowly moved from the shore of the river to the low peninsula-shaped sandy hill. At the end of the site’s habitation period, the site was occupied only at the topmost portion of the hill (Jaanits 1965:9-11).

The majority of artifactual finds at Akali are pottery sherds. The deepest cultural layer contained Narva culture pottery. Almost as deep was typical Combed (Comb- and-Pit) Pottery ceramics. The middle of the site was dominated by Comb-and-Pit

Pottery culture ceramics, and a transition could be traced through the stratigraphy following a transformation from the typical into the late Combed pottery. In the middle highest layers, some Corded Wared culture ceramics joined the Combed ceramics, in addition to limited textile ceramics. 28 Stone and bone tools and their manufacturing technique also changed through time. Pollen analysis puts Akali into the relatively warm and dry Subboreal and the cool and moist Subatlantic that followed it - into the fifth and fourth millenia B.P. This settlement existed into the early Metal Age.

Almost three quarters of all stone items found are flint. Flakes are typically very small - large pieces are rare. The small flint flakes were probably used for the manufacture of small or spearheads, knives, and scrapers. Larger artifacts include axes and hoes made of slate. Of the bone and antler items found, most are fragments. Bone did not preserve well. Types of tools made from wood are not known for certain since all that was found were a few poles, pine splinters, and rolls of birch bark.

Not many hunting and fishing tools survived. Jaanits (1959:366) believed this was so because such implements were used outside of the site’s boundaries. Most arrowheads were made of flint. Only fragments of harpoons and fishing spears were found, as were a few fishhook fragments and rolls of birch bark that were probably attached to nets as floats.

Tools for working materials were numerous and include axes, chisels (most were made from slate), hammers, needles, awls, fragments of polishing stones, and antler handles. Most of these tools were intended to work wood or animal hide, and less often to work bone and stone.

Cult objects include fragments of miniature sculptures and many pendants.

Ceramic figurines are believed to schematically represent a person. Miniature schematic figurines are found among Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture populations. The figurines are poorly made and were probably not meant to last for long periods of time. 29

Other objects such as an amber bird head and fragments of a bone horse head scupture, however, were very carefully and meticulously made, and probably were intended to survive a longer duration.

Most of the pendants are made of amber, and most of them are flat with a drilled hole. Amber bracelets, buttons with a v-shaped perforation, and tube-like beads were other popular amber items. Some pieces of amber were not worked. Stone and bone pendants were found occasionally, usually made of animal teeth. A slate bracelet 12.5 cm in diameter was a unique find.

Trade is indicated by the presence of flint and slate which do not naturally occur in or near Akali. The flint was probably from Lithuanian territory, along the Nemunas

River, and slate was probably imported from Finland or Karelia. The presence of amber testifies to ties with southwestern lands, most likely the areas of Sventoji and

Sarnate.

Narva Riigikula I and II (NR 1 and 2)

Nan/a Riigikula I, II, and III are all found eight to nine kilometers north of the town of Nan/a on the west bank of the Nan/a River in northeastern Estonia (Figure 9).

Narva-Riigikula I and II date to different occupations in the Neolithic, III dates to the

Early Bronze age. All three sites are situated along a 500 m length. From the shore, the site area is clearly distinguishable by a sand dune about one meter wide. In the past, this dune used to jut out into the Sea, which later regressed to the north.

The northwesternmost site is Narva-Riigikiila II. It covers an area of 275 m2 and is located on a relatively level area bordering on the northwestern edge of the dune. A flat expanse of land extends about five kilometers to the northwest from that 30 edge of the sand dune. The cultural layer was found practically under greyish top soil.

Covering it was a layer of light yellow continental sand.

No dwellings were found, probably because of the foundations of a house in the central area of the site whose construction destroyed the cultural layer there. Flakes of flint and pottery sherds were found in pit concentrations, however, suggesting that a dwelling could have been a part of the site.

A hearth was found on this site that had a square protrusion on its southeast end, testifying to being an apperture for a stove. Fire-cracked rock were arranged in a semi-circle around the hearth. The hearth itself contained stones, charcoal, and pottery sherds.

The artifact inventory for this site consists of bone and stone tools, and ceramics. Small stone artifacts include flint arrowheads of various forms, mostly flint scrapers and one from quartz. Large stone tools were not found - only polishing stone fragments and a fragment of a quartz saw. Bone artifacts are rare on this site. The best preserved bone artifacts are a chisel-like tool ( vedega) and a long animal bone with one edge cut at a 45° angle. Fragments of antler are part of the bone inventory here. One fragment of a stone pendant with a drilled hole and traces of another drilled hole made of greyish green slate is worth notation. The most plentiful artifact type was pottery, consisting of a few thousand sherds.

The ceramic sherds were rather uniform in their type and made up of two groupings which suggests that the site had two separate occupations. All ceramics were grouped by their temper. The majority of sherds were tempered with ground quartz. The ornamentation of these was a comb and pit design. The second group 31

was tempered with vegetative material, and the ornamentation was similar to the first

group except for a dominance of comb designs.

Judging by the thin cultural layer and monotany of ceramic ornamentation, the

excavator NR 2 was occupied for a short period of time and dates the site to

about the beginning of the fourth millenium B.P.

Narva-Riigikiila I is situated approximately 500 m to the south of NR 2. It is on

the highest part of the dune, 0.5 m higher than NR 2. At the time of the last published

report, the greater part of this site had been destroyed due to a road that cut through

the site.

The cultural layer of NR 1 is considerably thicker than that of NR 2, reaching

one meter in places. The dirt layer here is very dark, almost black. The majority of the

site is also covered with a rich layer of shell (Unio). These shells are concentrated in

the central part of the habitation site, in the area of dwellings, and in the space between

these.

One of the two buildings’ remains was partially destroyed by a later building, but the other was well preserved. Both of the houses were situated in one line along the

river, and were probably sunk into the ground. The partially destroyed first house was probably round (diameter of 6.5 m), and House #2 was oval (lengthwise diameter of over 7m). The entrance to the second house faced the river.

Hearths in both of the houses are slightly above the level of the floors, on a slight rise of poured dirt. Inside the houses were a great number of artifacts, usually in concentrations. Graves were found in both houses: an adult in House 1 and a child in

House 2. The body in House 1 was in the corner of the house; the burial in House 2 - in the center of the dwelling. Both deceased were extended and on their backs, their 32 heads were turned to the north, their hands - against their sides. The child preserved well, but the adult was only partially preserved. Burial 1 was in a shell-filled cultural layer 40 cm higher than the floor of the dwelling. A similar cemented layer of shells covered the body from the top. It is not clear whether this adult burial had any associated grave goods. A large broken ceramic bowl was place at the feet of burial 2.

A second concentration of pottery sherds was in the house rather far from the head of the child. Another pot was found not far from the child’s feet along with a concentration of bone and a large antler horn.

Most of the approximately 10,000 artifacts that make up the material inventory of NR 1 are pottery sherds. Many articles made of bone were discovered here.

Concentration of bone and antler fragments also co-occurred with quartz saws. Site inventory includes slate chisels, three axes made of elongated granitic rocks, small (1.5 cm long) and large (7 cm in length) flint and bone arrowheads, flint scrapers, many flint flakes (although percentage-wise, less than at NR 2), polishing stones, quartz saws, about 30 antler hoes varying in shape, bone tools with one edge cut at an angle of

45°, bone tools resembling chisels probably used for working hide and wood, bone harpoons, bone needles for making nets, bone fishhooks, pins and awls, and lots of pottery sherds.

Pottery at NR 1 is separated into three groups: Comb-and-Pit Pottery tempered with varying amounts of ground quartz, pottery with burnt temper in which shell is occasionally noticeable in areas of breakage, and pottery tempered with lots of shell and usually not ornamented, sometimes ornamented with comb designs. At times, small, very thin bowls that most likely had no practical value appeared together with the big pots. Other artifacts are pendants of boar canine that appeared to also have been 33 used as tools, ornaments from flat bone plates made of a large animal’s rib bone, other animal (beaver and bear) teeth pendants and a fashioned in the form of a fish whose end was probably used to decorate pots.

Narva-Riigikula I is rich with faunal material. It indicates 20 different species of animals including deer, elk, aurochs, wild boar, bear, marten, wolf, fox, rabbit, beaver, otter, and seal. Bird remains include duck, goose, divers, black grouse; fish - pike and perch. Domestic animal bones of cattle and maybe sheep indicate that the population already engaged in animal husbandry, but it was only in the beginning stages. This site is approximately dated to the end of the period of NR 2’s occupation, around the first centuries of the fourth millenium B.P.

Tamula

The site of Tamula is located in southeastern Estonia where the monotonous plains of northern Estonia are replaced by a more undulating terrain. On the bottom of the Voru Valley, in between hills, lie the lakes of Vagula and Tamula; these two lakes used to be one body of water seven millenia ago. Flowing from the lakes, the Vohandu

River carries its waters toward Lake Pskov. The Tamula site is on a northwestern promontory of Tamula Lake. A small river flows out of Tamula Lake not far from the site; the river connects the lakes of Tamula and Vagula (Figure 10).

About 600 m2 of Tamula has been excavated, though it is certain that the site covers a larger area. The cultural layer lies on peat, and is mixed up with the sand that made its way through the peat. Four hearths that have been covered with sand have rocks beside them. These rocks are most likely not in their original (Neolithic contextual) positions. Remains of pine, ash, and other deciduous tree posts are 34 believed to be house remains, although attempts at setting house contours has been unsuccessful.

The deeper cultural layers contain pottery that is porous, probably due to the organic temper that was burnt when the pottery was fired. The pottery is not fired as intensely as typical combed pottery, but the ornamentation is similar. The top layer of the site also contains some Corded Ware ceramics, but it is poorly represented and probably not made at this particular site. This site belongs to the late Comb-and-Pit

Pottery culture group and is dated to the first half of the fourth millenium B.P.

Much less flint is found at Tamula than at other typical Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture sites. The flint artifacts are also generally smaller, although typical CP types of tools are found: arrow and spearheads, scrapers, knives. Tamula is noted for its many small slate chisels. They are wide, unusually well polished, with straight or angled blades. A large amount of bone chisels in addition to the stone ones suggests that working wood was a significant activity at Tamula. Perhaps the relatively small amount of pottery sherds found at this site may be due to the use of wooden bowls. Other slate artifacts are sinkers for fishing with a hook, and arrowheads. Among the many bone tools, willow leaf-shaped and conical arrowheads, as well as spearheads, harpoonheads, and fishhooks also need to be mentioned. Thin bone pendant plates in the shapes of people, wild animals, birds, and snakes were probably worn near head coverings and clothes, as attested by their locations near skeletons. Tamula is the wealthiest site in Estonia in respect to amber finds (N=182). Most of these are flattened pendant ornaments, though among the ornaments are buttons with a v-shaped hole, tube-like beads, disc-shaped beads, and even small bear figurines. 35 Twenty-five burials at this site (Figure 11) are divided into two groups: those

laying on their backs and those in a sitting position. One burial was wrapped in birch

bark. Six of the skeletons’ positions could not be determined due to poor preservation.

Much data was collected about the extended burials. These graves had many

pendants made from drilled animal teeth dominated by elk incisors and molars, and

canines of predatory animals such as bear, marten, and otter. Pendants were also

made of bird bones. Amber, especially in the women’s and children’s graves, was also found. Work tools such as bone arrowheads, awls, and stone chisels were not encountered often in the graves, but many of the graves did contain unworked animal bones.

Zvejnieki

The Zvejnieki cemetery is the largest Stone Age cemetery in all of northern

Europe. It is situated in northern Latvia, on the bank of Burtnieku Lake near the estuary of Ruja, in the territory of the Zvejnieki farmstead, on a hill (Figure 12). The hill runs northwest-southeast and was formed during the melting of ice. The hill continues toward Burtnieku Lake’s north shore and ends near the Ruja River. The north and south shores are covered by swampy fields that are flooded during the springs and rainy summers. According to geological analyses, during the Ice Age and afterward, the drumlin was a peninsular shape. While the lake’s shorelines show that the water level changed a few times - at the end of the Preboreal and beginning of the

Subboreal, - the water level finally dropped and the peninsula disappeared.

Fitting living conditions formed at the beginning of the afterglacial period. An

Early Mesolithic (10th millenium B.P.) cultural layer formed on the southeast side of the hill, at the hill’s northern slope. The cultural layer contained bone, antler, and flint 36 artifacts with bone remains. The site was small at first, then grew in size. In the Middle and Late Mesolithic, only the southwest section appeared unoccupied. In the

Neolithic, the settlement changed; its people lived at the top of the hill, on the river’s side.

The Zvejnieki I habitation site dates to the Early and Middle Mesolithic (10-8th millenium B.P.). The Middle Mesolithic and Neolithic layers at the settlement of

Zvejnieki II were badly damaged. Fragmentary remains of Early Narva and Comb-and-

Pit Pottery were identified, as were some Late Neolithic Corded Ware pottery fragments. It is important to note, however, that the Early Neolithic is not substantially represented at the settlement, nor at the cemetery (Gerhards, 1994 interview).

The cemetery on top of the hill, according to F. Zagorskis, spans the Late

Mesolithic beginning with the 7th milennium B.P. to the Late Neolithic’s first to second quarter mark of the fourth millenium B.P. Zagorskis dated the graves by association of archaeological materials within the graves. Since the majority of graves did not have any grave goods, dating was often difficult; spatial zones and stone and ocre use were other patterned variables in establishing time of occurrences. Twelve radiocarbon dates have recently been provided by Lund University in Sweden (see Table 2). Half of these dates are Mesolithic. The absolute chronology of many burials, however, is still uncertain. Though some reanalyzed data show different conclusions, Zagorskis’s data collection (1974,1987) is used in this study. Specific new data are unavailable.

Excavation of the cemetery covered 4200 m 2 and revealed a total of 317 graves, two of which were from the . Unfortunately, 600m2 of what is thought to be this Mesolithic zone was destroyed. Five chronological groupings used by Zagorskis are the Late Mesolithic, the Transition period from the Late Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic, the Early Neolithic, the Middle to Late Neolithic, and the Late Neolithic hooked burials. This thesis considers the Transition group of graves together with those ascribed to the Early Neolithic. One radiocarbon date from the Transition zone was c. 4500 B.P., which is Early Neolithic in Latvia. Zagorskis believed the cultural affiliatons to be Kunda in the Late Mesolithic, mostly Nan/a in the Early

Neolithic and mostly Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture in the Middle and Late Neolithic, along with a Piestiipa or NCP type. A scatter of hooked burials associated with the

Corded Ware culture is also found in the Zvejnieki cemetery.

The Late Mesolithic graves are located on the highest part of the hill and adjacent to the the northwest slope. Grave pit fillings usually consist of greyish gravel and sometimes dark soil taken from the habitation site. Rocks are encountered in one third of these graves, usually above the head or legs, or in irregular lines along the sides of the pits. Much ocre (79% of graves) is used in these Late Mesolithic graves, especially in those of the children (92%). The thick ocre layer was either along the whole grave or only a part of it, like the head or the feet. Most of the bodies are in an extended posture, occasionally on the stomach or side. The deceased do not appear to be oriented in any particular direction (north, south, east, west). Some bodies appear to have been wrapped in animal furs and tied. Most of the graves are individual, although burials with two to five adults and children do occur. One grave with a man and a child was very richly covered with ocre and contained 340 animal tooth pendants. In one pair burial of children, the top of the skull of each child had been removed and placed elsewhere in the grave. The dominant grave goods by far are animal tooth pendants. The earliest are those of elk, horse, wild boar, and later are those of dog, wolf, fox, marten, and badger. Beaver and waterfowl bones occur

(infrequently). Of the very few (7) graves with tools, bone spears (one leaf-shaped 38 was ornamented) and daggers (the handle of one is in the shape of an elk’s head), flint knives and scrapers, and stone axes were encountered. One woman’s grave with a carefully made bone , a stone ax, and teeth pendants stands out.

The Transitional group from the Late Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic was situated at the very top of the hill and around it. The graves were filled with greyish gravel (only two burials contained dark soil presumed to be from the settlement).

Nineteen percent of the burials had rocks in the filling, the ends of the pit or along the sides of the grave pit. All the bodies except one were buried extended on the back - one was on his stomach. Fifty-five percent of the graves contained ocre, usually covering only a portion of the grave. The layer of ocre was thinner than it had been in the Late Mesolithic graves. Most of the graves are individual; one was a collective grave of three adults in which one of the adults had a head ornament made of turtle plates and animal tooth and bone pendants, and two graves had pair burials of men and infants. Half of the graves had animal tooth pendants and some contained beaver and waterfowl bones.

Gerhards notes that a gracile, metasized type of population appeared in the

Zvejnieki cemetery in the Transitional period (in addition to the previous Late Mesolithic population, characterized by very massive, Europoid features). This metasized population may have arrived from Karelia (Gerhards, 1994 interview). Reanalyzed, but still unpublished, data also indicate that although a Transition zone from the Late

Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic does exist, it is in another part of the cemetery than

Zagorskis first surmised, and is smaller than Zagorskis’s original group.

The Early Neolithic graves of the sixth millenium and first half of the fifth millenium B.P. are located on the eastern portion of the hill, partly on the southeastern slope, and along the narrow strip between both groupings. Fill for the pit is usually dark soil, sometimes a greyish gravel. Occasionally, rocks occur in the graves, usually in a line along one side of the burial pit. Forty percent of these graves contain ocre; several of the graves have the ocre spread throughout the entire grave, but most are only partial covers. The deceased are laid extended on their back, on the stomach, or on one side. Forty-eight percent of the heads are oriented to the east, 28% - to the west.

Most of the burials contain one individual, but also found are three pair burials and one collective burial with five people. One man in the collective burial has traces of a head injury, while another man in the same pit had an injured hip bone and lumbar vertebrae.

A flint was lodged in one of his lumbar vertebra. These wounds never had the opportunity to heal. Grave goods are scarce; they are mostly animal tooth pendants.

Spearheads and arrowheads occur in a third of the sites with grave goods. Notable art includes one bone of a woman. Three graves contained bird bones.

The bulk of burials at Zvejnieki occur in the middle and second half of the fifth millenium and the early part of the fourth millenia B.P., in the Middle and Middle to Late

Neolithic. They are situated in the southeast part of the cemetery and at the end of the hill around the Zvejnieki farmstead, in the territory of the Mesolithic habitation site. The grave pits are almost always filled with dark soil, while rocks are rarely used in or around the burial. Only 33% of the graves have ocre, though children’s graves were almost always sprinkled with the mineral. When the occur was used, it was sprinkled intensely along the entire length of the pit. Heads were oriented to the east, west, or south, and bodies were lain extended on the back, stomach, or side. Sixty percent of the burials contain one body, but common graves become significant; an increase in pair burials (man with child, women with child), and collective burials of three to six (two 40 women with children, two men with children). One collective burial with four juveniles stands out. Three were laid on one horizon, the bodies sprinkled with ocre, and an associated artifact inventory of hunting tools, elk bone, amber ornaments, and pottery.

The deceased above these three had no associated ocre, but his face was smeared with a mask of clay and he had amber discs placed on his eyes. Grave goods change significantly in the Middlle to Late Neoltihic period: animal tooth pendants lessen considerably, replaced mostly by amber ornamentation, and occasional bone or stone pendants. In one quarter of the burials that have grave goods, hunting and fishing equipment become more common - arrow and spearheads of good quality grey flint, bone arrowheads, harpoons, fishhooks, daggers, other tools. By tool typology, the interred people of this time were probably mostly of the Comb-and-Pit Pottery or NCP culture groups.

Gerhards (1994 interview) has noted that only 40% of Middle Neolithic graves contain grave goods. Most burials without grave goods tend to be of the largest stature and this may not be accidental. Denisova (1994:42) has also mentioned the possiblity of the cemetery containing a few distinct ethnic groups or populations.

Late Neolithic Hooked burials are of the Corded Ware culture and occurred at the turn of the fifth to the fourth millenia, to the first and second quarters of the fourth millenium. These burials are found throughout various parts of the cemetery. Most graves contain dark soil, two of the pits are filled with grey soil, and three of the burials occur in the territory of the Mesolithic habitation site. Only one deceased from this group has a rock at his shoulder. No ocre occurs in these graves. The bodies are hooked; they are buried with strongly bent legs. Orientation of the head is dominated by north or south. Pottery inside the graves indicates that these burials belong to the 41

Corded Ware culture. One burial with ornamented bone plates resembling designs found at the Abora site in the Lubana lowland may date to the Early Bronze Age. A large proportion of crouched burials are children, and only three have grave goods

(Gerhards, 1994 interview).

Duonkalnis

The Duonkalnis cemetery (Butrimas 1985:25-63) is located on an island, in

Birzuliai Lake in western Lithuania. The cemetery is from the Late Neolithic period, associated with the Bay Coast culture. Eight out of 14 skeletons and their associated grave goods were preserved well. The site of Duonkalnis is associated with a fire cult, shamanic activity, a high percentage of elk animal tooth pendants, and with possible indications of a patricentric nature; one double burial (see Figure 13) contains a male richly adorned with elk tooth pendants, and a female burial at his feet with bent legs and no grave goods. Although this cemetery is not investigated in any detail in this thesis, it is important to note because of its substantial amount of animal teeth amulets and obvious cult-like remains. Duonkalnis data are often used for comparative purposes by archaeologists when attempting to interpret northern European Stone Age symbolic finds.

Previous Interpretations

Traditional Perspectives in Archaeology

As can be seen in the review of literature, Baltic archaeologists’ main emphasis is in the recovery and refinement of the cultural historical record via thorough excavation (as much as funding will allow) and the discovery of new sites. Attention to geography, statigraphy, economy, dating (at least in approximate terms), artifact 42 collection and analysis, the keeping of careful records, and comparison to others similar sites locally, regionally and temporally are elementary factors that occur in all of the archaeological literature.

Ideology appears to receive differential treatment among authors. It is typical for burial and at least some art data to be addressed as belonging to the realm of religion. Comparative archaeology, ethnography, and philosophy are employed in making interpretations about belief systems from the material finds. Marija Gimbutas’s work has also impacted ideological references of some Lithuanian archaeologists who occasionally interject material from folklore in their monographs when interpreting the religion of ancient peoples.

When interpreting the possible meaning of objects of art and of burial practices,

East Baltic archaeologists all make reference to cult ("a system or communtiy of religious worship and ritual” , “the formal means of expressing religious reverence” -

The American Heritage Dictionary, Third Edition, 1993), animal and ancestor cults in particular. Other key concepts mentioned often are totemism, (notably hunting), amulets, and ritual. Prehistoric art was directly associated with religious expression

(Loze 1983:14). In order to interpret it, general, if not specific, references to ethnographic material of cultures or tribes that have a similar economy and environment to that of the East Baltic Stone Age is used. Hunters and gatherers or hunter-fishers in northern latitudes such as northern Europe, Siberia, or Alaska are considered.

A major art motif in the East Baltic Neolithic is that of the wild animal, the same animal, Rimantiene says (1984:175), that is mostly sought in the hunt. Rimantiene goes on to say that the social structure of the wild animal community was imagined as 43 being organized in the same way as that of people’s: it had its supreme or eldest leader, the Lord of the Wild Animals (Zveriq vieSpats). This Lord either gave the people what they needed (e.g., food, clothing) or not, and the people considered themselves at the mercy of this lord. For most of the Stone Age in the East Baltic, the Lord of the Wild

Animals was the moose or elk ( briedis ), the chief animal at Sventoji (See Figure

14 a,b). Girininkas (1994:239) points out that although the moose or elk has been considered the most significant of animals in the animal cult of the Narva in the East

Baltic, it is the red deer that reins supreme among northeast Lithuania’s Narva, both in the economy and in art.

In Siberia, aside from calling the Big and Little Dippers the Big Female Elk and the Little Elk, the Evenks believe the female elk to be the mother of the world, the people, and the animals (Rimantiene 1995:157). They would also perform rituals in which they imitated the elk hunt, the kill, and the distribution of the meat (Loze

1983:17).

Images of waterfowl appeared often in northern Siberian tribes at the end of the

19th and beginning of the 20th century; they were associated with the journey of the or spirit of the dead to the afterworld. Ugrians living near the Obe River would tatoo a bird’s image on the shoulder of a dying person (waterfowl during the summer and another bird during the winter), and the Hanty believed that bird tatoos on the shoulder protected a person’s soul while one lived and led one to the afterworld after death (Loze 1983:17). In the 19th century, the Giljaks of Amuria would engrave the handles of wooden ladles into the silhouettes of waterfowl and use these ladles twice a year in hunting and fishing rituals, throwing them in the water to ensure success in hunting and fishing (Loze 1983:11). Pike figurines were used as amulets in fishing 44 among the Ostjaks, and for guarding against disease among the Nanai, Yakuts,

Dalgans, and Evenks. Figurative animal cult items in general could have been carried with the hunter for good luck or for protection from harm during the hunt (Jaanits

1959:274).

Aside from figurative zoomorphic art, decorative art of animal teeth are very common finds in the East Baltic Stone Age and are also part of the animal cult, referred to as amulets (Rimantiene 1979:117; Jaanits 1957:11). Animal teeth are characteristic of northern hunter societies as both an ornament and an amulet even today

(Rimantiene 1979:103). From the point of view of sympathetic magic, they were not only a part of a certain animal, but represented the entire animal. Animal teeth pendants (Figure 15) can also be markers of social organization, as in indicating important or accomplished hunters. Deceased accompanied by numerous hunting implements could also be indicative of a high social status of hunters (Zagorskis

1987:98-99).

Small anthropomorphic figurines characteristic to the Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture (typically referred to as embryonic) were probably items of magic. The sculptures were small and made of clay, very schematic, and apparently not meant to last for a long time (Figure 16). Their use may have been set for only a particular number of days or events such as death, birth, disease, to be destroyed or sacrificed after a period of time (Jaanits 1959:276).

The ancestor cult is another phenomenon attributed to the Neolithic. New

Stone Age burials are strongly associated with settlements (Jaanits 1957:11;

Rimantiene 1984:269; Gurina 1955:160; Butrimas and Girinkas 1990:148), being either in or near habitation sites. The dead were probably considered a part of the living 45 community, still one of the members of a family (Rimantiene 1984:273). At Zvejnieki,

at least some black earth from the habitation site was often transported and deposited

into the grave pits. It is conjectured that in this way, the dead continued to have a

tangible link with their living place (Zagorskis 1987:96). If not the body, then the head

would be housed within some habitation sites (i.e., Sventoji 23); this tradition was also

popular in Stone Age sites in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, and was probabably an

indicator of the head being the most important part of the body - the dwelling place of

the spirit (Rimantiene 1984:274).

Anthropomorphic art is very often associated with an ancestor cult, especially

when it occurs in graves. A figurine of a woman found in a child’s grave at Zvejnieki

(grave no. 172) (Figure 17) probably symbolized a mother’s protection (Zagorskis

1987:97). Small pendants of human heads in graves at Kretuonas 1C (Bronze Age)

probably served to insure ancestral protection, or successful for the

deceased (Girininkas 1994:232). In ethnographic times in Siberia, the Hanty venerated

dead family members with anthropomorphic figurines. The Evenks made small

anthropomorphic figurines from wood, antler, and other materials since they believed

that their ancestors’ spirits ( muchdi ) lived in these figurines (Loze 1983:20).

The use of ocre in burials was a widespread phenomenon in Europe since the

Paleolithic, but grew especially popular in the Mesolithic and Neolithic (Zagorskis

1987:98). Its meaning has been interpreted in a couple major different ways: as a ritual substitute for blood and hence a symbol of life (Eliade 1978:9; Zagorskis 1987:97) and as the warmth of a symbolic hearth (Butrimas and Girininkas 1990:153; Girininkas

1994:224). A body’s orientation has also been interpreted to hold certain meaning.

Soviet Union archaeologist A. Okladnikov based his interpretation of the body’s 46

orientation towards the on its being a source of warmth and life on numerous

ethnographic data (Zagorskis 1987:97). Eliade concurs with this notion, saying "burials

oriented towards the East show[ing] an intention to connect the fate of the soul with the

course of the sun, hence the hope of a rebirth, that is, of a postexistence in another

world” (Eliade 1978:11). Hooked burials (where the deceased is buried with bent legs

drawn up toward the chest) associated with Corded Ware culture variants were possibly

tied up out of fear of the deads’ return (Zagorskis 1987; Eliade 1978:10).

Other indicators of ritual activity include bone fragments found in Zvejnieki

graves, amber figurines found submerged along the Baltic Sea coast, and

concentrations of tools and in between graves at Zvejnieki, which are all

interpreted as . A fire cult begins to become important during the Late

Neolithic with the influence of the Corded Ware culture, as evidenced by large fire pits

that burned continuously over long periods of time at Nida (not far from Sventoji)

(Rimantiene 1984:266-268) and Duonkalnis (Butrimas 1985:34), for example.

Shamanism of some sort seems certainly to have existed as far back as the

Paleolithic and still dominates the ideology of hunters today (Eliade 1978:19). A

shaman was probably buried at the cemetery of Duonkalnis, distinguishable for its

considerable amount of ocre, elk teeth pendants, and the peculiar placement of animal

teeth in all of the individual’s face’s orifices (Butrimas 1985:39) (see Figure 13). Burials

in which the deceased were placed on their stomachs may have been sorcerers; ethnographic data indicate that sorcerers or other influential tribal members were often buried in this manner so that they would not resurrect and come to bother the living.

The dead who have a considerable amount of large rocks placed on their bodies were probably buried in that manner due to a silmilar motivation (Zagorskis 1987:97). 47 An Archaeomythological Approach to Ideology

Marija Gimbutas is well known in Lithuania as the founder of archaeomythology, a method by which to interpret prehistoric ideology. She has used this approach to separate the strata of pre-lndoeuropean (which archaeologically refers to the pre-

Corded Ware cultures) and Indoeuropean mythology. In her preface to archaeomythological reconstruction in The Language of the , Gimbutas refers to the work of Georges Dumezil, whose studies "have shown that mythic beings are the means for explaining the order of mankind and the origins of the universe, and that mythic thinking is not accidental, but occurs within an organized system of divine actions and functions. Thus, mythology reflects an ideological structure (Gimbutas

1989:xviii).” Dumezil’s comparative studies showed that Indoeuropean mythology and society consist of three classes - sovereign, warrior, and pastoral-agricultural. These relate to divine functions in the realms of the sacred, physical force, and prosperity or fertility. Gimbutas argues however, that because Dumezil’s work (i.e., Dumezil’s 1947 article "La tripartition indoeuropeenne” in Psyche 2:1348-56) did not consider archaeological data, his system of three functions did not take into account a preceding matristic system that shows an entirely different of and a different social structure (Gimbutas 1989:xviii). Pre-lndoeuropean goddesses who were categorized as relating to the third function of prosperity and fertility were actually performing in all three realms of functions.

Sources of Baltic mythology and religion, however, are very complex and often skewed in written chronicles. During the last three centuries, many gods and goddesses have even been turned into demons or caricaturized, some of their old features forgotten. The best source of reconstructing Baltic mythology and religion, 48 therefore, is folklore, which needs to be approached carefully with archaeological shovels and brushes (Gimbutas 1985:150).

Marija Gimbutas applied her archaeomythological approach to the East Baltic

Narva culture. Birds, animals, reptiles, and bears that appear as sculptures in this

Neolithic culture, she says, also appear in the folk culture and beliefs of the Lithuanians and . Laima- of Lithuanian folkore and her duck or three swans who turn into women, could be the echo of a prehistoric goddess. Snakes are also very old symbols and are very much alive in Lithuanian and Latvian folk beliefs; they are symbols of life energy and signs of its renewal, essential to the female symbolic system of the earth and . Elk and bear symbols could be associated with the zoomorphic aspects of the birth or birthing goddess (Gimbutiene 1985:33).

The face of the wooden pole at Sventoji (see Figure 18) resembles other faces carved from amber at Juodkrante (a site not far from Sventoji where many amber figurines and other amber articles were pulled out from the sea); they have flat faces and pointed, triangular chins. Gimbutas believes that this imagery does not depict a face, but rather a mask, which symbolized a mythic being. Masks with the same features - eyebrows connected to a nose, with eyes or without, and without a mouth - are found in between Spain and western Ukraine on sculptures, , stellas, and reliefs on graves and urns. Many such parallels can especially be found in France from the same time period as the Narva culture. It is Gimbutas’s belief that these masked figurines represent owl features and that their association with graves means that they are symbols of prophesizing death (Gimbutiene 1985:33). She also believed that the symbolic roots of the Nan/a culture stretch into western Europe 49 and that parallels with western Europe are more trustworthy than with Siberia and

Finland (Gimbutiene 1985:36).

Gimbutas classifies the pre-indoeuropean or Old European deities of Lithuania and Latvia into two main groups according to their characteristic features, functions, and spheres of expression. The first group consists of all-knowing goddesses who create, give birth, and propagate, but who also destroy, numb, and take away. This sphere belongs to Laima (translated as Fate or Fortune) and Ragana (translated to

Witch), with all their various anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and ornithomorphic expressions. These goddesses take their life energy from the water and from moisture

- from the bay, springs, rivers, ponds, rain, the moist womb, , and rocks. They are lunar goddesses because they belong to the rhythm of the moon’s phases. The second group is chtonic, relating to the rhythms of the earth, asssociated with the cycles of the year. The main goddess in this group is Zemyna, the goddess of earth’s fertility, the Earth Mother. (Gimbutas 1989:34)

Zemyna was the great Earth Mother in Lithuania, from which all people and plants were born and to which they all returned. In Latvia, she was called Zemes mate.

The trees, forests and meadows, rocks, hills, and hummocks were endowed with the earth’s and water’s miraculous powers that bless, heal, protect, and ensure fertility.

The sanctity of the forests, trees, and springs were repeatedly recounted by 11 th-15th century written sources which also mention that Christian were forbidden to enter into sacred forests. Trees could not be chopped and fish were forbidden to be caught there. Old trees with a few trunks had special healing properties. Trees and forests had their own goddesses, gods, and spirits ( Medeine, Giraitis, Lazdona among the Lithuanians, for example; Me2a mate among the Latvians). Many Lithuanian and 50 Latvian rivers and lakes are prefixed by Svent, which means holy, or alk, which means . Sventa, Sventoji, SventeZeris, Alkupe, Alkupis, Svetupe, and Svetais ezers are a few of these. Legends tell us of sacred rocks that had indentations or

"footprints” ; to wash in the water collected there meant to be healed or for an infertile women to be able to bear children. (Gimbutiene 1984:48-52; Gimbutiene 1985:151 -

153)

Laima is the goddess of birth and fate who gives all and takes away all. The root word of Laima is from lemti which in Lithuanian means to know, to decide, to set aside, to establish (Gimbutiene 1985:155). The length and fortune of one’s life is destined by her. Rituals associated with Laima were still practiced up until the second half of the nineteenth century. Bathing before a birthing and a ritual feast in the sauna used to be practiced in Latvia. The family’s grandmother would lead the rite in which a chicken or lamb was sacrificed. In the second half of the seventeenth century, when a child was born, a chicken would be sacrificed. The chicken had to be killed with a ladle.

This may have been carried down from the Stone Age Narva culture in whose settlement sites many wooden ladles in the shape of a duck or swan were found.

(Gimbutiene 1989:34) Laima-Dalia is one aspect of Laima; she determines one’s material fate, and could appear as a duck, swan, or lamb (Gimbutiene 1989:35).

Ragana (Witch), now a demonized and degraded mythic being, used to be the goddess of death and rebirth. Her name is associated with seer and knower. When a witch was burned, folklore tells us, her hair would twist like snakes and small grass- snakes would come out of her mouth and lick her; Ragana is most certainly associated with the snake. Ragana also flies and so is associated with birds and she could turn into a goat, bitch, mouse, toad, bug, magpie, partridge, pike. Her transformations show that her energy and influence included more than the ordinary world of people

(Gimbutiene 1985:158-159). Ragana balances excess. She does not permit life

energy to go beyond its limits. The waxing moon, luxuriating blossoms, productivity of

the milk cow cannot continue without end. She stops the vegetation from flourishing,

milk cows from producing, women from being fertile. She takes away fortune, health,

sanity. By her actions she teaches that no such thing as eternal fortune and happiness

exist; she is a reminder of death and pain (Gimbutiene 1984:41-43).

Bronze Age archaeologist Laima Nakaite-Vaitkunskiene makes reference to

certain Bronze age zoomorphic ornamental motifs that had their origins in the Stone

Age. Images of elk or red deer are one of the most constant and oldest motifs in art;

their images stretch from the forest and steppe zones of the Baltic shores to the Far

East. The first wandering hunters, she says, oriented themselves by the north star

which they used to call by the name of the elk. The Big and Little Dippers’ names later

changed from the Big and Little Elk to the Big Bear (Ursus Major) and Little Bear (Ursus

minor) (Nakaite 1991:61). Nakaite refers to archaeologist A. Okladnikov’s book The

Golden-Horned Red Deer, in which Okladnikov describes how among Siberian tribes,

the red deer commonly represented the sky, stars, and sun. Tribes of the Asian

steppes used to hammer the image of the red deer into rocks that were placed at the

graves of tribal leaders. The deer was represented with the disc of the sun in between

its horns. With the adoption of agriculture, the first agriculturalists began to associate

the elk with rain-producing magic. These associations with rain cannot be found any

longer in Lithuanian folklore, but both ethnographers and folklorists can still trace the

importance of the elk and red deer in highly respected Lithuanian traditions. During

Christmas, in rituals concerned with the return of the sun, the elk/ red deer is still 52 honored as a symbol of the overcoming of winter, along with the symbol of the sun’s rebirth in spring. In folk medicine, the ground horns of these animals can also overcome diseases. (Nakaite 1991:61 -66)

Birds comprise another important and popular motif in the mythology and religion of various tribes and nations. The dove, for example, is a symbol of peace, the stork - of fertility. Waterfowl symbolism was also very meaningful: in Greece, a duck couple was the symbol of married love, while in China, the goose is a talisman aiding in married love. In , legends, and epic hymns about the creation of the world in both the Old and New worlds, a common plot concerns a water bird diving into the first waters and bringing back a piece of mud, clay, sand, or a rock from which the earth is formed (Nakaite 1991:67,69).

Many nations and tribes of the world associate the snake with life, fertility, water, rain, the earth. The snake cult is especially popular in the early agricultural communities of Europe and Asia. The snake’s peculiar characteristic of shedding its skin is associated with the yearly cycle of renewal in nature. In Lithuanian beliefs, customs, folklore and folk art, the motif of the snake is very clear. Many Lithuanian articles and books have been written about the reverence for this reptile. The zaltys or is all-knowing, and concerns itself with the well-being of both people and their homes. As a mythical being, the snake is associated with the lower world (of the earth and of water) (Nakaite 1991:70-72).

Summary

East Baltic Neolithic sites examined in this thesis consist of sites from northern

Lithuania, Latvia, and eastern Estonia. They include the Narva culture, the Comb-and-

Pit Pottery culture, the combination of these two cultures, and the initial influence of Corded Ware culture variants upon them. These cultures of the Atlantic and Subboreal climatic time period were based on a hunting, fishing, and gathering economy which is

reflected in their ideology, i.e., their art and burial practices. Agriculture was not very

prominent in their economy, though the domestication of plants and animals did exist in

meager proportions by the Late Neolithic. Pike and perch were the main catches of fish, and the elk, moose, red deer, boar, seal, and beaver were animals most often hunted. An animal cult is suggested by a significant proportion of zoomorphic images among figurines and by numerous animal teeth pendants. The dead were buried in or adjacent to settlement sites, and an ancestor cult is presumed to have been an important part of the belief system. Interpretations of ideology are supported by comparisons with ethnographic data of northern tribes. Mythology and folklore add another dimension to the religious interpretations of East Baltic Neolithic peoples. CHAPTER 3

DATA COLLECTION AND FINDINGS

First Approach

In order to answer the proposed research questions posed in Chapter 1, the first

analytical step is the creation of a symbolic data base (See Appendices A - C). This

base consists of representative (anthropomorphic and zoomorphic) art and burial ritual

data in the designated culture area throughout the Neolithic. Being a total sum of

identified instances of the art, the zoomorphic and anthropomorphic symbols found in

the designated habitation sites constitute not a sample size, but the entire population of

this category of symbols. Data from the cemeteries of Zvejnieki and Tamula are treated

as individual whole populations as well.

If a reverence for certain faunal types is reflected in a cultural region’s

representative and ornamental art, then a listing of faunal types represented in the art

by location and time period should show when and where certain fauna were most or

least revered in the East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware cultures. Comparing animal

motifs to anthropomorphic motifs should show which were more popular in general and when. Anthropomorphic motifs are categorized by gender: male (M), female (F), and

indeterminate (IND). Relevant zoomorphic categories are elk/ red deer/ deer (ELRD),

boar (BO), snake (SN), beaver/ otter (BVOTR), marten (MR), fish (FI), and

unidentifiable animals (UID). Temporal distinctions are Early Neolithic (EN), Middle to

54 55

Late Neolithic (MLN), and Late Neolithic (LN). The middle temporal category merits

some explanation before proceeding further.

Chronology is one very important analytical element throughout the entire data

collection (indeed, in archaeology in general). As already noted, the East Baltic

definition of the Neolithic differs from the American definition in that it is based mostly

on the appearance of ceramics, plus the manufacture of polished stone tools and

sedentariness (not on the domestication of plants and animals). The actual dates of the Middle Neolithic, however, are not clearly defined. In Lithuania, the relative

ambiguity of the start of the Middle Neolithic period is made clear by R. Rimantiene, who lumps both the Early and Middle Neoltihic periods together in her textbook on the

Stone Age in Lithuania (1984), defining this twin period as the sixth and fifth millenia

B.P. The Early Neolithic, she says, is clearly a continuation of the Mesolithic tradition

(called Kunda in northern Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia), while the Middle Neolithic is a time when interaction between the local (Narva in northern Lithuania) and neighboring cultures occurs (Rimantiene 1984:112). This interaction most likely refers to trade.

Amber, both in raw and manufactured form, was exported from Lithuanian territory starting sometime in the Middle Neolithic. Rare evidence of agriculture (hemp and millet) were imports, possibly exchange items for amber products. The people who produced Comb-and-Pit Pottery are assumed to be principal traders in the area, though no or very little physical evidence of them exists in western Lithuania. These people, however, settled and left many remains in Latvian territory, both in the west and in the east. Loze considers the Early Neolithic in western Latvia (Lubana) to occur between

6450 and 4905 B.P. and to be the only time period in Latvia with a pure Narva culture.

The Middle Neolithic there is marked by the advance of the Comb-and-Pit Pottery 56 culture from Karelia (Loze 1988:102) about 4670 to 4170 B.P., a time when the Narva

and Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture populations either lived side by side or began to mix.

According to Selirand and Tonisson, the Early Neolithic in Estonia spans from

about 5500 to 5000 B.P. (This thesis does not consider any of the Early Neolithic

Estonian material because of its unavailability and scantiness of art/ burial data), and the Middle Neolithic - from about 5000 to 4000 B.P. (Selirand and Tonisson 1984:12).

Neolithic stage distinction dates for all of these countries were set without the use of calibrated radiocarbon dates. With the incorporation of calibrated dates (Stuiver and

Reimer 1993), the actual number dates generally become older. Thus, where the first

(A-Z) series of sites at Sarnate had been considered to be mostly Middle Neolithic

(Vankina 1970:), for example, it is very clear by calibrated dates that almost all of these sites actually fall into the Early Neolithic category (See Table 1). The Estonian sites and the second series of (Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture) Sarnate sites do not have any radiocarbon dates, so it is not possible at this point in time to get a clearer impression of their age in more specific terms. The Zvejnieki cemetery has only recently acquired

12 radiocarbon dates (Denisova 1994; Zagorska 1994), and most of these are clearly

Mesolithic by East Baltic definition (Table 2). A large portion of the Zvejnieki Neolithic sites were roughly dated as Middle to Late Neolithic. This last vague distinction and the general ambiguity of the Early and Middle Neolithic phases in portions of the East Baltic necessitate making a choice between an Early and Middle Neolithic distinction for some sites (i.e., Sventoji 1B and 2B), and also lumping Middle and Middle to Late Neolithic periods together (in most cases) in order to maintain consistency in temporal analyses.

Also, the period labelled as transitional form the Late Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic are considered as part of Zvejnieki’s Early Neolithic graves. 57 The Late Neolithic is a clear time period in all of the East Baltic, known chiefly and uniformly for the advance of the Corded Ware culture variants into this territory.

Although the Abora and Lagaza sites of the Lubana series were classified as Late

Neolithic to Early Bronze by Loze (1979), their calibrated dates fall mostly within the fourth millenium B.P., and the only evidence of Bronze is at Lagaza, with the remains of bronze-melting crucibles in only one hearth. This thesis, therefore, considers both of these sites as Late Neolithic.

Returning to the matter of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic symbolic data that may indicate particular reverence in the East Baltic throughout the Neolithic, two initial sets of data are compiled and compared. The first set, Table 3, consists of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines and images alone per time period. The second set, Table 4a-d, shows mostly animal (and some human) related items that are not figurines or images, but pendants and bone remains that are suggested to be symbolic. If it is argued that animal teeth pendants served not only as ornaments, but also as amulets with magico-religious meaning, whether for totemic protection or good luck in hunting, then this category of items is one worth much consideration because of their abundance. Also included in this second set of items are animal (and occasionally human) bone deposits in burials. These bone deposits were evidently placed in the burials intentionally as part of burial ritual activity and are thus also symbolic. It is possible that these bone deposits were related to intentions of assisting the deceased person’s (or people’s - in the case of collective burials) necessity of eating or perhaps contacting one’s totem animal in the afterlife.

Table 3 indicates that the five most frequent motifs in general (throughout the entire Neolithic and culture area as a whole) among representative art, in order of 58 popularity, are 1. human (at 31%), 2. bird (at 22%), 3.unidentifiable animal (15%), 4.elk and red deer (9%), and 5. snake (8%) (See Figures 14 and 19-22). The general category of amulets (which include bone deposits in burials) (Table 4a) shows a different predominance and order of popularity: 1 .dog (26%), 2. elk and red deer (22%),

3. boar (16%), 4. bird (14%), and 5. small carnivores (12%).

The frequencies of amulets vary per region. Table 4b-d show the distribution of amulet motifs for settlement sites and burial sites separately. In settlements, the ranking order of popularity or frequency is 1. boar (35%), 2.elk/red deer (25%), 3. unidentifiable animal (15%), and 4. dog (13%). At the Zvejnieki cemetery, it is 1. dog

(40%), 2. elk/ red deer (28%), 3. boar (21%), 4. small carnivores (7%). Note that the top three identifiable fauna are the same for both settlements sites and at the Zvejnieki cemetery. In Tamula’s burials (this habitation/ cemetery site occurs only in the Late

Neolithic), the bird predominates at 42%, followed by the small carnivore at 24%, and the elk and red deer at 11%. In all of these frequency comparisons, definite patterns of repetition exist, but the elk/ red deer is the only motif that occurs in all categories. This variety of occurrence certainly suggests the elk/ red deer to be an important animal in the Neolithic. No identifiable dog images exist in figurative or representative art. The snake occurs only once in the cemetery inventory (in Tamula’s grave number 14).

A closer look at the data (Tables 3 and 4) will also reveal that certain time periods have stronger representations of particular fauna than others. In general, human figurines are most frequent in the Late Neolithic. Snake motifs also have their highest representation in this last phase of the Neolithic. Amulets of elk/ red deer and boar are heavily concentrated in the Early Neolithic phase, while the concentration of dog amulets are spread throughout both the Early and Middle to Late Neolithic phase, 59 and then dwindle significantly in the Late Neolithic. Small carnivores are represented in both the Early and Late Neolithic periods, but have absolutely no representation in the

Middle to Late Neolithic phase.

Regional patterns are also clear in how often certain anthropomorphic and zoomorphic symbols occur (Table 5a-c in addition to Table 4c-d). Table 5 shows counts of local and temporal distributions of the three most frequent motifs in figurative art and symbolic items. In Table 5a, we see the distribution of anthropomorphic motifs per site and site area through time. The Lubana site series is responsible for 39% of all human figurines. Tamula of the Late Neolithic is next in ranking order with 18%, and then the Zvejnieki cemetery with 15%, but concentrated in the Early and Middle

Neolithic phases instead.

The elk/ red deer motif (see Table 5b) is heavily represented at Zvejnieki,

Tamula, and Sventoji. It is important to note here that the actual representation of the elk within the Sventoji site series is higher than may appear by this table (See

Appendix B). Elk figurines actually comprise 41 % of figurative art and 34% of all amulets in this site series. As noted, a dense temporal concentration of elk/ red deer symbols occurs in the Early phase of the Neolithic.

The bird (Table 6c) is by far a popular symbolic motif in Tamula. Next in rank of popularity for this motif is Zvejnieki, though considering its large population of 137 graves and only 11 total occurrences of bird motifs in the graves (See Appendix C), the proportion does not seem significant. The nature of the bird motif/symbol is different in both burial sites. In Tamula, beads made of bird bone dominate the count, while at

Zvejnieki, it is bird bone deposits or sacrifices that contribute to this statistic. Birds are also very significant at Sarnate (see Appendix B: reference numbers 18-31), where 60

64% of all figurative art depicts waterfowl. The snake occurs once at Lubana and once

in Sventoji in the Middle to Late Neolithic, once in Tamula (Late Neolithic), but mostly (4

occurrences) in the Lubana region in the Late Neolithic, all at the site of Abora.

Examining gender in the contexts of anthropomorphic art and burial data may

reveal patterns of gender status. Is there any archaeological indication of

matricentricity in the pre-Corded Ware East Baltic Neolithic cultures? A dominance of

anthropomorphic art representing females and a higher status of women in burials

could indicate matricentricity. By anthropomorphic motifs alone, as shown in Table 3,

the answer to this question would easily have to be negative. Almost all (83%) of

representaive human images in this area and time period are of indeterminate gender.

Burials provide ideal data for addressing this gender issue because they contain

actual remains of Neolithic males and females. In Tables 6a and 7a, numbers of grave

goods for male, female, and indeterminate gender are counted for both the Zvejnieki

and Tamula burial data separately. The mean number of grave goods per burial for

male, female, and indeterminate gender are then determined per time period. In

Tables 6b and 7b, the number of functional classes of grave goods per gender are

noted. Functional categories in this thesis are thusly defined: hunting tool (= HT:

, spear, arrowhead), processing tool (= PR: chisel, , awl, , whetstone, spool - most likely for winding fishing line), household item (= HH: pot, ladle, spoon, ladle, plate, cup), amulets (AMT) and/or ornaments, and figurative art (FIG)

alone. Unidentified tools can most often be placed into the processing tool category by

their descriptions, otherwise, they are categorized as a separate unknown category.

Preforms or cores (COR) received their own placement category - they are rare.

Instead of being placed into the ornamental/ amulet category, amber and slate rings 61 were placed into a category by themselves (RNG) as well because of their relative infrequence. Slate rings are associated as characteristic Comb-and-Pit Pottery culture items since the Middle Neolithic, and amber rings are often interpreted as sun symbols

(Gimbutas 1985:246-247; VTI

(FLK), and clay masks (MSK) were also counted as separate categories (See

Appendix C for a full listing of associated grave goods). More grave goods or more of a variety of grave goods than the average per burial are assumed to indicate higher status. Tables 6c and 7c indicate higher status burials at Zvejnieki and Tamula, distinguished by gender and according to these criteria.

A large percentage of the burials at Zvejnieki have indeterminate genders. Also, a large majority of the graves that do have identified genders are male. A new population of gracile skeletons that began to occur at the Zvejnieki site in the Transition from the Late Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic were difficult to distinguish by gender

(The distinction was made quickly "on the spot” by a few anthropologists during the excavation), if the bones, especially the pelvis, were not in good condition (Gerhards,

1994 interview). One possibility is that most of the deceased buried at this cemetery are male. If this is so, this could be an indication of male-oriented gender status in itself.

Perhaps Zvejnieki was chiefly a burial ground for men.

Putting aside the relative infrequency of identified female burials at Zvejnieki, in both the Early and Middle to Late Neolithic phases, male status predominates by number of average grave goods. The average number of items for males is 18 and ten for females in the Early Neolithic, nine for males in the Middle to Late Neolithic and two for females in the Middle to Late Neolithic. The average variety of grave goods in the

Early Neolithic is the same for both males and females (1). (Again, however, very few - 62 only 3 - females are represented in the Early Neolithic). In the Middle to Late Neolithic, men again rate higher in their average variety of grave goods - men average two, while women average one. In the Late Neolithic, nine men and three women comprise the comparative base. Women rank ahead of men in this category, averaging higher for both the number (26 opposed to 6) and variety (4 opposed to 2) of grave goods.

Actual percentages of higher status population of men and women (disregarding the scarcity of females) indicate 67% of females with higher status compared to the other females, and 30% of the male population with higher status in the Early Neolithic.

About the same status between genders occurs in the Middle to Late Neolithic (37% of males are rated with high status and 36% of females are rated with high status). By these same criteria, one third of women in the Late Neolithic have higher status among women while 11 % of men are rated with higher status in the male population of

Zvejnieki in the Late Neolithic.

In the Tamula burials, nine out of 13 analyzed graves have identifiable gender.

Men rank higher in the average number of grave goods per burial (68 as opposed to

23), though the average number of variety of items is the same (4). By these standards, two out of five men are high ranking among the men (40% of men) and two out of four women are high ranking among the women (50% of women). An abundance of both number and variety of grave goods is much more common in general at Tamula: 46% or almost half of all Tamula graves are considered to be high status graves. Based on burial data, gender between statuses at Tamula may have been closer to equal. If the average number of grave goods in general indicate higher status, then the men generally outrank the women. 63

What is characteristic of male and female higher status burials at Zvejnieki? Do

significant differences in the grave good assemblages exist? The most obvious base

for comparison is the grave goods. Table 8a-b contain a summary of Zvejnieki male

and female grave goods by functional type.

In Zvejnieki’s Early Neolithic burials, a predominant amount of animal teeth

pendant amulets stands out most of all. From the nine higher status ranking male

burials, all but one contain these amulets. Grave number 170 (see Figure 23) leads the

others with 167 animal teeth pendants (98 boar, 65 elk, 4 red deer/ deer). Grave

number 153 follows with 108 (62 dog, 18 elk, 12 small carnivore, 9 boar), then burial

number 300 with 59 dog pendants, followed by grave numer 165 with 24 (22 dog, 1 small carnivore, 1 elk), number 164 with 13 (4 dog, 4 small carnivore, 4 red deer/ elk, 1

boar), number 160 with ten (8 small carnivore, 1 elk, 1 dog), and lastly number 162 with six (5 elk, 1 aurochs). Six out of the nine burials have ocre. The burial with most animal teeth, number 170, lies on top of a pit base heavily lined with it. Number 165 has a layer of ocre sprinkled all around the skeleton, and the burial pit of number 157

(which has no teeth pendants) contains small chunks of ocre deposits. Grave numbers

153,162, and 164 contain ocre layer concentrations in the head region - a ten cm layer surrounds number 153’s head. Number 164 has ocre not only in the head region, but also at his right elbow. This is interesting to note, since number 164 also has more hunting equipment than any other Zvejnieki grave: 16 spears, four of which are decorated, and an additional broken spear fragment (see Figure 24). Only one other grave, number 300, has definite hunting equipment: two arrowpoints, one harpoon, and a dagger. It is possible that grave number 153’s unidentifiable bone tool with a sharp edge was also used for hunting, but it is here classified as a processing tool. This grave also contains an awl and flint flakes, two items not found in the other high status

male graves in the Early Neolithic. Bird bone fragments occur at the right and left

elbows of grave 153, and in a larger distribution in grave 165 - under his head, waist,

pelvis, and generally surrounding the skeleton. Rocks (rocks and ocre are common

grave goods in the Late Mesolithic at Zvejnieki when grave goods occur) are found at

the pelvis of 153 and at the right leg and left elbow of 160. Burial number 160 (Figure

25) is unique for containing a human hand bone (other than that of the interred) under

his head. The second and last unique item is a bird figurine (waterfowl) under #162’s

pelvis. This is the only identified Early Neolithic male burial with a figurative art item.

See Figure 26. Note that the deceased man’s ribs have been reorganized, placed

mostly around his head. The last unique in this group of male graves is that

number 157 is part of a double burial (the other’s gender is indeterminate). Number

157’s head is at his grave-mate’s knees and has evident spondylosis and a compression break of a vertebra at his waist.

The two out of three higher status female burials actually seem pale in comparison to the description of Early Neolithic males at Zvejnieki. Both have amulets; number 146 has 26 (23 dog, 2 boar and 1 elk) and 178 has one boar tooth pendant.

Both also have ocre: 146 has chunks at the head and feet, and number 178 has a thin layer around her head. Number 178 also has a hunting implement - a harpoon - and is part of a collective burial of five, all of whom are male (Figure 27). Two of the males accompanying her did not die in good health. One (179) has a flint flake (flake?) lodged in his waist vertebra and holes in his pelvis, and another has spondylosis and other bone ailments. 65

The composition of grave goods at Zvejnieki changes during the Middle to Late

Neolithic. Most noticeable are the appearance of amber pendants, beads, and buttons, and the practical drastic reduction of animal teeth pendants. Amber items appear to have largely replaced the teeth and bone amulets in this cemetery. Looking at male status graves first, amber buttons and pendants occur in relatively high frequencies when they occur. Number 212 has 57 in all, number 228 cotains 17 amber buttons, and 225 has nine amber pendants. Only one out of seven graves contain animal bone ornamentation/ amulets: grave number 225 (2 bird bone beads). This amber and animal pendant proportion is one that contrasts in male and female high status graves of the Middle to Late Neolithic: instead of amber pendants, three out of the four high- ranking females in this time period contain animal bone amulets: dog pendants (grave number 233 has 9 and grave number 255 has 2) and bird bone beads (4 in burial number 282). Only one grave of these four has amber: number 256 has one fragment of it and another pendant of amber at her feet.

Four out of seven male high status burials still contain ocre (263,225,264,

275), but three of these instances appear in a new form: the ocre is mixed with clay and placed on the face as a mask, covering two amber rings over the eyes of each of the masked skeletons. This is a new and rare phenomenon at Zvejnieki (though one for which this cemetery is well known in northern European archaeology). Ocre and amber rings also occur not in conjunction with one another, as in four additional rings in grave number 225 (Figure 28), one additonal one in 275, and one amber ring between the upper thighs of interred number 264, along with a heavy layer of ocre along 264’s burial pit. Ocre also occurs in two out of four or half of the identified female burials in this time period (255 and 256- around the head and feet). 66

Processing tools have become more common than hunting implements in male graves in the Middle to Late Neolithic. These include an awl in burial number 263, an awl and scraper in 252, a chisel and scraper in 225, and three awls and a whetstone in

264. Hunting tools occur in two of the seven male graves here: two spears in number

263 and an arrowhead that is noted to be very small in number 228 (Figure 29).

Unique combinations of items include 20 flakes, three pottery sherds, and three cores in grave number 252, and 12 flakes and a preform in number 264. Male grave number

228 contains four figurines - two human heads, one bird (grouse), and one waterfowl

(Figure 29). This occurrence of figurines is more than any other grave at Zvejnieki.

Two out of seven male graves in the Middle to Late Neolithic are parts of collective burials, a new phenomenon in this time period. Number 263 is buried together with another man and an infant, and number 275 is interred collectively with three other adults - two males, and one of indeterminate gender.

The collective nature of interment is also reflected in the female Middle to Late

Neolithic burials; number 282 is buried with one child and one other female (no grave goods occur in either of her companions’ graves). Aside from the grave goods mentioned earlier when generally describing the high status male burials of this time period, two processing tools are found in two of the graves: a chisel in burial number

233, and an ax associated with grave number 282.

Only one male and one female of higher status are found at Zvejnieki in the

Late Neolithic. Male burial number 277 (Figure 30a) contains one elk staff, five bone pendant amulets and one polished bone plate, 14 amber pendants and three amber beads, five amber rings, one clay mask on his face, one flint flake, and two bronze 67

rings. He is in a collective burial of five other adults, two of which are identified as

males (Figure 30b).

Late Neolithic female burial number 221 is also part of a collective burial of five

(of mostly indeterminate gender) and contains 53 amber pendants concentrated from

her pelvis to her knees, a heavy layer of ocre from her waist to her knees, two stone

rings and three amber rings, five flint flakes, four hunting tools (2 fishhooks and 2

arrowheads) and five processing tools (1 scraper, 1 whetstone, and 3 spools) (See

Figure 31 a and b).

What do the males have more of as part of their grave good inventory at Tamula than the Tamula females? A look at Table 9 gives a clear answer to this question:

pendants. This is the key status difference between men and women buried at Tamula.

See Figures 32 and 33 for an illustration of some Tamula grave inventory.

Other Neolithic burials, both at Zvejnieki and outside of the Zvejnieki area, have no or few grave goods and are not associated with any kind of status. All those interred at Kretuonas 1B were buried with few items, either a hunting or processing tool, or an animal tooth or two (only horse teeth in the case of this locale). The two bodies at Narva-Riigikiila are unique only in their obvious placement in dwellings.

Summary of First Approach

Zoomorphic symbolic motifs generally outnumber anthropomorphic ones in the

Neolithic. A definite increase in human images, however, is clear in the Late Neolithic.

Considering the culture area as one unit in space and time, the most frequent motifs among representative figurative art are, in order of popularity, the human, bird (notably waterfowl), unidentified animal, elk/ red deer, and snake. The most frequently occurring amulets, in order of popularity, are first the dog, then elk/ red deer, boar, bird, and small 68

carnivore. Some of these frequencies vary, depending on time period and specific

locale. Elk and red deer amulets/ pendants, for example, have no representations in

settlement sites by the Late Neolithic, and bird bead/ pendants/ amulets are especially

frequent at the Late Neolithic site of Tamula and the Narva population of Sarnate.

Anthropomorphic art shows no gender preference throughout the Neolithic.

Status by gender was examined at both the Zvejnieki and Tamula graves by

considering graves with an above average number and variety of grave goods as being

higher status. The number of identifiable female graves at Zvejnieki is very small. This

is an important point, suggesting the possibility of Zvejnieki as a predominantly male

burial ground. By both the number and variety of grave goods, men at Zvejnieki appear to have had a higher status than women in the Early and Middle Neolithic, and

Zvejnieki women gained status over men during the Late Neolithic. Gender status in the Late Neolithic, however, is judged by one male and one female burial - not a very good basis for comparison. The biggest difference between male and female grave goods at Zvejnieki and Tamula, especially Tamula, is a larger number of amulets among the men. If this is an important difference, then men also enjoyed a higher status over women at Tamula.

Both men and women at Tamula have a large number and variety of grave goods. A noticeable regional characteristic is a high proportion of amber pendants in male graves at Zvejnieki while women carried on the animal tooth pendant tradition, and a high frequency of amber pendants in women’s graves at Tamula.

Second Approach

If it is argued that zoomorphic figurines, pendants/ amulets, and bone deposits in burials relate to magico-religious animal cult or ritual, we should expect to find the 69 elk/ red deer, boar, bird, dog, and small carnivores most frequently represented in the

zooarchaeological remains or economic record. Appendix D lists all known

zooarchaeological statistical data to date. Unfortunately, these data are often either

compiled by lists of bone fragment percentages per faunal species alone, or the data

are approximately 30 years old, not representing material finds discovered since about

1965. This is the best information available at this time, however, and is thus used in this thesis as the pertinent economic record.

The East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware cultures were not only hunters, but fishers as well. Fish bone data, however, are very poorly represented and researched, and will not be considered here (See Appendix D for a list of all available data on fish

remains). Thus, economic comparison is restricted to mammals. Bird bones apparently do not presen/e well; usually they are not even considered in the zoo- osteological economic record. When they are, percentages of bone fragments alone are given, without MNI’s (minimum number of individuals). Analyses will include mention of available counts of bird bone fragments or percentages in the instances that they are provided.

The following comparisons of economic and symbolic zooarchaeological data do not include unidentifiable fauna or motifs. Any available and applicable economic data are mentioned here, including those with only bone fragment counts. Economic data of a particular site or sites of the same time period and region only are compared to symbolic data of the same.

Sventoji 1B and 2B occur in the Early Neolithic. Faunal bone fragment counts only (not MNI’s) in these habitation sites are presented and compared to symbolic 70

motifs that occur in these sites in Table 10( A comparison of economic data and

symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in Sventoji 1B and 2B).

One bird motif exists at Sventoji 23 in addition to these mammal data. The three dog teeth pendants are noted as possibly belonging to seal. If they are actually seal and not dog teeth, then the 30% of symbolic motifs may actually be seal. Treating these bone fragment percentages as if they were MNI’s, the high percentage of zooarchaeological seal remains are still not adequately reflected in the symbolic data.

Elk and moose receive disproportionately high representation in the symbolic data for these two sites. The boar is the only animal here that is equally represented in both economy and ideology.

Sventoji 3B and 23 of the Middle Neolithic are combined and compared to their

respective symbolic motifs in Table 11 (A comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in Sventoji 3B and 23). Only bone fragment percentages exist for these two sites’ economic base.

One snake and one bird motif are not represented in this table. The boar and elk/ red deer categories are similarly represented in both the economic and symbolic data. The other data are disproportionate. If we take the elk/ red deer motif category and consider only the amulets and pendants, and not the figurative art, then the motif frequency would be 28% (14 out of 47 amulets), and match the economic data even more closely.

Sventoji 6 has good MNI data, but no comparative symbolic data. The Sarnate site series has very poor bone preservation and will not be considered here. The

Zvidze site of the Lubana series also has good MNI data, but very little applicable symbolic data (1 anthropomorphic figurine, 1 otter, and 1 bird figurine in the Early 71

Neolithic, and 5 anthropomorphic, 2 fish, 2 unidentifiable animals, 1 snake, 1 bird, and

1 otter in the Middle Neolithic), a fair proportion of people and non-mammals. The

beaver/ otter percent of individuals in the Middle Neolithic layer of Zvidze is nine; if we

include the two unidentifiable animals in the total of symbolic motifs in Zvidze’s Middle

Neolithic, the beaver/ otter would be two out of 13 with a representation percent of

15.4. This percent does not closely match the economic percent of fauna.

The Lagaza and Abora sites of the Lubana series in the Late Neolithic have

good economic MNI data and some symbolic motifs that could be compared. Abora

and Lagaza data are combined in Table 12 (using Danilcenko’s data base): A

comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in

Abora and Lagaza.

Non-mammals not represented in the symbolic motif category in Table 12 are

one fish, five snakes, and four birds. Seven of the symbolic motifs are also those of

unidentifiable animals. Thus, 11 or almost half of the motifs of Abora and Lagaza are

not included in this comparison. This exclusion is significant. None of the economic or

symbolic faunal percentages match in these faunal categories.

Narva-Riigikiila’s and Akali’s symbolic motifs are not worth comparing to the

economic data for a couple of reasons. First, the only economic data available for these two sites are from the Early and Middle Holocene (9-5 milllenia B.P.), which are

older than these sites’ archaeological data. Second, neither site has enough

identifiable or many zoomorphic motifs; Akali’s symbolic data are mostly

anthropomorphic and Narva-Riigikula’s zoomorphic motifs are mostly unidentifiable.

Zooarchaeological data from Tamula were provided by Paaver in 1965. Paaver

compiled his zooarchaeological data into two main temporal divisions. The first ranged 72

from the ninth up to the fourth millenia B.P., the second - the fourth millenium B.P.

Since Tamula was excavated in the 1950’s, the 1965 data should cover Tamula finds

and the second millenium date should be applicable. See Table 13 (A comparison of

Tamula’s zooarchaeological and zoomorphic motif data).

Paaver mentions 114 bone fragments of birds, but does not provide bird MNI’s.

Bird bones, hollow and tubular (leg?), are all in the form of beads. Eleven snake motifs

are also not included in this table. Otherwise, a fair correlation is evident in the

economic and symbolic data in the faunal categories of elk/ red deer, aurochs and

large-hoofed animals (assumed to be ox), and bear.

Summary of Second Approach

It is difficult to answer the question of whether or not the same animals exploited for economic purposes were proportionately represented in the ideology of East Baltic

Neolithic pre-Corded Ware culture peoples because of the lacunae in zooarchaeological data. Fish, birds, and snakes cannot even be considered in any generalizations. Four sets of data were compiled and compared in this approach. In half of these data sets, economic information was based on bone fragment percentages only. These particular data sets include the Early Neolithic Sventoji 1B and 2B sites. Only the boar was equally represented among the economic and ideological data groupings here. At Sventoji 3B and 23 of the Middle Neolithic, the boar and, to a lesser extent, the elk/ red deer were similarly represented in both the economic and ideological data groupings. Two comparative data sets with satisfactory

(MNI) economic bone percentages yielded different results. The selected Lubana sites showed absolutely no correlations between economic and ideological data while those at Tamula revealed similar frequencies between econmic and ideological categories of

elk/ red deer, aurochs and large-hoofed animals, and the bear.

Third Approach

The symbolic data base compiled in the first approach consists of zoomorphic

and anthropomorphic figurative and decorative art in both habitation sites and in

burials, and of the inventory from burials of East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware

culture peoples. The application of an interpretive approach fashioned after

archaeomythology is potentially vast and must be restricted for the scope of this thesis.

This third approach is thus primarily limited to the three most frequently occurring

identifiable zoomorphic motifs from the figurative or representative art category: the bird

(most notably waterfowl), the elk/ red deer, and the snake. The primary focus is on the

instances of these zoomorphic motifs in the human context of comparative Lithuanian,

Latvian and Estonian folklore, mythology, and ethnography, how they have been

related to the human element, and on the ultimate notation of any cross-cultural similarities of meaning. The available source material for data collection among these three countries is varied; the bird/ waterfowl, elk/ red deer and snake will first be considered separately for each country.

Estonian sources

Estonian, Finnish, Karelian, Vepsian, the Ingrian dialects, Vote and Livonian share a common tongue and cultural origin known to philologists as ‘Proto-Finnic’. This common heritage goes back even further still roughly another three millenia to a region further east, bound in the west by the headwaters of the Rivers Kama and and on the east by the Ural Mountains, to a small group of people who spoke a language 74

referred to as Proto-Finno-Ugrian. Linguistic evidence suggests that this was a Stone

Age hunting and gathering culture either partly or totally nomadic that eventually separated and began to develop in different ways to produce the family of languages known as Finno-Ugrian. This family of languages embraces Hungarian at one extreme and Finnish on the other (Kuusi et al 1977:21-22). The many different Siberian and

Fenno-Scandinavian tribes and language branches were at one point in time part of the same cultural heritage.

The image of the waterfowl is among the most recurrent mythological motifs of

Finno-Ugrians and northern Eurasia in general. The creation myth concerning a water- bird that dives to the bottom of the primordial ocean and brings back some soil from which the earth is made is a common feature of the mythologies of many peoples in the northern hemisphere (Napolskikh 1989:105), including .

Napolskikh (1992:3-17) attempts to reconstruct a Proto-Uralic mythological worldview. It is a scheme, he says, that ought to be considered not as a real picture existing in the mind of the proto-Uralians, but as a model resulting from generalization of many ‘dialect’ variants: Lappish, Balti-Finnish, Volga-Finnisn, Permian, Ob-Ugrian,

Northern Samoyed, and Selkup cosmologies. The main reconstructed variant is as follows: In the beginning there was nothing but primordial waters. A loon dived to the bottom for a piece of mud, but did not succeed. Then the duck (or some other migratory water-bird, but not a loon) dived and brought up some mud that was laid on the surface of the water and grew into the earth (Napolskikh 1992:14). Since loons dive deeper and longer than ducks, an explanation for why the duck is successful is sought. The duck is usually associated with the heaven, upper gods or spirits, while the loon is more independent and is connected with the gods of earth and water. The 75 loon sometimes appears as the keeper and protector of the world and people, guiding or protecting shamans against evil spirits; "the loon is not subordinated to the celestial creator (Napolskikh 1989:108)" and so does not show a great zeal to dive. The loon appears as a particular trickster and the duck is the instrument of creation (Napolskikh

1989:108).

Another variant of this creaton myth is one in which the earth, sun, and moon were hatched from an egg laid by a duck. This cosmic egg variant is preserved in the

Balto-Finnic runic creation song among the Estonians, Finnish (Ingrian), and Karelians.

The Karelian runic song was used by Elias Lonrot (1802-1884) in compiling the epic

Kalevala, the principal source of nationally known folklore in Finland, Estonia, and

Karelia (Valk 1992:1). One of the shortest of 150 known Estonian variants of this runo- song that contains the creation’s main idea is as follows:

The swallow, the sun-bird built a nest in the fallow; laid three eggs in it: one became dawn to the nether world, the second (became) sun to the upper world, the third (became) moon into the the sky. (Valk 1992:2)

A type of song known as the bird song among the Ob-Ugrians is sung with dancers who wear bird masks and costumes to imitate the totem-ancestor bringing spirit and life, the water bird, whose appearance signalled the arrival of spring. The song and dance blended into a totemic magical act, the purpose of which was to increase the number of beings belonging to the totemic group (Hoppal 1989:20).

In the Zvejnieki cemetery, a horn figure with one end reminiscent of a the head of a swan or goose, and the other of a duck found in grave number 221 (Late Neolithic) has similar parallels in the 11 th-12th century Volga area. Metallic pendants with images of a two-headed bird were worn there. Wedding guests of Kostroma used ritual 76 scoops, one side of which represented a swan, the other - another bird. The Karelians still consider swans as holy birds up to this day (Emits 1992:116).

Finno-Ugric mythology and folklore is full of references to magic and shamanism. The theme of animal spirits representing the of the dead and helping the shaman on his journey beyond the world is frequent in the mythology of the

Finno-Ugrians (Corradi-Musi 1989:242). The Kalevala has been called the epic of charms; about one fifth of it is composed of charms. It is also considered a shamanistic epic because its major figures and their incarnations of animal and bird helpers are shamanistic (Oinas 1989:277). One of the heros of the Kalevala epic, Vainamoinen, is often described as riding on the back of a blue deer or a straw horse. Vainamoinen’s riding method is similar to those of Siberian shamans; the Soyot shamans use their staff in this way. The branches of the staff are called the head, and include markings for the eyes, nose, ears, and mouth. Rolls of fabric resembling reins are attached to the staff, and while shamanizing, the shaman holds the fabric like reins and rides his staff, which he calls his horse. The shaman’s flight or ride is what Mircea Eliade refers to as a "mystical journey undertaken by superhuman means and in regions inaccessible to mankind” (Oinas 1989:282-283). In Siberian folklore, the drum is also often associated with an animal such as an elk or horse that is ridden by the shaman on a cosmic journey. Among Arctic peoples, the drum typically symbolizes an elk or reindeer (Pentikainen 1989:189). The Selkup shamans of Siberia dress like a reindeer for journeying to the upper realms, and like a bear for when they descend into the lower world. The shaman is capable of assuming all the attributes of the animal manifested in his dress. Shamans could dress like migratory birds only during the season when the birds were actually migrating (Pentikainen 1989:196-197). In Arctic shamanism, the 77 shaman usually transforms into a snake during a trance when the goal of the journey is to reach the realm of the dead (Pentikainen 1989:206).

The Finnish mythical bird, an eagle ( vaakalintu) is one of the shaman’s helping animals. He or his shadow soul assumes the bird’s shape, whom, if necessary, he can send to fight instead of himself (Oinas 1989:284).

Ivar Paulson, author of Old Estonian , refers to the many zoomorphic figurines and pendants found in Estonia in the Neolithic. He says that pendants made from the teeth of wild animals were still worn in recent centuries by the country folk as talismans and amulets that provided both a source of profit and protection for the wearer against evil. Recent folk tradition in Estonia satisfactorily explains teeth pendants in terms of productive and prophylactic magic (Paulson

1971:58).

In many areas of Estonia during the Neolithic, fishing seems to have acquired a greater importance than hunting (Paulson 1971:79). But since archaeological symbolic remains are very scant in this regard, beliefs concerning the water world will not be dealt with here. The forest also, however, provided the environmental background for the Estonian peasant folks’ economic, social, and spiritual culture. Associations with animals and birds, or with secret forces such as forest spirits that governed the forest were on both the physical and spiritual level. Countless rules of behavior, commands, and taboos were associated with forest life, all of which had to be observed by the people when in the forest. The forest was treated as an anthropomorphic being to which people had to speak politely and turn to with a short and/ or small offerings (Paulson 1971:60-62). A fundamental belief in northern Eurasia is the belief in the animal soul. The soul of an individual animal often functions as his guardian. If the guardian soul of an

individual animal becomes the protector of the species of the animal in question, then often the souls of individual animals disappear into a great collective soul of the species

(Paulson 1964:212-213). Among the reindeer breeders of the tundra (the Lapps,

Chukchi and Koryaks, northern Tunguses), the reindeer spirit is venerated over all the other game animals as a great of game, and receives not only the collective name of its species, but is also considered to exercise greater authority over a broader circle of animlas - this is the master, lord, or mistress of wild animals (Paulson 1964:214).

A common and widespread practice in Estonia and all of northern Eurasia was the safeguarding and veneration of the bones of wild animals by proper burial. Bones of the bear, elk/ moose, fox, rabbit, sable, wolf, lynx, seal, sea gaper, whale, bird, and fish were all treated this way (most such information is available on the bear). Some

Siberian tribes would construct burial platforms for animal bones. Land mammals’ bones would usually be buried by spreading them out on the ground, and covering them with rocks or wood, while sea creatures would usually be buried in the water from which they came. Usually all the bones of an animal were treated this way, but the skull was given special ritual treatment among some peoples covering the vast area from Finland to the Giljaks and Ainu in the Far East. Sometimes the skull was kept separately in a tree, while the rest of the bones were ritually burnt, as among the

Ostjaks. These rituals are very infrequently explained. Among some, it was believed that the proper treatment of bones would ensure further successful hunts by avoiding danger from the killed animal’s family/ species. The Lapps, Ostjaks, Giljaks, and Ainu believe that the bear is appeased by the bone burial ritual and encouraged to go to its 79

bear kin and pass on the good wishes and intents of the people (Paulson 1963:483-

486). In recent times, wise Estonian hunters would put bones and feathers of game on

a tussock or anthill somewhere in a sacred place in the forest in order to bring

reconciliation with the animals’ immortal soul and to effect its rebirth from its bones

(Paulson 1971:71).

Lithuanian sources

In researching the occurrences of frequent prehistoric zoomorphic motifs in

Lithuanian mythology and folklore (whose access was most available to the author of this thesis), it became readily apparent that a search for archaic references in mythology is wrought with problems. An analogy could be made to an archaeological stratified sample that has been churned up in many areas and in which the oldest layers are simply unclear, as in those instances when pre-Christian pagan layers have been mixed in with Christian ideology. Many of the first researchers of mythology were also not professionals, but enthusiasts who were merely interested in the topic, and often tried too much to find similarities between classic mythological sources such as

Greek or Roman. Since these non-professionals were the first researchers of mythology, their research has often been cited and repeated over and over by later researchers who did not even consider the initial source material.

The result is a dubious reconstruction that is taken to be actual mythological truth. Dumezil and Greimas (a famous French Lithuanian structural mythologist who wrote About Gods and Men) asserted that myths were sacred accounts of a past worldview and that stories in folkore were merely degenerated and desemantisized myths. The actual reality is much more complex, not like a neatly layered cake

(Kerbelyte, 1995 interview). Although mythological sakmes (legend; myths; fables) 80 were continuously renewed, this was done with care, not changing the essential features of the works; the essential semantics remained the same. Comparison of variants of one plot fixated in a few cultures shows that character names and lifestyle details may be different, but the relationships between characters and their behaviors coincide (Kerbelyte 1986:9-10). These mythological stories are thus treated herein as sources of old worldview reconstruction.

Lithuanian and Latvian are both part of the Indoeuropean , the only living survivors of the Baltic branch. The third Prussian tribe was exterminated by the Germanic Teutonic Knights who devastated the entire Prussian territory with fire and slaughter between A.D. 1233 and 1285 (Gieysztor 1965:417). Indoeuropean influence is said to have begun archaeologically with the Corded Ware culture; the earliest that this is typically pushed back is to the Baltic Haff culture c. 4500 B.P.

(Milisauskas, 1994 personal communication), to the time when the local Narva hybridized with the incoming Corded Ware culture groups, as occurred at the upper layers of Sventoji and at Duonkalnis.

One general important feature of Lithuanian mythological fables (and probably of most stories in general), is the anthropomorphisized feature of animals, waterways, rocks, and natural elements. The human is not on a higher level than his surroundings; animals and people, for example, talk and interact with each other on an equal footing.

The forest, with its goddess Medeine, was generally sacred, highly venerated by the

Lithuanians (Balys 1966:62).

Only one prominent text exists in Lithuanian lore concerning the red deer, a song that is sung at Christmas time, a song with which all Lithuanians are familiar. A nine-horned deer rushes in, gazes at himself in the water, counting his horns, and on these horns is a hall in which smiths are pounding golden rings, a wreath of pearls, and other items of valuable materials. In many nations, the smith is considered a heavenly personage, one of the main assistants of the gods, endowed with creative powers. A Lithuanian fable describes how in the olden days, lived an old smith. He lived at a time when everywhere it was dark and constant night. The smith decided to hammer out a sun. He took some shining metal and pounded it for six years. Then, having climbed onto the roof of the tallest house, he threw it into the heavens. In the song of the red deer, the smith also pounds precious objects. The ring and wreath relate to the wedding, and the other items are ordinary, but made extraordinary by their source materials. This nine-horned red deer has been referred to as a sacred mythological animal in Lithuanian folklore, associated with cosmogony (Laurinkiene

1990:73-75). The motif of the nine-horned red deer occurs in a calendar song.

Calendar songs are ritual songs; just like myths, they are related to action, i.e., the ritual. The song’s antiquity is confirmed by the peculiarites of its poetics, an arrangement in certain patterns peculiar to myths (Laurinkiene 1990:201). The typical refrain of Christmas-tide songs, including the red deer song contains the phrase kaleda, a being who comes with a cart loaded with presents and is kindred to fire by nature.

The accompanying leliu leliu phrase also indicates a semantic relation to the image of fire (Laurinkiene 1990:203).

Pounding or hammering is also a symbol of erotic creation. An analogy is made to a song sung only at Finnish weddings in which a salivating smith rushes into the wedding celebration (Kerbelyte, 1995 personal communication). A modern Lithuanian 82 adage is "Rub the horn and you will always be able...” (Jurkuviene 1995, personal communication).

A type of song unique to the Svencionys region of northeast Lithuania (the

Kretuonas region) and considered very archaic, called sutartines, is sung only by women and is performed by one leading singer and a small group of accompanying harmonizing singers who typically dance in a circle when they sing, moving in a peculiar waddling fashion. The common refrain of uta-uta-ta is reminiscent of whistles used in hunting ducks and the song and dance are conjectured to be remnants of an archaic hunting cult, possibly from Narva culture times (Raciunaite-Vycimene 1994).

A creation myth unique to one region in northeastern Lithuania is one in which a duck dives into the water and brings back a piece of mud from which the earth is fashioned (Lithuanian Folklore Catalogue or LFC 1560[20]). Elsewhere in Lithuania where this story appears, it is the devil who dives into the water and emerges with the piece of earth (Kerbelyte, 1995 interview).

The duck is a popular symbol and synonym of the maiden in love songs

(understood to refer to a girl without ever being mentioned). She swims under the water near the shore, crying hopelessly, asking all her family members to save her.

They all decline, and finally a young lad liberates her. The duck has also been a traditional gift that a man gives a woman when a couple is betrothed; the man gives his betrothed woman a duck, and the woman gives her betrothed a sash (Jurkuviene

1994, personal communication). If a duck jumps onto a fence, it is said that a wedding will occur (Mickevicius 1931:66).

Up until the last century, Lithuanians used to keep ialdiai, or grass snakes, in their homes, feeding them milk and caring for them. They were the home’s guardians 83

and were highly venerated (Mickevicius 1931:141). Some believed that a dead

person’s soul would transfer itself into the snake and thus stay on as the protector of its

old abode (Bindokiene 1976:19). The zaltys was also considered a symbol of

cleverness. Many stories (those, for example, in the LFC) describe how if one

managed to steal the crown of the king of the snakes, that person would become

omniscent. One very well known Lithuanian story is Egle, 2al6iy karaliene (Egle,

Queen of the Grass Snakes), in which a girl gets married to a snake who lives under

the sea. (This story contains very old elements, but has a complex structure indicating

many relatively modern transformations [Kerbelyte, 1995 personal communication]). As

late as the first decades of the 20th century, Lithuanian folk medicine used snakes to

heal insomnia, toothaches, eye illnesses, consumption, scabs, madness, mental diseases, and other ailments. Snake skin was a medicine for rheumatism. A snake and whiskey concoction was a universal medicine. The Zemaidiai or Lowlanders of coastal western Lithuania strung snake skulls into necklaces and wore them as amulets for protection against diseases and as a means of increasing wealth (Valancius

1972:87).

Magic is a very common element in folklore, used by both the hero and antipode in stories (LFC). Formulas for knowing the future, incantations and spells to cure diseases, to better one’s crop, to stop a thief, to protect oneself against the harmful actions of a witch, to insure a mate or fertility in marriage are all found in folklore (Balys

1966:89-102). In stories, witches (raganos) are usually cited for performing harmful functions: for sending death and diseases to people, transforming them into beasts and birds, for drying out mik cows and bewitching cattle, and for marring plants (Velius

1977:300). They could also be good by curing people or their dried-up cows and were 84 known for their magical flights to their common meeting place on the Satrijos hill (LFC).

Sorcerers and sorceresses are other characters in folklore with abilities similar to witches, helping people or bringing them harm (LFC; Velius 1977:300).

Latvian sources

Just as Lithuanian folklore has similarities to Byleorussian folklore in some cases, Latvian folklore has its parallels to Estonian folklore (Bula, 1995 personal communication). Sharing common language roots with Lithuanian, similarities to

Lithuanian folklore in other cases, as pointed out in the review of literature with goddesses such as Laima, also exist.

The most reliable genre of Latvian folklore and mythology is the folksong where archaic motifs, images, concepts, and data on rituals are preserved due to the rhythm, rigid rules of composition, and traditional poetic ways of expression. Less reliable data for the Latvian myth are found in fairy tales, the plot and personage of which are mostly of international character (Kokare 1992:9-10). Unfortunately, it was not possible to review the major study of Latvian folklore compiled by Haralds Biezais (It consists of several thick volumes, all written in German; I found these volumes only while in Riga,

Latvia and could not get enough help with translation during my limited time in Riga), an important synthetic reference of Latvian folklore and mythology. The main Latvian data collection and review for this thesis’s interpretive approach include portions of the compilations of songs of K. Barons cited in the synthesized works of Smits (1926) and the research of previously cited authors which will not be repeated here (see Chapter

2). Barons is responsible for compiling the richest raw source of Latvian folkloric data, the Latvju dainas (Latvian Songs), volumes published from 1894 to 1915. Still, the search for new data on the most frequently encountered pre-Corded Ware Neolithic 85 East Baltic culture motifs in figurative art (images of the water bird, elk/red deer, snake) did not yield many results, mostly generalized or minor references only.

References in songs to sympathetic magic do exist (Lord 1989:39), but two volumes of Latvian magical formulas {LatvieSu buramie vardi - formules magigues des

Lettones, reprinted in 1990 by Kabata in Riga) were not available for review. Many

Latvian researchers believe, however, that analogies to magic and charms belong mostly to the field of poetics and are not associated with the higher Latvian belief system. General material on nature mythology are considered most important (Smits

1926:141). A code of proper behavior towards deities is reffered to, as for example, the rules required by Laima that a girl must follow in searching for her man or just in general.

Latvian sources contain many references to a mother cult; about 40 mother deities are known (6mits 1926:87). It is possible, however, that this mother cult was inherited from the Finno-Ugrians who also had a strong mother cult. The Estonians have a mother of the wind, the sea, the water, and river mud. But Finnish mythologists believe that the Estonian mother cult was also a phenomenon inherited during later times, possibly during the time of Christ. The Latvian mother cult could have appeared at about the time that the Lithuanian and Latvian languages separated. Mother deities of the Latvian mother cult include those of the mothers of the wind, the forest, milk, manure, fire, money, waves, blossoms, red deer, the devil, the grave, war, bushes, leaves, sleep, fog, night, rue, sand, berries, and the North (Smits 1926:87).

Forests are holy and the forest mother helps hunters, loggers, and shepherds

(Smits 1926: 48). Two songs of Barons’s collection of songs also mention a father of the forest (Smits 1926:48). Mediators between people and the spirit world included 86

sorcerers, diviners, witches, fairies, and people with extrasensory abilities. In ancient

times, sorcerers and witches were not bad and did not do harm; they were consulted

for advice and for help and were similar to the shamans of Siberia. Their most

important functions were to mediate between the souls of the living and of the dead,

and to heal (Smits 1926:65-66).

In stories, people often turn into animals, and animal to people. Often animals

are more intelligent than people. In songs, animals are most often mentioned in pairs.

The most important animals of the forest are the red deer and the bear, to whom the

forest belongs (Smits 1926:104). The only references found to waterfowl and the

snake are in a folksong concerning God’s ( Dievs’s) instructing the animals to dig a river so that the world would not run out of water: the snake pulled a rope in this work, and the hardest working animals were the duck and goose who were allowed to swim and

bathe in the river for their efforts, while the other animals were allowed only to drink from it (Smits 1926:114).

Summary of Third Approach

Certain similarities exist among the examined Estonian, Lithuanian, and Latvian folklore in general contexts: a high respect and veneration shown toward animals who were on an equal footing with people, the forest as a holy place, a definite code of ethics toward the forest and toward animals (and deities), and magic and those specializing in magical techniques, whether shamans, witches, or sorcerers. Mother cults and a predominance of female deities in Baltic folklore and mythology are also readily apparent.

The (water) bird, elk/ red deer, and snake were the three most frequently occurring zoomorphic motifs in the project area. A creation myth embracing the duck is very strong in Estonian mythology, occurring only in a limited sense in Lithuania’s northeastern territory. The duck is probably best known in the Lithuanian folklore context by its association with the woman in general, and with marriage. The elk/ red deer in Estonian lore is typically associated as both the lord of animals and as an assistant to the shaman. Latvian folklore also mentions the deer as a lord of other forest animals. The red deer receives a significant place in Lithuanian lore, but in a more nebulous cosmogonic sense, in a (calendrical - Christmas) ritual, at a scene of extraordinary creation, and also in a general erotic sense. This last context is mirrored by the Finns, a linguistic sibling of the Estonians. Snakes are generally seen as shamanic assistants or transformations in the lower world in Estonian ethnography. A similarity is apparent in Lithuanian folklore in the story where Egle, the queen of the grass snakes, descends into the lower waterworld with her snake husband. Snakes do, however, receive more varied and frequent attention in Lithuanian folklore and ethnography as guardians of the home, symbols of cleverness, and talismans for health and wealth. CHAPTER 4

CONCLUSIONS

Review

A major portion of this thesis was the compilation of a comprehensive symbolic

data base consisiting of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic items of art and of burial

data in the East Baltic Neolithic non-Corded Ware cultures. This material culture is

argued to be symbolic, referring to the religious worldview of the prehistoric people in

the East Baltic at a time starting with the first use of ceramics and year round

sedentism. Economy has also been viewed as fundamental to ideology. Subsistence

was based on the fishing of large fish such as pike and perch, as evidenced by fish

bone remains and fishing equipment in the archaeological record, on the gathering of

wild food sources such as shellfish, water chestnuts and hazel nuts, and on the hunting

of animals, notably elk, red deer, boar, seal, and beaver. Available zooarchaeological

bone material was compiled and compared to zoomorphic representations within

symbolic data. Mythological, folkloric, and ethnographic data were then reviewed for

possible insight into the meaning of frequently occurring zoomorphic motifs.

The archaeological evidence examined does not indicate matricentricity within

the Narva and Comb-and-Pit Pottery cultures of the East Baltic. Anthropomorphic art is

not dominated by female representations, and female burials do not convincingly

indicate any higher status than male burials. Rather than matricentricity, a stronger social focus on men may actually be argued, based on the generally universal (the 89

project culture area universe) higher frequency of pendants/ amulets among males in

burials. The mythological/ folkloric faunal data collection, on the other hand, points to a

possible female orientation in certain motifs in prehistoric times.

Judging by the frequencies of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations

in art, focus on the person gained noticeable momentum in the Late Neolithic, but

representation of animals still remained dominant over people throughout the Neolithic.

Which animals received most attention varied somewhat by region and time. Animal

teeth and bone pendant/ amulets are numerous in the Neolithic and figurative art and

these pendants were considered both together and separately. In figurative art, the

most frequently occurring animal motifs are the bird (most often recognizable as water

fowl), elk/ red deer, and the snake. The most frequent three identifiable zoomorphic

pendants/ amulets belong to the dog, elk/ red deer, and boar; these are followed

closely by the bird and then the small carnivore. The deer and bird are the only two

fauna that occur frequently in both the figurative and amulet or decorative art

categories. The boar occurs very infrequently in figurative art and the dog is not

represented in the figurative art category at all. This is a significant difference. It

probably points to an inherent ideological difference between the categories of

representative and ornamental art. Pendants could have acted as talismans to aid in the hunt. The dog has been present in the East Baltic since the Mesolithic (possibly earlier?) and has been argued to be an animal that assisted in the hunt (Rimantiene,

1994 personal communication). The boar is a dangerous animal, but was also hunted for food in the East Baltic. These facts suggest that the boar pendant may have been an amulet related to hunting, in both a sense of protection and to give luck to the hunter. 90 The zooarchaeological economic data base in comparison to the animals

represented in the symbolic data base is limited, but does allow for some inferences.

Animals hunted were not necessarily the same ones who appear to have been

venerated. The elk and boar fit cross-regional economic and ideological data

groupings best. The elk figures prominently in economy, figurative art, and ornamental/

amulet art, and the boar is represented in economy and hunting magic. Beaver, otter,

seal, and small carnivores were also important in the econmy, but are not represented

significantly in ideological data. Regional differences occur in the proportions of

animals represented in economic and ideological data groupings. Zoomorphic symbolic

representations could have been reflections of the economic data base at some sites

(as at Tamula), and not proportionately reflective of the economy in others (as at

Lubana’s Abora and Lagaza sites).

An interpretive approach based on mythology, folklore, and ethnography was

geared toward gaining insight into possible prehistoric meaning of the three most

frequently occurring animal motifs in the figurative art category: the water bird, elk/ red

deer, and snake. The duck is a key player in the creation myth of Estonia and of

northern Eurasia in general. The same myth occurs in one corner of Lithuania,

although when the myth is recounted in the rest of Lithuania, the myth is similar (the

story line is the same), but the duck is replaced by the devil. The duck is also a frequent, well-recognized symbol of the female in Lithuanian songs.

In Estonian and Latvian sources, the elk/ red deer is referred to as a chief or the chief animal of the forest, reigning over the other forest beasts. The main occurrences of the red deer motif in Lithuania are in the context of creation, either in a cosmogonical or erotic sense. A strong shamanic tradition is evident in Estonian sources and 91 occurrences of the elk/ red deer and snake occur mostly in a magico-religious shamanic context. Among Lithuanians, the snake plays a role of protector and bringer of abundance in restoring health and promoting wealth. Evidence exists in both

Estonian and Lithuanian folklore of animal bones (forest animals among Estonian and snakes among Lithuanian) used as amulets in terms of productive and prophylactic magic. This lends credibilty to the notion of the same functional usage of pendants in ancient times.

Whether or not and to what extent mythological interpretations can be said to apply to symbolic Neolithic material culture is a matter of debate. Determining the antiquity of mythological tales is problematical and there presently is no way to tell whether meaning of figurative art can necessarily and exclusively be explained by mythology. If, however, elements of folklore and ethnography do have their parallels in

Stone Age culture, their study may provide insight into meaning of prehistoric material remains. The third approach presented here is one possible interpretation of meaning in East Baltic pre-Corded Ware Neolithic culture.

Conclusions

Conclusions drawn from the findings are directly related to certain assumptions and definitons. It is therefore fitting to take a closer look at these.

Western society has a limited view and practice of religion. The whole of our society is compartmentalized in our actions and in where and when these actions occur. Ethnography of primitive peoples shows a lesser degree of this kind of compartmentalization, and it is not unlikely that the religious activities of East Baltic

Neolithic peoples were just as uncompartmentalized. It could be argued that the carving of animal motifs shows nothing more than an interest in animals, something to 92 be expected of a hunter-gatherer people. In following the same train of thought of uncompartmentalization, however, it is likely that art was more than just an exercise in the aesthetic representation of the prehistoric person’s surroundings. In defining anthropomorphic and zoomorphic artisitic motifs as symbols, a deeper culturally-bound meaning is implied. That exact particular meaning is, of course, difficult to ascertain and the first two approaches of this work make no attempts to do so; they merely look for patterns in which of these symbols appeared important, how these patterns changed over the course of three millenia, and what connections could have existed between some of these symbols and the economy. The third approach fashioned after archaeomythology makes an attempt toward interpreting meaning and offers one possible interpretation of some of the symbolic material culture remains.

Some interpretation is evident in the first approach, in the compilation of the symbolic data base. The identification of some artistic items is not altogether clear.

Most of these received the label of unidentifiable. Others have been typically accepted as representing certain motifs, and in those cases of generally accepted identifications, this thesis carried on the same tradition. For example, embryonic figurines, generally accepted as representing people (see Figure 16), are one case where such identifications are a matter of some interpretation. In the opinion of this author and at least a few others (Rimantiene and Zagorskis, for example [Rimantiene, 1994 personal communication]), they could just as easily represent animals. The interpretation of other highly schematic images, especially those consisting of line or dotted compositions on a two dimensional surface, is also not always clear.

Figurative anthropomorphic and zoomorphic art has been assumed to relate to animal or ancestor cult rites, or to mythology. But it cannot be assumed that every 93 figurine had exactly the same function. Figurines could also be teaching aids in initiation ceremonies, or even toys (Ehrenberg 1989:72-75). Unfortunately, the precise location of figurative and decorative art items has usually been destroyed (due to the recurring transgressions and regressions of the Baltic Sea) or not provided in published literature. In situ context of the objects would aid in determining their meaning.

Figurines found in trash heaps are less likely to represent a deity or supernatural force than those found in a central location such as the base of a hearth or house.

Once Raisa Denisova and Guntis Gerhards, physical anthropologists at Latvia’s

National Museum of History, publish their monograph containing new data on the

Zvejnieki cemetery skeletons’ stature, populations, age, and gender, the new data may reveal conclusions different than those reached in this work. In at least some cases, individuals earlier considered adolescents actually seem to be adults from their long bones. Some genders have also been misinterpreted (Gerhards, 1994 interview).

It has been assumed that higher frequency counts of burial goods or variety of burial goods per grave indicate higher status. If animal teeth are considered hunting- related amulets, perhaps a higher number of animal teeth pendants associated with men indicates that men had a higher status than women in hunting. In forager societes, men traditionally hunt large wild animals, but women gather large amounts of wild plants and hunt small animals. A wide choice of food sources was available in

Europe’s Mesolithic and Neolithic: water chestnuts, hazel nuts, shellfish, birds, eggs, turtles, rabbits. Sixty-four percent of the artistic motifs at Sarnate are those of waterfowl and are associated with ladles found around the hearth. If women hunted small game such as birds, then this frequency percentage alone could point to women as having a prominent position in the subsistence econmy at Sarnate. Fishing may have been a 94 shared practice between genders. Very few symbolic motifs in the material record of the East Baltic pre-Corded Ware Neolithic represent fish. It is possible that symbolic articles representing fish actually had existed, but were made from a material (such as fish bone?) that did not presen/e well. By ethnographic data, women in forager societies are the major food providers, and anthropological studies have shown that equality is typically found among individuals there (Ehrenberg 1989:52). However, women typically collect only as much as they need for the day, and, in the case of plant

remains, neither the collection of plant foods nor their preparation leaves much trace in the archaeological record (Ehrenberg 1989:57).

It is possible that the frequency or variety of grave goods did not refer to the interred at all, but to the deceased individual’s family members or clan who provided them as gifts. The grave goods could also reflect the status of the head of the household or family rather than that of the deceased (Ehrenberg 1989:29).

Not all sites and site series in the East Baltic Neolithic contain much art and/or grave goods. Narva-Riigikiila and Kretuonas contain very little of this type of art. The upper (Baltic Haff) layers at Sventoji contain no figurative art at all. Kretuonas and

Narva-Riigikiila burials also contain minimal grave goods. This is important to note to point out that the simple presence or absence of representative artistic data or a grave good inventory shows much variation within the same cultural and regional distinctions.

At Zvejnieki, Gerhards (1994 interview) and Denisova (1994:42) have noted that the variance of amount of grave goods may be directly related to affiliation.

Although conclusions drawn on an integrative level encompassing the entire project area are important and show definite patterns, findings on an isolative level, or per site area, are equally important to consider. 95

High frequencies of patterned symbolic occurrences most certainly point to ideological significance, but very low frequencies of occurrences of certain symbolic items may also point to social or ideological importance. The very low frequency of figurative art at the Zvejnieki cemetery, for example, may be a marker of special status of those individuals with figurative art in their grave inventory, perhaps one of religious ritual specialists like shamans.

Based on data such as folkloric and ethnographic references to female elk, female duck, goddesses of fortune, and mother cults, the Neolithic culture in the East

Baltic has been interpreted as matri-oriented by some researchers. The antiquity of mother cults and certain deities is doubted, however, by at least a few mythologists who say their prevalence occurred after the time of Christ. Some combinations of folkloric and ethnographic data with material archaeological data, on the other hand, are highly suggestive of a female orientation. A bird, for example, was killed ritually by the eldest female in a sauna rite before a birthing, in a late historic Latvian ceremony attended only by women. The duck held a prominent position in a creation myth of the

Estonians, and is strongly associated with the female in Lithuanian folklore. The combination of frequent occurrence of the water bird as ornamenting ladles in the

Neolithic material record, the fact that such ladles are used in biannual hunting rituals in

Siberia, coupled with the same motif in late historic Latvian ethnographic birthing ritual is highly suggestive of the possibility of the association of waterfowl with the female.

In making interpretations concerning Neolithic ideology, it is important to use the oldest or most original sources. Ideally, primary (original documents) rather than secondary (published monograph literature) data should be used for reconstruction or 96 interpretation to try to avoid any possible historical or unintentional bias in the data bases.

An additional source of ideological interpretation outside of specifically East

Baltic mythology, folklore, and ethnography, is shamanism in general. Animal-human connectedness within this religious tradition is a fundamental and foundational aspect of shamanism (Harner 1980:73-77). The ability of animals and humans to talk to each other in the shamanistic tradition the common occurrence of this in mythology and folklore. This is a fascinating parallel worth much consideration in this thesis’s third approach to the meaning of zoomorphic symbols.

Apparent contradicting interpretations exist concerning the matter of gender status in the Neoltihic, depending on what data sets are used. The actual archaeological data indicate no preferred gender status by the art and a possibly higher status for men, at least in the realm of hunting, by the burials. Conversely, the ethnographic/ folkloric data indicate a possible female orientation. Marija Gimbutas’s assertion of matricentricity in the East Baltic pre-Corded Ware Neolithic is supported by this latter data set, but is not upheld by the material record. More archaeological research is certainly necesary and may provide more satisfying ideological conclusions.

Implications of Method and Final Word

The multi-varied approach employed in this thesis is an attempt to build a strong foundation for ideological inferences about East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware culture worldview. The incorporation of data that is rooted foremostly in the actual material evidence is crucial for any well-founded ideological inferences, and the incorporation of cultural ideological data such as mythology, folklore, and ethnography is necessary to give ideological inferences more substance and depth. 97

This mix of both analytic and synthetic data is posed as a method not only in

cognitive archaeology, but for any scientific research that aims toward discernment of worldview or belief systems of Stone Age peoples. This work is a significant

compilation and organization of available East Baltic Neolithic symbolic data, attempted for the first time. r\® \ E^fonia. '! BatKc tr ? Seo. ? s ' V

Figure 1.

East Baltic Neolithic pre-Corded Ware project culture area.

SA=Sarnate; SV=; Sventoji; LUB=Lubana; KR=Kretuonas; TAM=Tamula; ZV=Zvejnieki; AK=Akali; NR=Narva-Riigikula; DNK=Duonkalnis

98 99

■o

x ts

0 h. 05 cCO 2 c 0) > 3 \ g> ’> c ffl CL ffl as wc 1 as CO

CM • n 2 3 05

o# 100

42

r3Tj

35 (34 *33

,32

22.

1 K M

Figure 3. Sventoji planview (Rimantiend 1992a:368). Figure 4. Lubana planview (Loze 1988:14).

1. Abora I; 2.Laga2a; 3. Nainiekste; 4. Eini; 5. Zvidze; 6. Asne; 7. Sujka; 8. Zvejsalas 102

L.0 O

lO

i t

CO£i * 0 005 5 mg T~ (0 a ■a. . 3 * a | 1 8 . N pj 11 w w O S !c t> s s S a) O CL ® T3 Z o O z 5 \ (0 LLI r -

LO a> 3 O) Ll 103

co o 03 E 03

CO m

o» 104

Figure 7. Graves at Kretuonas 1B (Butrimas and Girininkas 1990:148). yLuu.AMAfirl

Figure 8. Location of Akall (Jaanlts 1959:19). 106

rw-* a OqQm

o* o*°p *8. •o_S> ^ o fo . ■ - — ~ —r 7\~ *■—^ — Figure 9. Planview of Narva-Riigikula I i © - 20 pottery sherds b r i ® p**1 -10 pottery sherds ♦ - flint tools and flakes 0*- flint flake concentration •**>- quartz tools A - antler tools B - bone tools bone count of worked bone hearth 0 - pit with shell o to tio JoTiJiVn* •<>|' ° ‘ (Gurina 1955:159). ;8’"o'V

5 m 107

■TAMULA LAKE

Figure 10. Geographical location of Tamula (Jaanits 1985:183). 108

4 m w « xs f ; ■*’; o a o »

"•■•.•$* «. c 11 •oS a°j a > a*. » •f M Q> M

0 <0

m 'NV 5 m

Figure 11. Tamula burials (Jaanits 1957:6).

1. pottery concentration; 2. bone concentration; 3. hearth; 4. antler 109

jU Sl 110

Figure 13. Duonkalnis shaman (Butrimas et al 1985:36). F,^ < ^ . ™ u a, staffof m

I97 ^ o T Se ° r e "‘ - Svento,, 3 8 112

Figure 14b. Unfinished staff of female elk at Sventoji 3B (Rimantiene 1979:107). 113

Figure 15. Animal teeth pendants at Sventojl (after Rlmantleni 1979:104). Figure 16 a-c. "Embryonic” ceramic figurines (a. Loze 1979:85; b. and c. Jaanits 1959:276). 115

3cm

Figure 17. Female figurine found In child’s grave number 172 at Zvejniekl (Zagorskis 1987:76). Figure 18. Face of wooden pole at Sventoji (Loze 1983:50). a. in the Early Neolithic at Samate (Vankina 1970:XXXVII).

b. in the Middle Neolithic at Nainiekste (Loze 1988:96).

Figure 19. Anthropomorphic motif In project area. \ i i j

•O7 o.

Figure 19. Anthropomorphic motifs In project area. c-f. In the Late Neolithic at Abora (Loze 1979:191). 119

a. in the Middle and Early Neolithic at Sventoji 23 and 3B (Rimantiene 1979:11).

b. in the Late Neolithic at Zvejsalas (Loze 1994:37).

Figure 20. Bird motifs in project area. 120 a. from Middle Neolithic at Sventoji 3B (Rimantiene 1979:110).

b. from Middle to Late Neolithic at Akali (Jaanits 1959:278).

•

c. from Late Neolithic at LagaZa (Loze 1979:192).

Figure 21. Unidentifiable animal motifs in project area. 122 123 124

cm

Figure 24b. Grave number 164’s grave inventory (Zagorskis 1987:XIV). 125

TJCO o o cn

CM CO £ u a> .a E 3 £ 0) > k_CO O) (0 E . O S' I* O r\T

>,00 s ® UJ CO 12 lie: CD 2 o CD CD XL . CO 2 N 'c aT CO CN CD "ca 3 o g> CO Ll

© CM Figure 27. Early Neolithic Zvejnieki female #178 in collective burial (Zagorskis 1987:44). 127

Figure 28. Middle to Late Neolithic male burial #225 at Zvejnieki with grave goods (Zagorskis 1987:50, XXV). 128

Figure 29. Grave goods of Middle to Late Neolithic male #228 (Zagorskis 1987:XXVIII). 129

Figure 30a. Late Neolithic male Zvejnieki burial #227’3 grave goods (Zagorskis 1987: XXX). 130

Figure 30b. Collective Late Neolithic burial, numbers 275-278 (Zagorskis 1987:56). 131

Figure 31 a. Grave goods of Late Neolithic Zvejnieki female burial #221 (Zagorskai 1987:XXVI). 132

ulU*' o v * y

V 4

Figure 31 b. Grave goods of Late Neolithic Zvejnieki female burial #221 (Zagorskis 1987:XXVI). 133

S3SSSEB

Figure 32. Partial grave inventory of Tamula Late Neolithic female burial number 8 (Jaanits 1957:89). 134

% 3 cm

Figure 33. Partial grave inventory of Tamula female burial number 10 (Jaanlts 1957:83). u Table 1. Radiocarbon dates and general chronology of settlements.

SITE LAB. # 14C Yrs. B.P. CALIBRATED Age(s) B.C.*

Early Neolithic

Zvidze M Y-1008 6450±250 5583 (5420, 5402, 5379, 5356, 5345)5086 AH-614 6360±40 5322 (5279)5262 TA-883 6260±60 5263 (5226)5085 M Y-1010 6200±240 5415 (5206, 5171, 5138, 5112, 5086) 4837 TA-1608 6110±80 5202 (5040, 5017, 5005) 4928 J1E-1724 6080±70 5064 (4950) 4908 TA-1782 5990±60 4938 (4902, 4876, 4854) 4799 TA-1819 5870±60 4802 (4770) 4694 TA-1818 5770±60 4716 (4667, 4647, 4610) 4534 Zemaitiske 3B Bln-2594 5510±60 4445 (4348)4330 Zvidze TA-1799 5510±70 4451 (4348)4266 TA-1594 5440±80 4352 (4327, 4275, 4267) 4170 TA-1800 5320±50 4232(4220,4195,4151,4111, 4107)4043 Sventoji 4B Vs-633 4910±110 3792 (3695)3548 Zvejsalas TA-395 4905±70 3771 (3693)2918 Sarnate V TA-26 4700±250 3709 (3503, 3416, 3383) 3047 Zvidze TA-1801 4750±60 3634 (3616, 3591, 3525) 3380 Sventoji 2B LJ-2523 4730±50 3626 (3610, 3512, 3392, 3389) 3378 SSN N,S,L Bln 769 4639±100 3613(3370)3149 Sarnate Y TA-24 4490±250 3613 (3292, 3283, 3266, 3241, 3104)2881 Sventoji 1B LJ-2528 4640±60 3504 (3370)3349 Sarnate S ? 4630±70 3504 (3367) 3342 Sventoji 1B TA-247 4400±90 3292 (3028, 2975, 2930) 2911 Zvidze TA-674 4540±60 3357 (3336)3100 SSN N,S,L Le-814 4510±110 3364 (3303, 3233, 3179, 3163, 3111)2930 Sventoji 2B Vs-23 4400±55 3093 (3028, 2975, 2930) 2918

Middle Neolithic

Zvidze TA-1802 4430±50 3261 (3075,3067, 3040)2925 Sventoji 3B Vib-9 4410±70 3261 (3033)2917 Zvidze TA-675 4370±80 3092 (2924)2897 Sventoji 23 Vib-1 4190±80 2888 (2871, 2801, 2775, 2706) 2618 Nainiekste J1E-648 4170±130 2906 (2865, 2808, 2755, 2723, 2700)2504

135 136

Late Neolithic

Sventoji 1A Vs-22 4100±100 2873 (2615) 2486 Sventoji 6 Vs-500 4070±110 2869 (2582)2464 Su|ka J1E-752 4060±60 2850 (2577)2485 Eini LE751 4000±60 2577 (2487)2459 Abora LE671 3870±70 2459 (2328) 2200 Sventoji 9 Vib-8 3860±90 2462 (2315)2145 Abora LE749 3860±100 2464 (2315)2142 Abora TA394 3770±60 2281 (2190, 2160, 2145) 2045 Lagaza TA749 3685±80 2185(2036) 1939 Lagaza TA396 3640±70 2129 (2011, 2009, 1977) 1890 Zemaitiske 2 Vs-311 3570±120 2112 (1892) 1742 Zvejsalas J1E-303 3350±50 1684 (1625) 1527

General Chronology

SITE CHRONOLOGY, B.C.

Kretuonas 1B 2900-2100 Narva-Riigikula II beginning of 2nd millenium Narva-Riigikula I 2000-1500 Akali 3000-1500 Tamula 2000-1500 Duonkalnis 2000-1500

Stuiver and Reimer’s 1993 CALIB program 3.0.3a was used to calibrate radiocarbon dates. They suggest placing one or more intercepts of the radiocarbon and bristlecone pine curves in parentheses between the 1-sigma standard deviation ranges, as done by Hammond and Andrews 1990:573. 137

Table 2. Zvejnieki cemetery radiocarbon dates.

LAB# GRAVE # 14C Yrs. B.P. CALIBRATED Age(s) B.C.

Ua-3634 305 8240±70 7417(7265) 7050 Ua-3644 154 7730±70 6597 (6531, 6529, 6481) 6457 Ua-3638 2 6900±65 5777 (5717) 5676 Ua-3636 57 6825±60 5708 (5670) 5604 Ua-3635 39 6775±55 5674 (5616) 5590 Ua-3637 85 6760±60 5668 (5600) 5582 Ua-3642 300 5690±45 4549 (4518) 4465 Ua-3643 206 5285±50 4223 (4213, 4206, 4133, 4127, 4080, 4056, 4047)3999 Ua-3639 124 5280±55 4223 (4212, 4208, 4131, 4130, 4078, 4059, 4046)3995 Ua-3641 185 5200±65 4073 (3986) 3959 Ua-3645 282 5100±65 3971 (3946, 3833, 3829) 3797 Ua-3640 142 2370±65 488 (401)386

(Reprinted from Zagorska 1994:9) Table 3. Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representative symbolic art. z Q 00 Q Q 16 CO o 00 > o oc OQ oc co t- §1 4-» E 0 o 05 tr- CO CM 'Ct 05 CM in CO CD lO o CM CO CO 05 CO in CM CM CM CM CO in 1^ CM CO rv "co CM CO o CO CM in CM 00 O) 4-> in O vP Os' CO CM CM in CO CM CM CM CM o 05 CM CO CM CO CO 05 CM o in 00 o r-'- V < N 00 .2 — +-» ■M ■M CO 2 c CO - b c O to o o E o o o co o o E o CO o ^ CO .O _0 -Q a. *o lo _0 T3 'co .O * _co +J 4-J 0 0 E o . Q o 0 0 c 0 c c 0 0 CO C D l CD _

Time HUM BD ELRD BR BO BVOTR MR IND AUR SM DG 0 1 Total #/% CAR CM CM T“ o o o

EN 226 167 - 52 192 CM 669/52.1 N1IAI o CO o 05 CO ^ 1 o CO

o " T“ CO CO o 184/14.4 CO CO 66 _i Z CD *— in 00 — i CO o CO CO CO in 172 45 23 n i [ - r !in °j 5 183 287 9 204 33 33 22 151 334 7 1283 1 » j I ^ <1% 14.3 22.4 < 1 15.9 2.6 2.6 1.7 11.8 26 <1 100 138

Table 4b. Pendants/amulets in habitation sites only (without graves). QNI X Ll_ Time BD ay i ELRD BR BO OTRBV AUR DG Total #/% o o o CO - 00 CO EN o - 19/22.35 * :> CM O z — i CD T— o LO CO o o o 00 48/56.47 o o CM - o n i CM o 00 x 00 LN — Total # 1 21 2 30 3 13 3 1 11 85 % 1.2 24.7 2.4 35.3 3.5 15.3 3.5 1.2 12.9 100

Time HUM BD ELRD B0 BV0TR MR IND AUR SM DG 0 1 Total #/% CAR CM * r O CM - EN 220 166 52 189 - 648/81.7 o o — i o o O CM o MLN 128 o 138/17.4 o o o o O CM O O ■ct LN o 7/< 1 "j V "j t ^ ] - r p t j CO ^ Total # 1 — 221 166 6 52 319 793 1 1 I I 1 1 l 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i i 1 1 v 1 1 1 1 1 1 i v 1 1

% 27.9 20.9 < 1 V 6.6 40.2 100 139 Table 4d. Pendants/amulets/bone fragments in burials at Tamula.

Time HUM BD ELRD BR B0 0TRBV MR IND AUR SM DG 0 1 Total #/% CARN 001 v 00 ^ |00 ^ v ! ^ 00 CM ! LN Total # 171 45 7 17 14 99 5 405 1 1 1 t 1 1 l l l 1 1 1 i 1 1 1 ^ 1 1 1

^ — 42.2 11.1 1.7 4.2 3.5 24.4 1.2 100 %

-Q LO 15 *o 15 TD JD -C '■p 4-> © CD CD O O CD c 0) E Q. o k_ 0) E CO D o c 03 D c E O i- AS N > 2 oc E 0) SN KR LUB TAM AK Total #/% CM CM o o o 00 o o o o o o EN *- 8/24.2 o o - CN in MN* - 8/24.2 _l 2 - o CO oo! 00 ' O 17/51.6 M ^ ^ ! CM O 00 j CO ! o o o 1 o o Total # 4 13 5 33 1 1 1 1 CO I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ^ i i i i i i i i i i i o I 1 i i 1 1 1 1 % 12.1 39.4 15.2 100 140

Table 5b. Local and temporal distributions of elk/red deer motif.

AS NS m a N > Time KR TAM AK NR Total #/% CO o o o o - o o EN 215 o o 222/75.5 * 2 CO o - O O CM o CO CO CM - o - LN 46 o - 52/17.7 v H v H Total # 26 2 216 46 o v H 294 i i i i i i i i 1 1 i i i i | 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 o % 9 < 1 73 16 100 _Q '+-» 15 TD 15 “O v—‘ :9 15 73 I- in

+-> +-» E ® o o w CO c CO o c co o CO o o 0 E Q. D

AS AZ 15 o'- n h- SS 4-> o Time SN KR LUB TAM AK NR P - o o o o - lO — i CD o

EN . " r N1IAI - - O CM CD —•t o o 14/6.7 o - CM - " r o LN - 170 181/86.6 | o | o Total # 3 8 2 10 15 170 209 1 1 1 V ! i i i i 1 1 1 % 1.4 3.8 < 1 4.8 7.2 81.3 100 141 Table 6a. Total and average number of Neolithic grave goods at Zvejnieki per gender [reference # of graves: # of grave goods]. - h a E 0 O - T CO vt o cb 9 00 03 M '4 CM O D ID CO " 03 M" cb co cm 1 r-> 00 CO CD 3 CO 03 03 CO CO 03 ID D CM ID -S ^ (0 a r (0 t m 0 b F U} b 05™ / I T-" O) ,, 11 0) c > to II Q) (/) I =tt= ^ II CO o • > © > •- CO M O CM O CN 0 0 CO CM CD CM CD t CO CO CM O - h 0 - C 0 ~- 0 0 - r~ d c ib ib cb co CM 6 CD t CD >4 - CMr 03 CD ID - t 03 s ? 00 03 CD 03 00 ' ' I 00 CO - r-» ~ t- LD CM ID CD LD CM CO ID 03 - r ? CO .i± © 9 9 9 : CD O 00 00 03 03 00 00 O 00 CO I T CM 1 00 LD tc =*fa =tfc CO r^- - r CD ^ as .t; 0 in o " > 0 II II

CM 0 0 03 CO o CM CO 03 CM o

=tfc © © © O) *> © k_ C^) O Z* U5 0 0 t— O ■fcfc 0 cm 0) CO I « ^ 00 4-J 4 03 © Cl) E n) © © ® 03 CO - 0 , ^ s ® * 0 © E © 3 CM 23 > II II II —• - ; + 00 =tfc CO 4 0 S4. 4-i 0 > 0 1 0 U3 0 C13 F in II — t 03 LD CO CM ID CM CM LD ''. I CM CM CM CM CM CM CD 03 CM 3 0M D 00 ID M- 00 CMCOCD 03 00 00 CM CM CM CM r^- COID *— CD CO COID 03 03 1 t 00 CM CO CO LD CM CM CD CM o CD CO M D ID CM = t f c= t f0 c D O ID — d — — g ® i t . a r ! = 1 • 0 o ©

. " t 00 cm c 03

*: =tfc =*3: x— 03 M f =cc 0 =fcfc 3fc CM 0 0 cm r^- r^- o CO 00 00 O CM 0 3 0 §1 000 m *" ^ " I*

; t . cd O CM =tfc 0 CM =tfc CM t— ■M 3 © 03 CO S’0 > 03 03 n +* C 2 0 2 0 > UJ — +-* I rn I m 0 E in g §3 II g £ II II | 03 CN .■ti O . " f =** 0 03 in E m 0 I CM II II 3 * '* t 03 CD CM CM O CMCM ^ 9 CM CM ^ ^ ^ 1 9 9 CM CM o o cb CO O 03 * O 9 CM ID 00 CM co cb CO 1 ib o .t: t . to % t ' CM ^ 3 . 03 0 > ® in

CM M % t f CM LD 03 CO CMCM O CD CM 9 9 r; CO CMCM cm CO O 9 CM CM ^ 1 <4 5 9 CM CO CO 1 9 b 9 CO CO 1 coT. 9 - ss ^ o ^ 0 E in

o - r

O 03 CO ^ T- LD * in 3 0 ii 0 S3 E © © 03 > ' I 03 I ^ II 00 II II

: ± 03 tc =tfc =tfc 03 .t! 0 > 0 m in II

II “ . =tt: 0 CM E ^ CO a*. 0 0 || 0 0 E in 3 © 03 S’ > S E in > 0 0 11 03 11 II . co

=tfc CO CM CD 1 0 0 0 b in 0 > 03 0 0 E in 03 Q3 II =: ID 0 0 D C =tte In — t =tt ,-g 00 CD . - -w - 1 i. a 4-< ■!-> 4-J 4—' 0 i 0 > 0 O 03 5 0 . u © > © 4-» O E £ - “ I I - 03 « Jl§>_H 2 0 05 > 0 in ICD II _ II CO — . CO 1 - 4 4-J 4-* E * O 0 © E O © © 0 II II -S CO ” * 1 “I CO CD — r 1 CD cm 0 03 0 — i E 0 4—* 4 4-» 4-» .±! (15 E © © h_ © 05 © O © © © 0 ) O © © (15 E O © co b ro > > .. I 0 II 11 / - — — ■ - - ■ 0 0 +J 03 Q]

00 3 142 Table 6b. Total and average number of variety of grave goods per gender at Zvejnieki. Z Q h- 4 £ 0 o CD -< cb CN CO CD CO LU z - T CO ^ O CO 'd- O - r CO cm - * co 9 CD « CM a 9 ra O) CN O) ) CO 9 O) o 00 N - » CN t t cn CN LO . 03 .. : ; oo in co o in co in CM CO 4 CN CN to CO CO .t; =tt 4 - CD CD co O) CD > 1 t* -

O O ^ l CO CO CD CD O O CO CO CN i c - o o r-^ co COCO CO CD 4 - - 4 CD in T cb ^ CN t ' IO 00 CN 4 CD CO C- - r D CO ID 03 77 9 0 0 c* >• CO ° CO - II n T in 9 0 0 k C cn ^ 03r^- 9 03 2 r-~ 9 1 - 0 E CO ? )

to

oo cn t c t CD =tt =tfc CO 4 4 o 4 71 l- ® ® 03 l- - CM - - II

* $D > 4 oo i h in > o .t; o ^ W CD CN CN 03 oo co o o I O ' II oo ^ * c CD=*fc IT CN CD CO ■ CD S“ *L- “ ^ _ 'T CM CO in *fc 4 4 4 03 E 03 03 ID O != CO ” CO . . £ 03 CDCO (13 „ CO CD £ > S’ > 0 >• o > CD 0 > 10 =t Ml: =tt;— II II II -» -» D C CD - 0

CD ■M +-1 5 3 05 CD CD 03 03 o 1/3 5 , > > E CO >• k

>■ > " 44

5 - 0 £ - /3

D CO O CD cb ib in cm b - r cb CO CN CNCM M N CM CNCM M ^ CM n ^ cm 4 ^ in 4 ^ in —t CO CN CN CN cn 4 CM CN CMCM 00 CO cb cb o n oo in co cb cb cb do CN CN ^ CM oo CNCM in oo cb cb cn CMCM 4 CM CN CM - t cd 7 M CD CO COCD CN CM rb CN o CN CN CO O 03 - t O CO 03 o CM s § cm o in oo y * CM - M CM CM - N M CN CM CN - - — - o r-v CM in o n co in co CN CO cn 4 4 t 4 4 CO CM 52 ^ n o in - ^- — : 1

ib cn 00 03 4 9 CM CN CO CMCN t 9 CN CM CM 'if CO 00 CO 4—N- CMCM 00 CO CO 9 00 9 CMCM Cv s* tc ti O > CO i .t =tfc IO 7 9 77 2 D > ID > CO cn — D CDCD I o ° II o

o 9

II © 03 03 9 4 4 CN 03 O CN 00 CN O o o CO CD — —

O =tfc =tfc 00 03 CD u- !s CD C 5 CD I o II /3

>• > O) O) in CN — CD t— * CD > II CD £ D 05 CD 1/3 CO CD > CD 'C >~ 03 03 ) ® brO) CD > i_ J=CD > I 3 ° II

II

i ± CO CO CN =tfe CO ^ m « CO 4-1 4 . o 03 0 0 0 0 E « 03 > 0 0 03 CD 0 03> CD 0 03 >7 II 11 -> 'C _ i

C

CD £

11 CM ±1 27 4 •M £ E 0 0 0 (/> E 5 > 03 II -* /3 ?

03 O O CO CN O CN O CO O CM CN CN o CM in 00 o 0 CM 00 CM cb CM 4 - c CM CN CM N CM COCN 9 92 00 CMCO CN CM co cb in CD oo CNCO yr . CN 9 CM 25 CM CN 7 — .. .. . co . co ^ 00 CN CM r~- CM CM 03 cn r» 4 4 CN CO fT- o O to CM 7 r* ; ± tt c 03 Ct — > ® CO CD CO Jr; C 0 _ > :

=tfc % 03 O CO CN - r CO o CO CO o CO o CO o CO CO r-v +-> CD =tfc . 0 > 0 03 03 O ID CO u cd "Ct • > O _ II CD n

'C 0 0 'C > ^ ^ in 4 4-1 D h; «D 10 o 0 0 > . > 03 - II I a II

CD

CM CD % .t; 'k- 0 £ "4 4 4 4 £ 0 0 0 C 0 D Jr CDCD C 0 0 4 0 03 0 03 cd 0 >• > > 03 03 1 % > > 0 > II II I i II -> _i -> /3 —

& £ 0 cd

I in .t; oo r*» ± ; ; ± r*» =tfc :tt: 0 =tfc =tfc CO “ f CO CO > O > 4-» 4-1 O 0 ^ **fc. 4 o “ £ > CD ■- ro D3 10 0 > „s >“ 0 W 3 > CD03 II > ) O 0 0 CO _ > I O II II —> d - 0 4-J - 4 > CD C'C £ ^ CO o rv CO 4—1 4-k 0 4 03 0 £ <5 0 E 0 3 03 03 CD £ 03 > n a> ■ > >■ CD o II £ 2 ><» II I CM II —» r—

. CN ±i ‘O ■M 4 - Sr4-» 0 0 k_ 0 > o 9 C > co CD k_ CD 0 03 £ CO CD 0 > >• > 03 0 II -> /3 ?

4—1 u 0 0 O) < 0 > 0 0 > >

143 Table 6c. Higher status by gender at Zvejnieki. it grave O) > .> 9> . > 05 05 05 CO CM CO 111 CO X5 nin in I X CO CO 05 05 CO n i CO CO i 00 H xi co n ^ d id . j - o c o c CO CO CO in CO o xi Z i in W 5; tZ ” CM CO X CM in . CM CO CM CM CO CM n i co

CO £ o c CO CO 00 -o M 05 CM CO CO I-.m CO 05 05 CO 05 CO CO LU 05 CM CM CO CM CM CM CO CO CM CM in co o in co CO CO co n co in CM CM CM CM 05 in CM 5 CD X5 "Sin n i n oo in CD o

O 4 ”4 CO n i CO ■CT CM CM CO CM r^. 05 5 CM o c ?5 -s CM 05 co CO CO 05 CO t"- o o o c CM CO d 5 cd " CO o c CM r^- n i CM CM CO 00 n i 05 O Q CO -Q CO I X CO CO CO co in CO in co CO CO CO CO 144 Table 7a. Total and average number of grave goods per gender at Tamula (Late Neolithic). CO co CM in in in CO CO CO 00 CO LO CO in CO 00 n oo in CO II II II II CO oo CD .t; o CO CO

co oo CM CO cn

TO 03 03 03 . Q cn 00 00 00 in CO CO 03 CO co O) > tc CD =tfc oo CO 3 03 03 ro 03 145 146

CD

CO

CD

ID CO ’ " I ID CO o CO o CN LD O)

O O) a > .

D) >

ID O 10 ID OO N -Q 00

cn

00 00 ID OO cn cn Table 8a. Zvenjnieki high status male burial grave good inventory by functional category. . Q CL UL 00 UJ oo oo LD 00 CM 00 in cd oo in co oco co CO oooo oo cn CO 00 co in CO cd oo in ■ oo cn co oo 00 in cn CO 00 cn oo co i in CM CM oo CO cd CM CM CO 00 co CM CO CO 00 00 00 CO co oo cn co r"- in CO 00 - U CM cn id oo CM 00 CO cn 00 00 CM co in cn co in 00 00 00 00 00 00 cd 147 148

CM 00 CM x— 1 100 5-3.79 8-6.06 3-2.27 oo 10-7.58 27-20.45 76-57.58 TOTAL TOTAL #-% 0 1 l i l 1 1 l I o o

• i l l 1 I i o o UID

i i l l 1 l I o o BN

> I i l 1 ' l i o o

o MSK O) cd 4 -» aco i l i I 1 I ID LO FLK 15 3.79 oc p I i l 1 CO o ' S LD RNG c 4.55 D > i I l 1 1 1 i o o COR > LZZ Ol - 4 -> I i i t 1 l CO 00

c FIG CD > l - i I 1 I i - ■a HT V o o O) a) i i I 1 1 r HH

> 3.03 CO D) 15 S S i l s S S in 3.79

i_ OCR 13 _Q _(D CO I i 1 I i 1 S - V E RKS 0) 4 — COp 1 t 1 1 Lfi O'

4 - 1 PR -

CO 5.30 4-*

CO 1IAIV n CD D) cn *3- CM ID CM - 53 100

1c 75.76 12 Q) CM ‘c^ % 00 CM i"- 100 146 178 255 256 aT 233 CN CM > N X) 2 oo 2

EN _i

Q) Time .Q TOTAL TOTAL % CO TOTAL % H 149 100 296 21-7.09 79-26.69 40-13.51 Total Total #-% 156-52.70 10 r “ 1 I i CM CM V 05 - - t ---- - CO UID 05 SS SS CO BN

1 I I OO

> MSK o o> 0 +-> I l I l o O o FLK *ro c o l 1 1 r* *— *4 -1 V o RNG c D *+- > l II i o o .D > COR u . ■ c 1 <3* 0 - s CO FIG c> 2.03 *D O J CO IT)

0 HT - O) 1.69 0 > 0 HH T— u . t \ T— O) - CM V 01 0 E 0 II 1 4 — i o O T3 OCR C 0 _0 1 1 i 1 o o

0 RKS E w DC D T*“ 00 1 U5 ■M Q. - 0 1.69 +-»

CT) JD 05 00 O JO V—

0 Total # I- Total % 150

Table 10. A comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in Sventoji 1B and 2B.

Fauna elk/ red deer 30/10.5% 5/ 55.56% boar 31/10.8 1/ 11.11 dog 14/4.9 3/ 33.33% seal 212/73.8 0

Total 287/100 9/100

Table 11. A comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frquencies by percentages in Sventoji 3B and 23.

F a u n a #/-% Bone Fragments boar 198/36.33% 17/35.42% elk/ red deer/ deer 163/29.91 17/35.42 aurochs 68/12.48 3/ 6.25 beaver/ otter 66 / 12.11 1/2.08 bear 10/1.83 2/4.17 fox 9/1.65 0/0 dog 21/3.85 8/16.66 oxen 6 / 1.10 0/0

Total 545/100 48/100

Table 12. A comparison of economic data and symbolic faunal motif frequencies by percentages in Abora and Lagaza.

Mammals #/ % MNI's large horned 10/1.6 0/0 horse 9/1.4 0/0 dog 30/ 4.7 0/0 boar 165/25.7 8/ 66.67 elk/ red deer 168/26.1 1/8.33 aurochs 25/ 3.9 0/0 beaver/ otter 159/24.7 1/8.33 other 77/ 11.9 2/16.67

Total 643/100 12/100 151

Table 13. A comparison of Tamula’s zooarchaeological and zc

Fauna #/ % MNI’s #/ % Motifs elk/ red deer 266/26.81% 45/21.03 aurochs and 76/ 7.66 16/7.48 large-hoofed dog 36/ 3.63 4/ 1.87 small land/ 458/46.17 131/61.21 water mammals* boar 113/11.39 9/4.21 bear 32/ 3.23 8/3.74 wolf, fox 11/1.11 1/<1

Total 992/100 214/100

*Due to unspecified faunal proportions in grave #9, small land (beaver, otter, water rat) and small water mammals (rabbits, squirrels, European norka, marten) were counted together. APPENDIX A

CODE SHEET FOR SYMBOLIC DATA BASE AND TABLES

# = Reference number OFR = offering or sacrifice

PN = Place name SV# - Sventoji series + number of site SN# - Sarnate series + number or letter of site KR+ - Kretuonas series + specific site name 18 Z1 - Zemaitiske 1 72 - Zemaitiske 2 LUB - Lubana series, site codes: ZD - Zvidze NN - Nainiekste SL - Su|ka AB - Abora El - Eini LG - Lagaza AS - Asne ZS - Zvejsalas Z V- Zvejnieki NR2 or 1 - Nan/a Riigikula II or I AK - Akali TAM - Tamula

ITM = item AR - arrowhead ARc - arrow "cover” AMT - amulet/ pendant Bb - birchbark Bd -bead BN(f) - bone (fragment) BTN - button CHI - chisel COR - core or preform CUP - cup DAG - dagger FH - fishhook FIG - figurine FLK - flake(s)

152 153 HAR - harpoon HH - household item HN - handle HT - hunting tool KN - knife LD - ladle MSK - mask of clay OCR - ocre PLT - platellet PND - pendant POL - pole POT - pottery PR - processing tool PT - plate for eating; tray RK(s) - rock(s) RNG - ring SCR - scraper SP - spearpoint Sps - spearshaft SPD - spade, small shovel SPN - spoon STK - stake STF - staff TS - turtle shell UnT - unidentified or unknown tool UID - unidentified tool WHT - whetstone NON - no items OT - other

REPR = representation or image AN - animal; general AUR - aurochs BD - bird W - waterfowl; d - duck; g - goose; s - swan BDG - badger BO - boar BR - bear BV - beaver DG - dog ELK - elk (OR moose) RD - red deer ELRD - elk or red deer; D - deer HRS - horse H or h - head FI - fish n - neck HUM - human Sh or sh - shoulder(s) IgHF - large-hoofed animal sn - snour MR - marten smear - small carnivore e - ear 154

OTR - otter b - body without head RPT - reptile fal - phallus SN - snake fc - face gr - grass snake ps - poisonous T - turtle UA/IND - unidentified or indeterminate

DES = design AN - anthropomorphic M - male w - whole F - female p - part (only portion represented) N - indeterminate gender, f - fragment - also IND ZO - zoomorphic M - male F - female N - indeterminate gender GEO - geometric NA - not apply

MT = material type ANT - antler BN - bone BRZ - bronze TH - tooth; c - canine, f - front, m - molar ANT - antler CER - ceramic GR - granite WD - wood ST - stone FLT - flint SLT - slate QTZ - quartz SND - sandstone AMB - amber UID - unidentified or unknown

AF = associated feature HO - house LS - lakeshore HE - hearth CAC - cache WS - work station PS - pottery sherd concentration HL - hill BPI - bone pile FN - fence DW - defense wall LB - lake bottom UN - unknown

CA = cultural affiliation KUN - Kunda NCP - NAR + CP NAR - Narva BH - Baltic Haff 155

CP - Comb-and-Pit Pottery NCPCW - NAR + CP + Corded Ware Pottery culture t - typical I - late ? - uncertain UN - unknown

CHR = chronology EN - Early Neolithic MN - Middle Neolithic MLN - Middle to Late Neolithic LN - Late Neolithic IA - Iron Age ? - valid date?

DM = dating method R - radiocarbon GA - general artifact association ANL - by analogy; in comparison to similar archaeological data Z - by zone HC - hooked characteristic of Corded Ware Pottery culture burial POT - by pottery

Burial-Specific Codes:

# = burial or grave number

B/G = number of bodies per grave S - single D - (:1 or 2) - Double (first or second reference in pair burial) C - collective; more than 2 OFR - offering or sacrifice

GEN = gender M - male F - female IND - indeterminate

BA = body age INF - infant CH - child ALS - adolescent ADT - adult IND - indeterminate

POS = position or direction N - north NE - northeast S - south SE - southeast E - east NW - northwest 156

W - west SW - southwest IND - indeterminate /- o r

ORI - orientation to body ab - above ch - cheek bel - below fc - face bet - between fh - forehead cov - covering FRM - forearm 1 - left N - neck mxup - mixed up R - hand r - right SH - shoulder sc - scattered RM - arm t -top ELB - elbow trp - throughout pit W - waist u - under P - pelvis LLP - in line along pit L - leg EP - edge of pit Th - thigh sk - skeleton FT - foot/ feet IND - indeterminate elf - calf UID - unidentified KN - knee FIL - fill (earth)

CMT: comments (Note: Some abbreviations used in this section may come form previously mentioned codes.) ad - additional mml - mammal al - aligned mov - represented as moving arsk - around skeleton mth - mouth brok - broken mshrm - mushroom bt - bottom nr - near chnk - chunk op - opposite comp brk - compression break pcs - pieces cnt - contours pish - polished con - cone Pomkt - Pomerio mazgai = Pomer’s knots? ctr - center prot - protection dec - decorated prpres - poorly preserved drh - drilled hole pt(l) - part(ial) eg - edge ptm - pattern elab - elaborate rdsh - reddish emb - embryonic figurine rs - raised engr - engraving sm - small evsp - evenly spaced sid - side(s) ex - except sd - strongly disintegrated EXS - skeleton extended on stomach sep - separating f(s) - fragment(s) sinst - sinostore fl - flat sit - sitting g r- groove spond - spondylosis grgds - grave goods sym - symmetrical hdop = head opposite swim - swimming hdrs - headdress rt - ritual HH - household th - thin 157 horiz - horizontal thk - thick indiv - individual tri - triangular in - inside vsh - v-shaped hole inj(s) - injury(ies) wh - whole int - intense wkd - worked itm mnt - item mentioned wpres - well-preserved jwb - jawbone v - very lg - large vrt - vertebrae min - miniature wu - washed-up mis - missing ARTISTIC/ SYMBOLIC ITEMS FROM SETTLEMENTS < ll PN ITM REPR DES MT CA |CHR 1

CO CMTS 1 > CO m CO i LL O N LL — Q

ELKhn ANTed UN NAR MN

CMCO ritual?/ drilled hole O N LL SV3B STF ELKhn Q ANTed UN NAR MN appears unfinished CO > CO o g O * FIG ELRDh ZONpf AMB NAR MN * 24 trapez. pnds/ CO CO 3 z FIG ELRDh ZONpf AMB NAR LN flat/ female? CO IO > CM CO LU J _ Q QC x: FIG ZONpf AMB UN NAR LN

O00 CO flat/ female? SV23 FIG RD ZONpf AMB UN NAR MN red/ pish/ rmb SV3B FIG IND ZONpf CER UN NAR MN 2 sides/mammal? CO SV23 SPHN BDWhn ZONpf WD NAR MN

) O among wu poles

SV1B IHND 1BDhn ZONpf 1WD UN NAR EN i o o O N z QC LU _ z 158 Q

SV26 FIG BDhn j NOZ UN NAR handle part? SV3B POT 2SN CER UN NAR MN

CM repr. unclear O CL SV2B HUMh ANNp WD LS NAR EN

CO masked?/see text Y“ SV26 FIG HUM? ANN AMB UN NAR LN v. pish. Y— o LU GC SV1B POT HUMb ANNf UN NAR EN 2 /repr:?/ square bt Y“ LO O I— CL SV3B HUM ANN CER UN NAR MN relief CO CO CM CO o “ T CL I— 3 < *

> ZOf CER UN NAR MN

CO relief/*legs or tail? > ~ T CQ 0 ■"t L L c- SNS ELK ZO? UN NAR EN drh 00 o LU QC FIG UA? ZONw HE? CP LN emb 03 SNA FIG HUM ANNw WD HO/HE* NAR EN *+HL/ rt offerings? CM o LU z SNF LDHN BDWob ZONp WD HE NAR well pres/floating CM

~ r SNF ONS FRAG BDb ZONpf WD HE? NAR EN h brok 0 L L cc <

122 BDWhn ZONpf WD QM HE? NAR MLN triangle on head CM CO SNA FRAG BDWh ZONof HE? NAR EN possible SPHN 124 SNY FRAG BDWhn ZONof WD HE? NAR EN also SN? CM o t SNN LD UAh ZONp WD HE? z < QC EN small CM CO SNK SP BDwb ZONpf WD HE? NAR MN v small/ some engr 1 159

<0 1- S ■Ck . 1sid 1sid pish/knife? red/bk onlv part ‘ phallus: in a ‘ phallus: a in pit leapina pose flat, flat, thin +ptwinas/ds on bk duck fraa? d/top 1/2 *ds/bt-in/rs arms? hdrs lonq brok aao 1 2 2 sherds dubious emb dl/ series h.sh. chest on chest and bk 1 on arms hip/ Is 2 2 drh face *tip 2 broken/ drh drh fl/cntrs onlv fl/drh CP in Finland/emb eyes, mouth *tail 2 brok/ drh o u tail/ flat fl/drh/cntr x fl/drh/1.

DC X Z z z EN MN EN LN LN LN LN MN EN EN EN EN MN MN MN MN MN MN LN MN LN o _ i MN MN MN MN MN LN _ j 3 DC < NAR CA NAR NAR NAR NCP? CP NAR NAR NAR NAR NAR NAR NCP? NCP? CP NCP? NCP? NCP? NCP? NCP? NCP? NCP? NCP? CP CP CP? CP- Ip z I CP? Nfl l l z z HO HE? HE? HE? HE? HO PS HO UN UN UN UN UN UN UN UN UN UN UN UN UN < UN UN I I CD UN UN 1 UN UN CD

1- E— z BN BN BN BN CER BN? CER WD WD AMB CER CER CER CER CER CER

5 AMB CER I AMB CER? AMB ANT AMB I AMB AMB AMB AMB AMB < ANT? d p p p p DES ANM ZONpf ZONf ZONpf ZONf ZONpf ZOFpf ZONpf ZONpf ANN ZONp ANNh* ZON* ZON ZONw ZONp ZON* ANNp ZONw ANNw ANNw ANNw# ANN ZON ZONf ZONw ZONf ANMw ANWbf* ANNw

-Q a jQ vn z REPR HUMM* BDh BD? BRh? ELKh BDhn* HUM? HUMh BD? HUM? HUM? HUMs? HUM? I HUMh UA BDh HUMw BDd HUMM HUMF OTR OTRhn OTR DC LL 2BDd? LLLL CO i Old 1— Old o CD FIG FIG ITM FRAG FIGPND FIG FIG POT POT FIG FIG FIGPND FIG FIGPND FIG FIGPND FIGPND FIGPND FIG FIGPND FIG FIG SPN? FIG CL FIGPND POT POT LL

Q NN CO _____ z z O a Q a Q Q Q □ o Q o Q Q IS z CO PN SNK SNA SN60 KRZ2 KRZ2 KR1B KRZ2 SL AB AB CO CO N N N N N N ZD N N N N N N N z <

i" . T*" CM CO o T“ CM CO LO CO CO 05 o CM CO in h - CO 05 o % CM CO CO CO •M- in LO in in in in in in CO 128 129 130 156 134 139 5 154 160

c > 0 1 -Ck- sz 2 TJ XJ (A JO co 8 8 h- o Q a s JD LOCO l,x,eves/tail/olsh l,x,eves/tail/olsh nose, bk brok/emb 1 Is, xs/ drh xs/ drh Is, omt n/l Iona 1 1 bt fraa/ls fraa/ls bt interestina hdrs 1 1

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ZOOARCHAEOLOGIGAL DATA BASE

Site: §ventoji 1B Chronology: Early Neolithic (Rimantiene 1979:10-13)

FAUNA LATIN - PERCEN NAME pike Esox lucius 62 % most 115- 130 perch Luciopera 23 36-70 luciopera bream Abramis 9 26-54 brama catfish Siluris 2 110-180 glamis salmon, Salmo salar, less than 1 tench Tinea tinea fish: flounder Rombus 12 32-48 maximus flounder Pleuronecti- 2 dae gen. sp. cod Thunnus more than thynnus

FAUNA LATIN # FRAGS. PERCENT NAME elk/ moose Alces alces 19 32% wild boar Sus scrofa 19 31 beaver Castor fiber 8 14 red deer Cervus 3 5 elaphus aurochs Bos 1 primigenius dog Canis 7 familiaris TOTAL 57 100

179 180

Site: Sventoji 2B Chronology: Early Neolithic (Rimantiene 1979:10-13)

FRESHWATER PERCENT OF SIZE (cm) FISH FISH pike 55% 30-130; mostly 115-130 perch 32 36-70 bream 0.5 26-54 catfish less than 0.5 130 tench less than 1 25-38 SALTWATER FISH flounder 12 32-48 cod 1 bone... tuna... 1 bone...

MAMMALS FAUNA % OF ALL # FRAGMENTS MAMMALS seal 76% 212 boar 4 12 elk/ moose 3 8 beaver 11 ? fox 2.5 ? dog 3.5 7 TOTAL 100 239+

Site: Sventoji 3B Chronology: Beginning Middle Neolithic (SV3B’s dates are similar to 1 B’s and 2B’s, but the ceramics and tools are different.) (Rimantiene 1979:10-13)

FRESHWATER PERCENT OF SIZE (cm) FISH FISH pike 63.6% 30-142 perch 22.8 35-90 catfish 3.4 100-205 bream 2.2 25-38 tench 0.9 22-34 bass 0.1 (1 fish) 30 perpele 0.1 (1 fish) 26 SALTWATER FISH flounder 6.6 25-30 cod 0.3 (1 fish) 45

MAMMALS FAUNA % OF ALL # OF FRAGMENTS MAMMALS boar 55% 128 181 red deer 14 32 elk 6 14 deer (Capreolus 11 26 capreolus) beaver 6.4 15 fox 3.86 9 bear 2.15 5 aurochs <1 1 seal <1 + oxen <1 2 dog <1 1 TOTAL 100 233

Site: Sventoji 23 Chronology: Middle Neolithic (Rimantiene 1979:10-13)

FRESHWATER % OF ALL FISH SIZE (cm) FISH pike 88.2 30-142 perch 10 35-90 catfish 1.3 100-205 SALTWATER FISH % OF ALL SW. SIZE (cm) FISH flounder 0.4 25-50

MAMMALS FAUNA % OF FAUNA # OF (MML) boar 22% 70 aurochs-bison 21 68 elk/ moose 15 49 beaver 14 46 red deer 8 26 deer ( Capr. capr.) 5 16 bear 1.5 5 fox <1 3 otter 1.5 5 marten 1.2 4 rabbit <1 1 seal <1 + dog 6.5 21 ox 1.85 6 goat <1 1 horse <1 3 TOTAL 100 324 182 Site: Sventoji 6 Chronology: Late Neolithic (Duoba and Daugnora 1994) Note: Not all artifacts have yet been examined.

215 fragments of fish 7 bird bone fragments 1290 mammal bone fragments, 106 of which are burned only 431 of the mammal bones were identified:

MAMMALS FAUNA FRAG. # % OF FRAGS. M.N.I. % OF INDIVS seal 179 41.5 23 43.4 boar 108 25.1 8 15.1 red deer 15 3.5 3 5.7 dog 19 4.4 3 5.7 elk 25 5.8 2 3.8 aurochs/bison 14 3.2 2 3.8 deer (Capr. 10 2.3 2 3.8 capr.) beaver 13 3 2 3.8 white rabbit 4 0.9 2 3.8 brown bear 33 7.7 2 3.8 wolf 1 0.2 1 1.9 fox 7 1.6 1 1.9 badger 2 0.5 1 1.9 otter 1 0.2 1 1.9 TOTAL 431 53

Duoba and Daugnora aslo make 2 more categories for these animals: 1.) Hunted: seals, boar, red deer, elk, aurochs/bison, deer, and 2.) Fur: beaver, white rabbit, brown bear, wolf, fox, badger, otter

Site series: Sarnate Chronology: letter sites Middle Neolithic; number sites mostly Late Neolithic

Osteological remains at this site series were poorly preserved and are too few to generalize about the most plentiful or significant animal species of these peoples. Fish remains include pike (Esox lucius), zander (Lucioperca lucioperca) and catfish (Siluris glamis) (Vankina 1970).

(Paaver 1965: Early and Middle Holocene, 7-3 millenia B.C. [Early layer]):

MAMMALS FAUNA # OF BONES MNI beaver 13 3 marten 1 1 seal 4 1 boar 10 2 elk 2 1 Total 30 8

Paaver 1965, 2nd millenium B.C. (Later layer): FAUNA # OF BONES MNI white rabbit 107 46 river beaver 2 2 brown bear 1 1 badger 2 1 seal 51 10 wild horse 4 2 boar 15 6 deer (Capr. capr.) 1 1 elk 9 3 aurochs (tauras) 6 4 small horned 1 1

Site: Kretuonas 1B Chronology: Middle Neolithic (Girininkas and Daugnora 1994:21)

MAMMALS WILD FAUNA # BONES % OF BONE TOTAL elk 381 19.7 red deer 978 50.5 boar 214 11 deer 23 1.2 aurochs 69 3.6 bear (Ursus arctos) 56 2.9 swamp turtle (Emys 23 1.2 orbicularis) beaver 94 4.8 otter 1 .05 marten 12 0.6 DOMESTIC ANIMALS cattle (Bos bovis) 37 1.9 pig (sus suis) 9 0.5 dog 10 0.5 horse ( Equs) 29 1.5

Site: Zvidze Chronology: Early Neolithic (Loze 1988:114) 184

MAMMALS FAUNA # OF BONES MNI % OF INDIVIDS. boar 1455 59 23.41 elk 1472 54 21.43 red deer 695 26 10.32 deer 134 11 4.36 aurochs 41 4 1.59 wolf 18 2 0.79 fox 15 1 0.40 brown bear 84 8 3.17 Martes martes 109 38 15.09 Lutra lutra 12 2 0.79 badger 2 1 0.40 rabbit (Lepus 53 11 4.36 timidus) river beaver 113 19 7.54 dog 6 — - horse 19 4 1.59 pig 151 6 2.38 large horned 39 5 1.98 small horned 3 1 0.40 TOTAL 4421 252 100

Sloka 1986:127-128: FISH # BONES/ % OF FISH B. SIZE (cm) SCALES pike 2326 93.75 28-140; mean=76.i bream 3 0.12 from 22-2£ 40-50 crucian 1 0.04 37 wels; silure 26 1.05 90-135, 14 (catfish?) 150, 153, 200 zandartas 116 4.68 44-110 bass 9 0.36 21-30

Chronology: Middle Neolithic

A. MAMMALS (Loze 1988:114) FAUNA # OF BONES MNI % OF INDIVIDS. boar 552 32 19.3 elk 321 20 12.0 red deer 97 13 7.9 deer (Capr. 52 9 5.4 capr.) aurochs ( Bos 57 13 7.9 premignius) wolf 0 0 0 fox 0 0 0 brown bear 38 8 4.8 Martes martes 12 7 4.3 Lutra lutra 2 1 0.6 badger 9 4 2.4 rabbit ( Lepus 7 4 2.4 timidus) river beaver 37 14 8.4 (Castor fiber) dog 5 1 0.6 horse 30 8 4.8 pig 207 12 7.2 large horned 166 15 9.0 small horned 62 5 3.0 TOTAL 1654 166 100

FISH # OF BONES % OF BONE SIZE (cm) CT. pike 369 44.7 40-135; mean=85.4 salatis 1 0.1 50-60 tench 17 2.1 25-40 (6-9 yr. olds!) bream 14 1.7 30-35, 40-45 (8,10 and 12 yrs. old!) crucia 54 6.6 140-178 zandartas 340 41.2 29.5-110; mean=71.7 bass 30 3.6 25-38 (4 were 7 yrs. old)

Note: Also found were large platelette fragments of Atlantic sturgeon, probably imported.

Site: Abora Lubana Late Neolithic

MAMMALS (all following Lubana counts from Loze 1979:125) According to K. Paaver 1965 (Loze’s table 12):

FAUNA # OF BONES MNI % OF INDIVIDS. large horned 35 7 2.7 small horned 8 1 0.4 horse 30 6 2.4 186

dog 70 13 5.1 Hoofed: 2751 115 45.2 a.) boar 914 40 15.7 b.) elk 1298 39 15.3 c.) reindeer 139 12 4.7 d.) deer 21 6 2.4 e.) aurochs 379 18 7.1 beaver 485 77 30.1 other 136 36 14.1 mammals TOTAL 3515 255 100

Abora Osteological Remains according to V. Danilcenko (Loze' MAMMALS # OF BONES MNI % OF INDIVIDS. large horned 63 8 1.5 small horned 26 6 1.1 horse 31 6 1.1 dog 142 21 3.9 Hoofed: 9296 301 55.4 a.) boar 3854 143 26.4 b.) elk 4439 102 18.7 c.) reindeer 344 19 3.5 d.) deer 119 18 3.3 e.) aurochs 540 19 3.5 beaver 1351 134 24.6 other 238 68 12.4 mammals TOTAL 11147 544 100

Abora (Loze 1979:126)

FISH - common LATIN NAME % BONES name bass Perea fluviatilis 63.64 pike 7.39 perch Lucioperca 7.00 lucioperca crucian Cyprinis carasius 6.67 wels; silure Silurus* 4.80 (catfish?) plakis Blicca bjoerka 3.50 kuga Rutilus rutilus 1.73 tench 1.63 chub Leuciscus cephalus 1.49 sardine? ( raude) Sardinius 0.67 erythrophtalmus bream Abramis brama 0.57 mekne Luiciscus cephalus 0.48 187 sparis Abramis ballerus 0.05 pOgSlys Acerina cernua 0.038 ‘ length from 50-245 cm

Site: Lagaza Chronology: Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age

MAMMALS According to K. Paaver 1965 (Loze’s Table 13,1979:125):

FAUNA # OF BONES MNI % OF INDIVIDS. large horned 8 2 1.9 small horned 1 1 0.9 horse 1 1 0.9 dog 30 7 6.6 Hoofed: 1154 56 52.3 a.) boar 253 21 19.6 b.) elk 783 21 19.6 c.) reindeer 12 4 3.7 d.) deer 2 2 1.9 e.) aurochs 104 8 7.5 beaver 212 25 23.3 other 81 15 14.1 mammals TOTAL 1487 107 100

Lagaza Osteological Remains according to V. Danilcenko: MAMMALS # OF BONES MNI % OF INDIVIDS. large horned 45 2 1.7 small horned 0 0 0 horse 4 3 2.6 dog 47 9 7.7 Hoofed: 1463 57 48.7 a.) boar 411 22 18.8 b.) elk 935 23 19.7 c.) reindeer 40 4 3.4 d.) deer 9 2 1.7 e.) aurochs 68 6 5.1 beaver 212 25 23.3 other 65 9 7.7 mammals TOTAL 1997 117 100

Fish... 60% of all fish = pike.. Site: Narva-Riigikiila I Chronology: Late Neolithic

MAMMALS Paaver 1965, Early and Middle Holocene, 7-3 mil. B.C.

FAUNA # OF BONES MNI white rabbit 4 2 beaver 222 17 marmot 21 6 sea pig 3 2 fox 20 4 brown bear 124 12 black polecat 1 1 European norka 1 1 forest marten 93 20 walrus 1 1 badger 1 1 otter 17 3 lynx 1 1 seal 772 29 boar 1580 43 deer 26 5 reindeer 10 2 elk 1752 29 aurochs 1125 25 dog 678 46 birds 192 fish 292 TOTAL mammals 6452 251

Site: Akali Chronology: Middle to Late Neolithic

MAMMALS Paaver 1965; Early and Middle Holocene: 7-3 mil. B.C.

FAUNA # OF BONES MNI beaver 61 11 brown bear 22 8 black polecat 1 1 forest marten 2 2 badger 2 2 otter "/ 7 4 wild horse 3 2 boar 204 12 deer 8 5 reindeer 3 1 elk 271 16 aurochs 131 7 dog 12 6 small horned 1 1*** birds 9 fish 274 TOTAL mammals 728 78 *** Originated, probably, from transitional period to the 2nd millenium..

Site: Tamula Chronology: Late Neolithic

MAMMALS Paaver 1965; 2nd mil. B.C.

FAUNA # OF BONES MNI white rabbit 50 17 squirrel 4 3 river beaver 4441 293 water rat 7 1 wolf 8 7 fox 4 4 brown bear 168 32 black zuikenas 7 5 (hare?) European norka 3 3 forest marten 423 85 vepla 1 badger 52 25 otter 189 51 European wild cat 3 2 lynx 13 6 wild horse 1 1 boar 1671 113 deer 63 23 reindeer 146 38 elk 6366 205 aurochs 753 75 dog 163 36 pig 21 5 small horned 2 1 large horned 1 1 birds 114 swamp tortoise 24 fish 711 TOTAL mammals 14559 1032 u n iv e r s it y :o f, n e -v a d a l a s v e g a s ;.

APPENDIX E

DATE: November 27, 1995

TO: Indre R. Antanaitis (ANT) M/S 5012

FROM: &/vPr • William E. Schulze, Director Office of Sponsored Programs (X1357)

RE: Status of Human Subject Protocol Entitled: "A Multi-Varied Approach to Meaning of Some East Baltic Neolithic Symbols"

OSP #101sll95-096e

The protocol for the project referenced above has been reviewed by the Office of Sponsored Programs, and it has been determined that it meets the criteria for exemption from full review by the UNLV human subjects Institutional Review Board. Except for any required conditions or modifications noted below, this protocol is approved for a period of one year from the date of this notification, and work on the project may proceed.

Should the use of human subjects described in this protocol continue beyond a year from the date of this notification, it will be necessary to request an extension.

cc: Alan H. Simmons (ANT-5012) OSP File

Office of Sponsored Programs 4505 Maryland Parkway • Box 451037 • Las Vegas, Nevada 89154-1037 (702) 895-1357 • FAX (702) 895-4242 BIBLIOGRAPHY

AndrasiOnaite-Straksiene, Renata 1995 Marija Gimbutiene - Bibliografine rodykle (Marija Gimbutas - a Bibliographical Directory). Press: Vilnius.

Andrews and Hammond 1990 Redefinition of the Swasey Phase at Cuello, Belize. American Antiquity 55: 570-584.

Balys, Jonas 1966 Lietuviq liaudies pasaulejauta (World Conception in Lithuanian Folklore). Lithuanian Institute of Education: Chicago.

Berzirps, Valdis 1994-1995 Personal communication with Latvia’s National Museum’s Stone Age archaeologist working in the Sarnate region.

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