Early Pottery Use Among Hunter- Gatherers Around the Baltic Sea

Theses and Papers in Scientific Archaeology 17 Vasiliki Papakosta Early Pottery Use among Hunter- Gatherers around the Baltic Sea

Early Pottery Use among Hunter-Gatherers around Sea Baltic the Vasiliki Papakosta

ISBN 978-91-7911-236-3 ISSN 1400-7835

Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies

Doctoral Thesis in Scientific Archaeology at Stockholm University, Sweden 2020

Early Pottery Use among Hunter-Gatherers around the Baltic Sea Vasiliki Papakosta Academic dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Scientific Archaeology at Stockholm University to be publicly defended on Friday 16 October 2020 at 13.00 in Nordenskiöldsalen, Geovetenskapens hus, Svante Arrhenius väg 12.

Abstract This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the dynamics underlying the adoption of pottery by pre-agrarian hunter- gatherer cultural groups around the Baltic Sea. The focus is on three approximately contemporaneous early pottery traditions of the region (ca. 5200–3900 cal BC); the Ertebølle (EBK) of southern Scandinavia (southern Sweden, Denmark) and northern Germany, the Narva of the eastern Baltic, and the Early Comb Ware (ECW) of north-eastern Fennoscandia. To develop knowledge about what ceramics in these traditions were used for, and whether intra- and/or inter-cultural variations occurred, EBK pottery material from Scania (southern Sweden) and Lolland (eastern Denmark), as well as material from ECW pottery sub-styles (Säräisniemi 1, Sperrings 1, and 2, Jäkärlä) from mainland Finland were selected from museum collections in the corresponding countries to be analyzed by means of lipid residue analysis. The use of the EBK pottery was compared to that of the contemporaneous Narva, to assess whether the typological similarities characterizing the two pottery traditions corresponded also to common functions. The comparison was conducted statistically by using the lipid residue data obtained by the author along with that previously published from Narva pottery assemblages in Estonia, and from EBK pottery assemblages from Denmark and northern Germany. The Finnish ECW pottery sub-styles were separately analyzed to assess spatio-temporal use variation. Pottery use determinations were based on characterizations of food and non-food residues preserved in the ceramic matrix of the analyzed vessels, assisted by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS). The technique provided molecular separation and identification of the residues’ lipid (fatty) components. For determinations of higher resolution, molecular analysis was complemented with stable carbon isotope (δ13C) analysis of specific fatty acid compounds, using gas chromatography-combustion-isotope ratio mass spectrometry (GC-c-IRMS). Lipid residues were extracted from the ceramic matrix by using a one-step acid-methanol extraction and derivatization protocol, whose high lipid recovery efficiency was, in this study, first proven on very high-age and very small pottery samples of the Japanese Incipient Jõmon culture (ca. 13,900–13,300 cal. BP). The origin of the contamination detected in EBK samples from various sites in Scania, consisting of aromatic hydrocarbons that interfered with the extracted lipids during chromatographic analysis, and created problems with their quantification and isotopic determination, was investigated with multi-proxy compositional analysis of the samples’ clay fraction to identify any possible association with it. The analysis also revealed technological and social aspects of pottery production and use in the local EBK societies, corroborating and complementing knowledge from previous investigations on EBK ceramics of the same region. The research results showed inter-cultural pottery-use variation, while on an intra-cultural scale pottery uses were rather homogeneous. Differences in the ranges of foodstuffs with the processing of which pottery use was associated cross- culturally suggest different food cultures among the hunter-gatherer cultural groups studied, which could further indicate different processes and motives for the uptake of pottery.

Keywords: Early Pottery Use, Hunter-Gatherers, Baltic, Late Mesolithic, Ceramics, Ertebølle, Narva, Early Comb Ware, Lipid Extraction, Lipid Residue Analysis, Molecular Analysis, Stable Carbon Isotope Analysis, Elemental Analysis, Mineralogical Analysis.

Stockholm 2020 http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-184728

ISBN 978-91-7911-236-3 ISBN 978-91-7911-237-0 ISSN 1400-7835

Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies

Stockholm University, 106 91 Stockholm

EARLY POTTERY USE AMONG HUNTER-GATHERERS AROUND THE BALTIC SEA

Vasiliki Papakosta

Early Pottery Use among Hunter-Gatherers around the Baltic Sea

Vasiliki Papakosta ©Vasiliki Papakosta, Stockholm University 2020

ISBN print 978-91-7911-236-3 ISBN PDF 978-91-7911-237-0 ISSN 1400-7835

Cover image: Unknown artist. Source: National Park Service (NPS), USA

Printed in Sweden by Universitetsservice US-AB, Stockholm 2020 Acknowledgements

I wish to thank all my allies in the noble struggle towards the completion of my PhD, who supported me in various ways from the beginning till the end. It is no coincidence that I am using war terminology, since research on a doctoral level may feel, indeed, like a long struggle with lots of challenges to be overcome, but also a great deal of knowledge to be gained in the after- math. First and foremost, I am deeply thankful to my supervisors, Sven Isaksson and Ole Stilborg, who throughout my tenure as a doctoral student were always there to provide me with invaluable intellectual and practical help, and who also helped develop my scientific thinking and research skills through kind and constructive criticism, ongoing encouragement and support. Thank you! I find myself fortunate to have spent my working time at the Archaeolog- ical Research Laboratory among nice colleagues, some of whom also became friends along the way. Kerstin Lidén, Gunilla Eriksson, Lena Holmquist, Anders Götherström, Christina Fredengren, Aikaterini Glykou, Dalia Pokutta, Matti Leino, Maria Wojnar-Johansson, Mikael Lundin, Hans Ahlgren, Markus Fjellström, Christos Economou, Joakim Brorson Schultzén, Andreas Viberg, Annita Malmius, Maja Krzewinska, Eugene Costello, Maiken Hemme Bro-Jørgensen, Madison Holly Llewellin, Crista Adelle Wathen, Aripekka Junno, Mariana Muñoz-Rodríguez, Alison Harris, Anne- Marijn van Spelde, Jack Dury, thank you all for good company, joyful lunches, fikas, and lovely discussions! I am particularly thankful to Lena Holmquist for the discreet and genuinely caring attitude towards me all these years we have been sharing working space. Special thanks are also extended to Mikael Lundin for his effort to save my analytical data from loss at a time when computer systems in the lab seemed to be getting autonomous and reluctant to cooperate. Georgia Galani, Romain Mougenot, Florent Audy, Marieke Ivarsson-Aalders, Bettina Stolle, Anne Hofmann, Anna Sörman, Ingrid Berg, Sara Gummensson, Johnny Karlsson, Marte Spangen, Linda Qviström, Tess Emanuelsson-Paulson, Kerstin Odebäck, Magnus Odebäck Ljunge, Maša Dizdar, Pedro Bentancour Garin, Anton Larsson, Adam Lind- qvist Wadstein, Astrid Noterman, it has been nice that we met! Anna Kjell-

ström, Jan Storå, Laszlo Bartosiewicz, thank you for always being so kind to me! I express my gratitude to Professor Kristina Jennbert and Jackie Taffinder in Sweden, Søren A. Sørensen in Denmark, and Petro Pesonen in Finland, who facilitated my research by providing access to material in museums for sampling. I am grateful to Sven Isaksson, Rienk Smittenberg, Petro Pesonen, Oliver Craig, Carl Heron, Kevin Gibbs, Peter Jordan, Ester Oras, Olalla Lopez-Costas, for contribution in research and paper writing, to Anna Häg- glund for always providing her assistance in lipid residue isotope analyses, to Susanne Berndt Ersöz and to Aikaterini Glykou for dedicating time to read through and comment on my thesis. I am particularly thankful to Aika- terini Glykou for substantial guidance and help in research. I am grateful to the Berit Wallenberg, and to the Albert and Maria Berg- ströms foundations for financially supporting research travelling for sampling and communication of research results in conferences. The Greta Ar- widssons foundation is acknowledged for financing the language proof- reading of the kappa. I would also like to thank my parents, Zacharias and Paraskevi, and my sister, Theofano, for all their support and caring all these years. The geographical distance between us was not an obstacle for me to feel close to them. My nephew, Thomas, has been an energy-charger. My husband, Ioan- nis Savvidis, is specially thanked for being a ‘rock’, always there to listen to my concerns and to encourage me in stressful times. He was the one who initiated everything after all.

/Vasiliki

List of papers

I Papakosta, V., Smittenberg, R.H., Gibbs, K., Jordan, P. & Isaksson, S. 2015. Extraction and derivatization of absorbed lipid residues from very small and very old samples of ceramic potsherds for molecular analysis by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC- MS) and single compound stable carbon isotope analysis by gas chromatography-combustion-isotope ratio mass spectrometry (GC- C-IRMS). Microchemical Journal 123: 196–200.

II Papakosta, V., Heron, C., Isaksson, S. & Craig, O.E. (ms). Pottery use by late foragers in the Baltic: the potential of organic residue analysis and other associated techniques.

III Papakosta, V., Oras, E. & Isaksson, S. 2019. Early pottery use across the Baltic – A comparative lipid residue study on Ertebolle and Nar- va ceramics from coastal hunter-gatherer sites in southern Scandina- via, northern Germany and Estonia. Journal of Archaeological Sci- ence: Reports 24: 142–151.

IV Papakosta, V., Lopez-Costas, O. & Isaksson, S. 2020. A multi- method (FTIR, XRD, PXRF) analysis of Ertebølle pottery ceramics from Scania, southern Sweden. Archaeometry 62(4): 677–693 (reproduced with permission by John Wiley and Sons).

V Papakosta, V. & Pesonen, P. 2019. Lipid residues in early hunter- gatherer ceramics from Finland. In: Mannermaa, K., Manninen, M., Pesonen, P. & Seppänen, L. (Eds.), Helsinki harvest. Proceedings of the 11th Nordic Conference on the Application of Scientific Methods in Archaeology (SMIA XI), Helsinki, Finland, 20–23 October 2015. Monographs of the Archaeological Society of Finland 7. pp. 32–47 (reproduced with the editors’ permission).

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Abbreviations

APAA = ω-(o-Alkylphenyl)alkanoic Acid CSIA = Compound-Specific Isotope Analysis DA = α, ω-Dicarboxylic Acids/Diacids DFA = Discriminant Function Analysis EBK = Ertebølle ECW = Early Comb Ware EI = Electron Ionization FAME = Fatty Acid Methyl Ester FTIR = Fourier-Transform Infrared Spectroscopy GC = Gas Chromatograph GC-MS = Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry GC-c-IRMS = Gas Chromatography-combustion-Isotope Ratio Mass Spec- troscopy IFA = Isoprenoid Fatty Acid IR = Infrared Ka I:1 = Sperrings 1 Ka I:2 = Sperrings 2 LBK = Linienbandkeramik (en. Linear Band Ceramic) LUHM = Lund University Historical Museum MLF = Museum Lolland-Falster MS = Mass Spectrometer pXRF = Portable X-ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy Sär 1 = Säräisniemi 1 SHM = Swedish History Museum TIC = Total Ion Count TMS = Trimethylsiloxy TMTD = Trimethyltridecanoic TRB = Trichterbecher (en. Funnel Beaker) VPDB = Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite XRD = X-ray Diffraction

Contents

Acknowledgements ...... i List of papers ...... iii Abbreviations ...... v Contents ...... vii 1. Introduction ...... 1 1.1 The arrival of pottery in the Baltic region – where, when and how? ...... 3 1.2 Research background – Previous early pottery investigations in the study area ..... 8 1.3 Research aims ...... 9 2. Pottery Materials and Sample Selection ...... 11 2.1 Sample selection ...... 12 2.2 Sampled sites and pottery ...... 14 2.2.1 EBK of Scania and Lolland ...... 14 2.2.2 Sampling of the Scanian EBK ceramic assemblages and related source- critical issues ...... 17 2.2.3 ECW of Finland ...... 19 3. Methodological and Analytical Considerations ...... 23 3.1 Introducing pottery use determinations by molecular and compound-specific isotope analysis of absorbed lipid residues ...... 23 3.1.1 Lipid residue analysis...... 23 3.1.2 Lipid extraction and derivatization ...... 24 3.1.3 Instrumental analytical techniques ...... 26 3.2 Determining pottery use among hunter-gatherers around the Baltic Sea ...... 31 3.2.1 Molecular and isotopic evidence of aquatic and terrestrial resource processing – Tracing cooking ...... 31 3.2.2 Tracing storage ...... 36 3.2.3 Contamination in Scanian EBK ceramics ...... 36 3.3 Chemical and mineralogical characterizations of clay powder samples from Scanian EBK ceramics using multi-proxy spectroscopic analysis ...... 38 3.3.1 FTIR...... 39 3.3.2 XRD (powder) ...... 39 3.3.3 pXRF ...... 40

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4. Early pottery use among hunter-gatherers around the Baltic Sea ...... 41 4.1 Isotopic and geochemical indications of reduced mobility of pots and people in southern Sweden ...... 41 4.2 Interrelation of pottery use amongst the studied hunter-gatherer cultural groups .. 42 5. Concluding remarks and further research...... 47 6. Sammanfattning ...... 49 7. References ...... 51

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1. Introduction

From prehistoric to modern times, human societies have always sought to maintain their existence in the constantly changing ecological, socio-cultural and economic settings of which they formed part. To meet challenges, pro- mote growth, and keep up with external developments and trends, they have been developing their own innovations in both areas of material and immate- rial culture, including technologies, ideas, norms, economic/subsistence practices, etc., or even adopting foreign ones. Pottery, which is the subject of this thesis, is one of those technological innovations that ever since its first occurrence within East Asian hunter-gatherer societies in south China (ca. 18,000 BC), possibly also independently in the Japanese islands and in the Russian Far East (ca. 14,500 BC), met a wide dispersal across the globe in a timespan of thousands of years (Hoopes 1994; Rice 1999; Kuzmin 2006, 2015; Hommel 2014; Budja 2016; Jordan et al. 2016; Cohen et al. 2017). Groups of hunter-gatherers in North Africa and areas from South to North America are believed to have developed pottery independently, with the earliest ceramics there dating to approximately 10,000 BC and 6000–3500 BC, respectively (Hommel 2014, 2018; Jordan et al. 2016). In the Old World, pots had reached the geographical endpoints of their dispersal by ca. 5000 BC, while in the New World this happened until ca. 2500–1500 BC (Hoopes 1994; Hommel 2014). The reasons for the emergence and widespread adoption of pottery have long been a subject of particular scientific concern to scholars in the fields of archaeology and anthropology, with their explanatory theories to be moving mainly between the concepts of ‘practicality’ and ‘prestige’ (Brown 1989; Hayden 1995, 1998; Hommel 2014). Practicality emphasizes the functions of ceramics as culinary or storing devices. Several such functions have been attributed to early ceramic vessels, such as their use to provide improved food preparation methods through their suitability for use in direct contact with fire (as opposed to the traditional fuel and labor-demanding stone boiling in containers made of other materials), to detoxify noxious plant sources for human consumption through prolonged and repeated boiling, to ferment food and beverages, etc. (see e.g., Arnold 1985:128–136; Rice 1999, Nelson 2010; Hommel 2014). While most of these utilitarian functions were disput- ed as the original motors for the development and adoption of pottery (Rice 1999; Budja 2016), prestige-oriented explanations gained weight. One much appreciated explanation of this kind was that early ceramics served as in-

1 struments for the display of status or wealth by newly emerged elites, or socially prominent individuals, during competitive feasts where food consumption was key (Hayden 1998, 2009; Rice 1999; Hommel 2014, Budja 2016). Such theories favoring special functions for the earliest ceramics have found support by the low-scale pottery production in the early stages of usage (Hayden 2009; Cohen 2013). All the above is not, of course, an exhaus- tive presentation of all the theories formulated to explain early pottery use in prehistoric hunter-gatherer contexts, but is indicative of the uncertainty that characterizes our basic knowledge on the subject. Despite their hypothetical nature, such theoretical approaches have been, and continue to be, valuable interpretational tools though (Kuzmin 2006; Shelach 2012; Wu et al. 2012; Gibbs & Jordan 2013; Hommel 2014). The theme of pottery use has also traditionally been approached through exami- nations of vessel shapes, sizes, and traces of use (surface wear, soot, and charred encrustations), combined with contextual and ethnographical considerations (Rice 1987:210–211; Skibo 2013:6). The quest for validity, however, in the archaeological discussions about the use of ceramics as a novel technology has become more compelling in our days. This has come to be met with the introduction of methodologies from the natural sciences to the traditional archaeological practice. Such methodologies include the employment of wet-chemical methods and instrumental analytical techniques to characterize organic residues preserved on ceramics with a high degree of accuracy (for a review of the analytical techniques used in organic residue analysis see, Evershed et al. 2001; Evershed 2008). Particularly in the last decade, a growing body of publications focusing on identifying incipient uses of hunter-gatherer ceramics from lipid residues preserved on the clay bodies has provided important insights (e.g., Craig et al. 2011; Craig. et al. 2013; Taché & Craig 2015; Lucquin et al. 2016; Pääkkönen et al. 2016; Gibbs et al. 2017; Oras et al. 2017; Papako- sta & Pesonen 2019; Papakosta et al. 2019). Analytical methods from physics and chemistry can also be applied to the ceramic fabrics themselves, for example, to assist and complement pottery use interpretations with insights of pottery production (raw materials, manufacturing procedures), organization (e.g., local versus centralized, household versus workshop), and function (e.g., cooking, storage) (Tite 1999). Such methodologies provide hard evidence, and if combined with other lines of evidence from the depositional contexts of the ceramics, aspects of environment, economy/exchange, social organization, food culture, and ritual may be unveiled (Isaksson 2010; Salque 2012; Smyth & Evershed 2014). This research project has primarily taken advantage of the unique diagnostic potentials of the above-mentioned methodologies to answer questions relevant to the emergence of pottery in pre-agrarian hunter-gatherer communities with a geographical focus on the Baltic region. The overall research aim is to provide an understanding of the underlying forces that stimulated

2 the uptake of pottery by these groups. The Baltic region offers an excellent opportunity for a comparative approach of the phenomenon thanks to the presence of several different hunter-gatherer cultural groups that adopted pottery at around the same time. At this point, it would be useful to start with a brief overview of the earliest ceramic traditions developed in the Baltic region and the current ideas about areas of influence.

1.1 The arrival of pottery in the Baltic region – where, when and how? It is suggested that pottery reached the Baltic region in the final stages of a westward spread, starting in the Early Holocene from East Asia (China, Ja- pan) and the Russian Far East, through a network of hunter-gatherer cultural groups residing across northern Eurasia, from Siberia to eastern and northern Europe (Jordan & Zvelebil 2009; Gibbs & Jordan 2013). This model of pottery spread is called the Hyperborean or Boreal stream of Neolithization (Gronenborn 2011:73). In this context, Neolithization coincides conceptually with the emergence of pottery among complex and occasionally also seden- tary non-agricultural societies (Povlsen 2013:160; and references therein). Therefore, it is separated from the classic western European view that sees the Neolithic as the time when agriculture emerged in village communities that besides other technologies produced pottery to adapt to the new life conditions brought about by the change in their subsistence economy (Childe 1936). The term Neolithic is not used in the same way all around the Baltic. In the eastern Baltic, Neolithic is used in the above ‘boreal’sense, following the Russian academic tradition, while in the western Baltic, including Poland in the south and Estonia in the east, it conforms to the definition of western Europe. Thus, in these areas Late Mesolithic is used instead to refer to the early hunter-gatherer pottery-producing cultures (Piezonka 2012; Gibbs & Jordan 2013; Kriiska et al. 2017). The idea of an association of the earliest ceramics in the Baltic with the ‘boreal Neolithic’ (the term is used in juxtaposition to the ‘agro-pastoral’ Neolithic in southern territories; see Davison et al. 2007) stemmed from the fact that ceramics throughout the vast tract of land connecting the west and east of northern Eurasia shared a similar conical appearance (Hommel 2018); though, round- and flat-based pots also existed (e.g., Jordan & Zvele- bil 2009:41; Gibbs et al. 2017). Moreover, ceramics of that form were in almost all cases adopted by cultural groups who maintained the hunter- gatherer lifestyle (Hommel 2018). Proof of cultural affiliation through the share of the pointed-based or conical form has, however, been contested. Instead, functionality was emphasized as the defining factor affecting

3 hunter-gatherers’ decision to create vessels in such a shape (Crombé et al. 2011; Hommel 2018). According to the latter view, several ideas have been put forward to explain the popularity of the pointed-based form among hunter-gatherers. For example, that it helped make container transportation an easier task during seasonal residential movement, facilitated the vessels’ support on the soil or sand (on coastal terrains) when their carriers settled temporarily in areas where proper infrastructure was lacking, or permitted faster cooking and reduced fuel consumption by fixing the pointed base directly into a hot layer of ash (Crombé et al. 2011:478; Hommel 2018 and references therein). Radiocarbon dates from early pottery-bearing sites across Siberia and towards north-eastern Europe and the Baltic, as well as typological and technological similarities among early pottery traditions in the region, seem to support so far an eastern pottery origin through the above-mentioned spread mechanism (Piezonka 2012). But dating uncertainties and large geographical lacunae in the existing chronological dataset render it, for the time being, a likely scenario that necessitates confirmation (Jordan & Zvelebil 2009:11; Gronenborn 2011; Gibbs & Jordan 2013; Hartz & Piezonka 2013, Jordan et al. 2016). In the Baltic region, in particular, pottery production was established between the mid-6th and early 5th millennium cal BC in the area stretching from the southern coast of the Varanger Fjord (Norway) and the Upper Kalix region (Sweden) in the north, down to Denmark and southernmost Sweden in the south, including the eastern and southern shores of the Baltic Sea. The rest of the Scandinavian Peninsula was lacking ceramics at that time (for a discussion see Skandfer 2009), and only about a thousand years later (ca. 3900 cal BC) did they appear in eastern Central Sweden, and further south, within farming contexts of the Funnel Beaker culture (Trichterbecher,TRB) (Hallgren 2004; Piezonka 2011, 2012; see also Fig. 1). Early ceramics were additionally documented in some later (Late Neolithic) hunter-gatherer sites with sparse indications of the use of cereals along the Swedish shores of the Bothnian Bay (Stilborg & Holm 2009:332). According to the current chronological evidence, hunter-gatherer groups in the north-eastern and eastern Baltic were the first to adopt ceramics. In north-eastern Fennoscandia (north-easternmost Sweden/Norway, Finland, the Kola Peninsula and Karelia), the oldest ceramics date between ca. 5400– 4500 cal BC, and were sub-groups of the older Early Comb Ware (ECW) tradition (Säräisniemi 1/Sär 1, Sperrings 1/Ka I:1; Hallgren 2004; Skandfer 2009; Piezonka 2011; Pesonen & Leskinen 2011). Further south, in the areas of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, southwest Russia, and Belarus, ceramics of the Narva pottery tradition made their first appearance maybe a little earlier (5500–5200 cal BC). In north-eastern Poland, southern Lithuania, and south- western Belarus, another possibly synchronous pottery style existed, named as Dubičiai (the earliest phase of Neman or a separate predating style) (Pie-

4 zonka 2012; Hallgren 2014; Kriiska et al. 2017; Oras et al. 2017; Courel et al. 2020). Last in the sequence of the earliest pottery traditions in the area comes the Ertebølle (EBK) of northern Germany and southern Scandinavia (Denmark, southernmost Sweden; ca. 4800/4600 cal BC; Koch 1987; Glykou 2016). A group of early ceramics in the Polish Pomeranian coast (Dąbki, site 9) resembling and previously assigned to the Ertebølle culture is currently thought to have formed a separate and much younger techno- complex, most likely connected to the cultures of the south-eastern Baltic (Zedmar, Neman and Narva) (Czerniak & Kabaciński 2002; Kabaciński & Terberger 2011; Kotula et al. 2015; Courel et al. 2020). Overall, the emergence of pottery in the Baltic region is considered a complex phenomenon triggered by multi-directional influences from pottery- producing cultures to the east (Russian European plain), and possibly also to the south (northern European plain) (Hallgren 2004; Dumpe et al. 2011; Piezonka 2012). The Upper Volga culture in central Russia seems to have had a great impact on the development of Sperrings 1/Ka I: 1 northeast of the Baltic, while the even more northerly Sär 1 tradition, with which it was previously presumed to have common origins, was probably affected by other easterly traditions in the north Cis-Urals region (Piezonka 2012; see also Torvinen 1999; Matiskainen 2011; Piezonka 2011). Central Russia must have played a role in the development of the Narva ceramics east of the Bal- tic as well, with the contribution of the Dniepr-Donets culture north of the Black Sea (Dumpe et al. 2011; Piezonka 2012). The latter may have similar- ly affected the neighboring pottery complexes of Neman (Dubičiai) and Zedmar (Piezonka 2012). As for the EBK ceramics in the southwest, their development has been attributed to more than one source of influence. The suggested ones were the stylistically similar southeast pottery complexes (Narva, Neman, Zedmar), the Swifterbant ceramic group to the south-west, and those of the Linien- bandkeramik (LBK) and post-LBK (Rössen, Stichbandkeramik) farming societies to the south, based on occasional similarities in ware tempering with the latter and decoration and shape with the Swifterbant (Hulthén 1977; Stilborg & Holm 2009:339; Dumpe et al. 2011; Glykou 2016:194–198). It has been suggested that the influences from the farming south into the EBK were restricted to solely the idea and knowledge of pottery making, while the technology itself imitated eastern types to meet similar functional goals (Hulthén 1977:49–50; Dumpe et al. 2011). Some have doubted strongly for any southern influences and suggested exclusive connections with the eastern Forest (Boreal) Neolithic through the ceramic inventories of Narva, and possibly also that of Dąbki, with which EBK shared common pottery typol- ogies, the pointed-based pots and the elongated oval bowls (Andersen 2011:209; Kabaciński & Terberger 2011). The marked technological differences between these pottery complexes, though, have suggested a possibly

5 different course of internal development for each (Dumpe et al. 2011; Kabaciński & Terberger 2011; Povlsen 2013:158). This project has focused on only a part of the above ceramic traditions due to time limitations. More specifically, on the EBK of southern Scandi- navia (southern Sweden/Denmark) and northern Germany, Narva of that part of its geographical distribution coinciding with present-day Estonia, and ECW traditions of what is today Finland. The selection was not random, however, as these pottery styles developed roughly at the same time and within subsistence economies similar to each other, based on hunting, gath- ering, and a strong reliance on the local aquatic environments, providing a reasonable foundation for comparative analyses. Typological similarities between ceramic traditions were also a key parameter driving the selection of study material. A more detailed presentation of the case studies and ceramic traditions analyzed is given in Section 2.

Figure 1: The earliest pottery traditions in the Baltic region and distribution areas (mid-5th/early 4th millennium cal BC; reproduced from Kriiska et al. 2017 with the authors’ permission).

7 1.2 Research background – Previous early pottery investigations in the study area The start of this project almost coincided with the beginning of a wider research interest into the use and dispersal of hunter-gatherer ceramics (Jordan & Zvelebil 2009; Gibbs & Jordan 2013), and to some extent was influenced by it. Until then, the focus was placed on understanding pottery in connection with farming cultural contexts of the Near East and Europe. Ceramics were for long and until recently understood as an integral material component of agriculture that emerged to play a functional role in the processing and storage of agricultural surplus in early farming societies (Gibbs & Jor- dan 2013). In Western archaeology conception, the existence of ceramics in hunter- gatherer social frameworks was overlooked as marginal and of no significant impact on the evolution of human culture. It was thought as having simply bounced through the interaction of hunter-gatherers with farmers, as a picky selection of the former from the range of tools owned by the latter (Jordan & Zvelebil 2009). This was, however, proven not to be entirely true, given the vast chronological and geographical distance separating the earliest ceramics in farming social grounds from those of hunter-gatherers (e.g., Kuzmin et al. 2009; Craig et al. 2013). Ceramics were no longer necessarily associated with the development of agriculture and this came to be recognized early on by the eastern European archaeologists. For them, the emergence of pottery became the defining event for the onset of the Neolithic in their region, triggered possibly by a set of optimal climatic and environmental changes that, since the Early Holo- cene (ca. 11,500 cal BC), favored the development of resource-rich ecosys- tems across the entire northern Eurasian zone (Jordan & Zvelebil 2009). According to this scenario, pots were adopted to meet growing needs in resource processing and consumption. By their efficiency in this role, a number of developments in the economic and social sectors were hypothesized to have been stimulated, including human sedentism, population growth, and even greater resource intensification following a concomitant increase in pottery production (Craig et al. 2013). From the above, it is now realized that the adoption of pottery by hunter- gatherers warrants to be studied as a unique phenomenon and far from western archaeological pre-occupations (Jordan & Zvelebil 2009:35). A suggested approach to better understand the behavioural dynamics responsible for this cultural event in prehistory is through its study at local scales (Gibbs & Jordan 2013:11). This has been the approach selected for the present study. In the geographic areas under investigation, i.e., southern Sweden, Den- mark, northern Germany, Estonia, Finland, even though the earliest pottery traditions had for years been the subject of research, almost nothing was known about their function and use when this project started. And such

8 knowledge is fundamental to understanding the reasons for their development, which is the ultimate goal of this study. Beyond some hypotheses on function based on context and sporadic analyses of charred food residues from EBK ceramics performed during the 80s, most of our knowledge was until recently restricted to mainly techno-stylistic descriptions and chronology in both sides of the Baltic (Hulthén 1977; Arrhenius 1984; Andersen & Malmros 1985; Arrhenius & Lidén 1989; Kriiska 1996; Stilborg & Ber- genstråhle 2000; Mikšaite 2005; Piezonka 2008; Stilborg & Holm 2009; Pesonen & Leskinen 2009; Matiskainen 2011:187). Some years ago, there had been efforts to directly address early pottery use in the western Baltic, comprising analyses of organic residues from EBK ceramics of northern Germany and Denmark using modern-day analytical techniques (Craig et al. 2007, 2011; Andersen 2009:151–153; Saul et al. 2012, 2013; Heron et al. 2013; for summarizing information about the previous research in the study areas see also Papers II, III, IV and V). Since then, the study of early pottery use in the Baltic region is increasingly taking pace, including contributions by the author and co-workers (Papers III, IV and V), as well as other groups of researchers (Pääkkönen et al. 2016; Oras et al. 2017; Courel et al. 2020).

1.3 Research aims This study aims to contribute to the ongoing discussions on the early use of ceramics by hunter-gatherers through the analysis of vessels from a range of early pottery traditions from the Baltic region. The more specific research objectives are presented in the form of the following questions (as also partly identified in Paper II):  What was early ceramics used for in the study area? Were there intra- and/or inter-cultural variations, or were ceramics used in the same way everywhere, for example, to process a specific type of resource (Papers III and V)?  Did vessel types common in different pottery traditions also serve common functional demands (Paper III)?  Did the use of pottery sub-styles within a culture vary in relation to environment (coastal versus inland), geography, and time (Paper V)?  Was the motivation to take up pottery common to all hunter-gatherer groups in the study area (Papers III and V)?  How was pottery production organized, and were ceramics intended for site-to-site transportation (Paper IV)?

10 2. Pottery Materials and Sample Selection

The study material was selected to fit the spatio-temporal framework determined by the aims of the study. It consists of ceramics (potsherds) from a range of early pottery traditions and localities around the Baltic Sea. These pottery traditions include the: a) EBK of southern Scandinavia (southern Sweden/Denmark) and northern Germany, b) Narva of Estonia, and, c) ECW of Finland. They all appeared within Late Mesolithic (Early Neolithic or sub-Neolithic in eastern Baltic terminology) cultural groups of hunter-fisher- gatherers between ca. 5200–3900 cal BC. The study of pottery use was approached through three separate case studies. The first case study (Paper III) was designed to compare the use of the typologically similar and chronologically contemporaneous EBK (ca. 4800– 3900 cal BC) and Narva (5200–3900 cal BC) ceramic inventories in the southwest and east Baltic, respectively. For that purpose, ceramic samples from several EBK sites in southern Sweden (Scania) and eastern Denmark (Lolland) were submitted, for the first time, for lipid residue analysis (molecular and stable carbon isotopic), and published data from EBK sites further west and south (Jutland, Funen, the German Baltic coast), and from Narva sites in Estonia were put together for intra- and inter-cultural comparisons of pottery use. Comparisons had a coastal orientation as the Swedish EBK material, which was first sampled, was derived exclusively from coastal sites. In Sweden, EBK pottery is anyway a coastal phenomenon, since the largest concentrations were found mainly at sites around the coast. Possible inland pottery-bearing sites from the same period may have existed but were extremely limited in number, and none of the ceramics recovered could be securely classified as EBK (Althin 1954:85, 117). For the sake of consistency in the comparisons, published data of coastal sites was picked for all EBK and Narva ceramic inventories. Data from inland sites was also considered in the discussions, however. The second case study (Paper IV) concerned clay composition analyses on part of the Scanian EBK material previously analyzed for lipid residues (first case study). The study material was primarily selected to investigate the origins of some unusual organic compounds that interfered with the extracted lipids in ways challenging the identification and quantification of the latter. By providing access to both the organic and inorganic fractions of the ceramic fabrics, the set of analytical techniques selected for the analyses, in

11 addition to technological traits, helped also elucidate social aspects of pottery production and use in the local EBK communities analyzed. This was done through intra- and inter-site comparisons of data. The third case study (Paper V) was designed to assess spatiotemporal use variation in ECW pottery sequences spanning the late 6th to early 4th mil- lennia BC, with a special focus on the Finnish mainland. The study was comprised of lipid residue analysis (molecular) of ceramics of the Older (Säräisniemi 1/Sär 1, ca. 5200–4500 cal BC; Sperrings 1/Ka I:1, ca. 5200– 4400 cal. BC) and Younger ECW styles (Sperrings 2/Ka I:2, 4500–4200 cal BC; Jäkärlä Ware style, 4030–3900 cal BC; for the Finnish Stone Age ceramic periods see e.g., Pesonen & Leskinen 2009 and references therein; cf. Pesonen et al. 2012; Pesonen & Oinonen 2019). Coastal and inland sites were selected for Sperrings 1 and 2 and solely coastal sites were selected for Sär 1 and Jäkärlä Ware. Concerning the latter style, no inland material was available, since its distribution was restricted to exclusively coastal areas mainly in the southwest of the region (Pesonen & Oinonen 2019).

2.1 Sample selection Sampling was conducted based on material availability and suitability for the research purposes of the study. The samples were selected from museum collections in Sweden (Swedish History Museum, Lund University Histori- cal Museum), Denmark (Museum Lolland-Falster), and Finland (National Museum of Finland). They were fragments of pots (aka potsherds) that, in their majority, originated from old-excavated sites (for more details on the material collected and excavation times of the sampled sites see Papers III and V). Fragmentation and the long storage and handling times posed re- strictions in sampling (see also, Pollard et al. 2007:42–43). The former by reducing the number of prospective samples for lipid residue analysis, since sherds lacking, for example, the inner surface on which lipid extractions were to be undertaken, or features (ornamentation, forming details, or other) useful in identifying the type of vessel or pottery tradition of origins, had to be excluded. Another problem arising from fragmentation is the difficulty in accurately assessing the shape and size of the original whole vessels. It may only be possible to make rough estimations by using rim sherds to deduce rim diameter, and thus approximate size, or the curvature and thickness of body sherds. As a consequence, systematic shape and size-based analyses were not feasible in this study. Instead, ceramics were sampled and analyzed as regional or sub-regional groups of ceramic styles. It is acknowledged that such a sampling approach neglects possible time-based stylistic variation in the material that, if taken under consideration, might have given access to more detailed clues of pottery use variation. However, fragmentation and the

12 lack of direct chronologies from the ceramics themselves and the contexts of deposition made intra-site time-based sampling approaches unattainable. Potsherds sometimes carried adhesives from post-excavation conservation treatments or had written surfaces for documentation and recording purposes. Potsherds like these were excluded for contamination, unless their size was sufficiently large to enable sampling in an area quite distant from the contaminated site. Moreover, museum storage often includes packing practices (e.g., storage of ceramic artefacts in plastic bags) or practices for elimi- nating further deterioration of stored material by biological agents (e.g., fu- migation). Unfortunately, contamination by such practices is not visible, and cannot be predicted, unless it is known that they have taken place. Therefore, nothing could really be done to exclude samples heavily contaminated from storage materials and practices. This is something that had to be realized solely during chemical analysis. Care was taken to avoid sampling the same vessel more than once so that each selected sherd represented a different vessel. For this, sample selection criteria were used, like those presented in Paper IV. It should be noted, however, that leaving out undiagnostic sherds reduced the sample size further, and added a possible bias towards vessels with ornamentation (unornament- ed sherds were not so useful in vessel distinction, unless bearing other dis- tinctive characteristics). Thus towards possible special-purpose vessels (Rice 1999:13), or vessels built with a specific forming technique potentially belonged to a specific stage in the chronosequence of pottery evolution (Povl- sen 2013:150). The above are all limitations and consequences deriving from fragmented ceramic assemblages stored in museums, which emphasize the need for thorough recording and documentation of excavated fragments and find areas; cautious handling (preferably with powder-free nitrile gloves); using consolidation or other substances only where absolutely necessary, and; employing contamination-free storage solutions. Otherwise, it is suggested that if the highest precision is needed, only newly excavated sherds are used, ideally sampled directly on-site during excavation (Skibo & Deal 1995). In summary, sherds selected for analysis:  Were not crumbly for easier handling, and had a size capable of yielding sufficient sample amounts (preferably a minimum of 0.5–1.0 g of weighed powder for lipid residue analysis; Fig. 2).  Had clean surfaces with no visible contamination, such as writings, or adhesives from previous conservation treatments, or sufficiently enough clear surface space to take powder from, in cases where such substances occurred.  Derived from known contexts, i.e., sites, trenches, etc., and were regis- tered with inventory numbers facilitating their identification in reports, catalogs, and literature sources.

13  Possessed at least one attribute suggestive of the type of vessel and pottery tradition of origin. Ornamentation, vessel-forming details, sherd thickness and curvature, temper composition, clay hardness and color were all considered for distinguishing between different vessels in order to avoid multiple sampling. Non-diagnostic sherds were excluded.

Figure 2: The interior side of a potsherd with characteristics of the EBK pottery tradition from the Scanian site of Löddesborg in southern Sweden (inv. no. LUHM 31661:04). An amount of ceramic powder was drilled off from its lower right corner for lipid residue analysis. Photo: Vasiliki Papakosta.

2.2 Sampled sites and pottery

2.2.1 EBK of Scania and Lolland As listed in Paper III, several EBK sherds were selected from several sites of the province of Scania in southern Sweden, including Löddesborg, Soldat- torpet, Kesemölla (Ivetofta), Vik, and the site of Syltholm on the south coast

14 of the eastern Danish island of Lolland. The Scanian sites are the most studied and published EBK pottery-bearing sites in the region (Kjellmark 1903; Hulthén 1977; Jennbert 1984; Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000). They have received particular scientific attention for a long time since their discovery just before the turn of and during the 20th century, due to their mixed Meso- lithic/Neolithic character, which was recognized by admixed materials from both periods in the same stratigraphic layers (a special reference to this is given in 2.2.2). This phenomenon sparked a long-standing debate about the process of Neolithization in southern Scandinavia and the possible role EBK pottery played in the transition from a Mesolithic to a Neolithic way of life in the region (e.g., Jennbert 2011). Previous attempts to resolve the sites chronologically through stratigraphy were not successful (Althin 1954:41). No direct 14C-datings on pottery and contexts have been performed either. As a result, the time EBK ceramics made their first appearance in the region remains undetermined, but typological considerations placed the event around 4500 BC (Stilborg & Holm 2009:333; Andersen 2011:208; Povlsen 2013). Recent advances in radiocarbon dating might allow for direct 14C-dating of Scanian EBK ceramics in the future by using individual fatty acids isolated from absorbed lipid residues (Casanova et al. 2020). The ‘stratigraphic overlaps’ at the sites were once interpreted as indicating a transitional occupation phase, where the EBK and TRB pottery traditions were in use synchronously by different cultural groups sharing living space, the local EBK hunter-gatherers and immigrant farmers from the south (Jennbert 1984; Sørensen 2014:16, 22). Such a spatial coincidence of EBK and TRB ceramics has also been noted in mixed sites at the northern German coast (Hartz 2011; Glykou 2016). In Denmark, EBK and TRB ceramics were found clearly separated in well-stratified shell middens, and hybrid typolo- gies were documented within transitional layers from the Late Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic period (Fischer 2002:352; Andersen 2011:211). The Scanian sites under study, although excavated multiple times, were not investigated to their full extent. Plowing and gravel mining added to the stratigraphic image already distorted by the Littorina Sea transgressions, and the often imperfect and amateur excavation methods implemented resulted in poorly documented find inventories and contexts (Kjellmark 1903; Althin 1954). Moreover, not all of the entire recovered pottery material from the sites is accessible. Part of it is either lost or kept in inaccessible private collections, such as that from the site of Vik (Althin 1954:39). The sites are thought to have been large settlements used for year-round occupation (Stilborg & Holm 2009:332). It has also been suggested that the sites may have functioned as aggregation camps occupied seasonally by multiple hunter-gatherer groups for special purposes, like the engagement in exchange activities (Johansen 2006:205; Jennbert 2011:101). However, the notion of sedentism in the Late EBK culture of Scania is still debated (Povl-

15 sen 2013; and references therein). Except for Löddesborg, the excavations of the remaining sites produced minimal amounts of EBK ceramics (Jennbert 1984, 2011; Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000; Stilborg & Holm 2009:334; see also, Paper IV). This has led researchers to think that the use of ceramics by the early pottery-using communities once inhabiting the sites had a rather restricted role within the domestic space, not yet embedded in everyday rou- tine activities (Stilborg & Holm 2009:342). On the other hand, the duration and size of Late EBK occupation are not known, since neither radiocarbon dates are available nor remains of dwelling structures (Johansen 2006:203– 204). As a consequence, it is hard to interpret the small pottery amounts. Only cultural layers bearing witness of living activities were found, such as tool/pottery making and use, resource exploitation and consumption, and indications of the use of fire possibly in fixed surface hearths (i.e., black layers within the stratigraphy). By assuming that the small numbers of EBK ceramics at the sites indicate an actual low-scale pottery production, and is not a function of material preservation, taphonomic processes, excavation techniques, or the effect of the partial excavation of the sites; it might fairly be assumed that the ceramic material collected for the research aims of this project is a sample size ac- ceptable (if not representative in the narrow statistical sense) to validate the obtained scientific results. The exception is the single (stray) sherd selected from the site of Vik in east Scania, which was the only one from a couple of available sherds that could securely be classified as EBK and, by no means, is representative of the total EBK ceramic material recovered at the site (Althin 1954:39, 42). It was, however, included in the pottery-use and clay composition analyses, but not in the statistical analyses performed for inter- site comparisons. In addition to pottery, the sites also yielded assemblages of flint tool (ax- es, scrapers), arrowheads (see also supporting information in Paper IV), and animal bones. Wide ranges of marine/brackish/freshwater taxa were identified, like the most common pike (Esox lucius) and perch (Perca fluviatilis), cyprinids (Cyprinidae sp.), salmonids (Salmonidae sp.), herring (Clupea harengus), eel (Anguilla anguilla), mackerel (Scomber scombrus), and cod (Gadus morhua), as well as grey seal (Halichoerus gryphus), along with terrestrial mammal species. The most common were red deer (Cervus ela- phus), roe deer (Capreolus capreolus), wild boar (Sus scrofa), and dog (Ca- nis familiaris) (Jennbert 1984, 2011; Kjellmark 1903; Stilborg and Ber- genstrahle 2000; see also, Paper III). Bones from domesticated mammalian species (ovine/bovine) were documented in upper stratigraphic layers (e.g, Kjellmark 1903:103–104; Stilborg and Bergenstrahle 2000). The site of Syltholm is a relatively recent discovery that took place during large-scale rescue excavations before the planned construction of an under- water tunnel aiming to connect the island of Lolland with the adjacent shores of Fehmarn in Germany. The site, although superficially showing character-

16 istics of a near-shore waste disposal area in use all the way from the Meso- lithic to the Neolithic time, is assumed to have actually functioned as a place for ritual activity, perhaps near a hitherto undiscovered settlement (Sørensen 2016). The sampled material derives from three excavated areas (MLF00906-I, MLF00906-II, and MLF00939-I) dated from the Late Mesolithic to the end of the Early Neolithic (ca. 4600–3300 cal BC; Glykou 2015; Sørensen 2016; Philippsen 2018). The site, apart from regular find deposits, included concentrations of animal bone (i.e., domestic dog, otter (Lutra lutra), fox (Vul- pes vulpes), wild cat (Felis silvestris), red deer, roe deer and unclassified bones of swine (Sus sp.)), and artefacts (i.e., pottery, bone points, wooden leister prongs, and flint tools), whose composition and nature gave the impression of ritual deposits (Sørensen 2016:4, 8). Despite pottery contributing a small part in these concentrated deposits, it is not known whether this type of artefact was integrated in the suspected ritual practice at the site or not, since its presence was not restricted to only those deposits, but was spread evenly all around the excavated space (Sørensen 2016:8–9). The low sedimentation rate at the site resulted in no distinct stratigraphic sequences. Thus, the chronology of the site was first deduced indirectly by pottery typology (see also Paper III) and was later confirmed by absolute radiocarbon dates from other artefact types and animal bones (Sørensen 2016; Philippsen 2018).

2.2.2 Sampling of the Scanian EBK ceramic assemblages and related source-critical issues An important source-critical matter specifically concerning the EBK ceramics of Scania is their co-occurrence with the TRB Neolithic ceramics in the same cultural layers, as mentioned above (Kjellmark 1903; Salomonsson 1971:41–42; Jennbert 1984). Their spatial coincidence, consistently observed at all sites along the Scanian coastline, was once interpreted as indicating actual chronological contemporaneity of the two ceramic traditions (Jennbert 1984). At present, it is generally agreed that successive transgressions of the Littorina Sea waters and consequent mixing of the stratigraphic layers were responsible for this phenomenon (Larsson 1985:78; Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000:26). This source-critical issue was of major relevance to this study, since it was crucially important to ensure that only EBK sherds were selected for analysis. In the museums, ceramics were kept as mixed and largely unclassified assemblages, which in addition to their highly fragmented nature (Stilborg & Holm 2009:334), complicated the sample-selection procedure. This was due to significant similarities in the way EBK and TRB vessels were made and tempered (Hulthén 1977; Jennbert 1984:153; Koch 1987, 1998; Stilborg &

17 Bergenstråhle 2000). Occasionally, EBK sherds were labelled merely as ‘Late Mesolithic’, and information about them in museums’ catalogs and literature was far from detailed. The chronological ambiguity of the ceramics themselves from the absence of direct datings, and the complex nature of the layers of deposition, were also part of the problem. The doctoral theses written by Jennbert (1984) and Kjellmark (1903) for the sites of Löddesborg and Soldattorpet, respectively, were useful bibliographical references to the ceramic assemblages of the sites. Therefore, in order to separate the EBK from the TRB potsherds, several techno-stylistic and ornamentation features were targeted (Fig. 3), using Eva Koch’s (1987) work as a guide (as also summarised in Fischer 2002:350). These are also referred to in Paper IV. The EBK vessels were coil-built, and had generally S-curved bodies with pointed bottoms, even though their shape exhibited variations locally and regionally (e.g., Koch 1998; Glykou 2010:182–183; Andersen 2011). In Scania, in particular, bottoms were tap- shaped, forming a characteristic for the region vessel-shape variant (Fig. 3C), and vessel sizes ranged from medium to large (Kjellmark 1903; Jennbert 1984, 2011; Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000). Ornamentation was also quite frequent here, with fingernail, oval or round imprints over the whole vessel’s body being typical (Fig. 3A). Three main coiling techniques were identified, i.e., the H, U, and N, based on how coils were arranged and merged with each other (Hulthén 1977; Koch 1987). The most frequently applied in Scania was the H-technique, followed by the U-technique. The former is found exclusively in EBK vessels, while the N-technique, and much less the U-technique, continued into the TRB tradition (Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000). On sherds, the techniques can be recognized by the shape of the coils on their profile, and break patterns along coil junctions (Fig. 3B). Even by traces of the potter’s fingertips or nails on the coils’ interface surfaces left by the pressure exerted to bind them to each other (e.g., Koch 1998; Glykou 2011). The different techniques had also an impact on the vessels’ wall thickness, with the H and U techniques producing thicker walls, and the N-technique thinner (Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000). For the optimization of the clay quality, mineral tempering was mostly used, i.e., crushed granite, quartzite, sandstone, flint, and less frequently grog (crushed pottery) and organic plant temper (Hulthén 1977; Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000). The second EBK pottery type, represented by oval bowls most likely used as fat/oil burning lamps (Van Diest 1981; Heron et al. 2013), had point- or round-edged rims, and were made of a single piece of clay pinched to the shape of a shallow bowl. Alternatively, bowls were made of coils placed on top of each other (Stilborg & Bergenstråhle 2000; Glykou 2011).

Figure 3: Examples of selected sherds from Scania, southern Sweden, showing features attributable to EBK pottery vessels. A: Rim-sherd ornamented with oval im- pressions (LUHM 31661:12), B: body-sherd with a fracturing pattern characteristic of vessels made with the H coiling technique (SHM 11882:161), C: sherd from a possibly tap-shaped bottom, typical of the Scanian EBK (SHM 11461:92), D: sherd from the body of an oval bowl/lamp (SHM 11461:622). Photos: Vasiliki Papakosta.

2.2.3 ECW of Finland The sampled sites are comprised of several coastal and inland (lakeside) dwelling sites in the south and north of mainland Finland representing different occupation phases of the ECW culture. These include one coastal site of the Sär 1 group in the north (Oulu Vepsänkangas (Ylikiiminki)), and both coastal and inland sites of the Sperrings 1 (Vantaa Etelä - Vantaa 3/Mätäoja III (Palmu), Padasjoki Leirintäalue) and Sperrings 2 (Espoo Kläppkärr, Lap- peenranta (Etu- ja Taka-) Muntero) groups in the south. One coastal site of the Jäkärlä Ware group in the south was also sampled (Raasepori Telegraf- berget; for the broad chronologies of the cultural groups see also Section 2). The site locations are shown in Fig. 4, as well as in Paper V, and information about the osteological and other find materials from the sites and available radiocarbon dates are in the Appendix attached to the Paper. The Sär 1 and Sperrings 1 sites were the earliest ones, being placed synchronously at the

19 beginning of the ceramic phase of the Late Mesolithic (or Early Neolithic in the local terminology). The Sperrings 2 and Jäkärlä Ware sites are dated later, the first succeeding the Sperrings 1 phase. The chronology of the Jä- kärlä Ware sites is traditionally placed synchronously with Sperrings 2, but a recent study pushes its beginning much later (Pesonen & Oinonen 2019). It is also debated whether Jäkärlä Ware was part of the ECW complex, given some differentiation in its stone-tool inventory (Pesonen & Oinonen 2019:247, and references therein). The degree of permanency of mainland ECW settlement is debated, while seasonal extraction (Sperrings 1) camps specialized for seal hunting had for certain existed on the Åland islands (Hallgren 2004; Piezonka 2011, 2015). This is basically due to the absence of evidence for dwelling structures at the sites (similar to the situation in the eastern and western Baltic), which contained mainly hearths, pits, scattered artefacts and burnt animal bone (Pie- zonka 2015). The phenomenon is explained as the result of a more mobile life during this period that produced light dwelling constructions for easy erection and transportability that cannot be traced archaeologically (Piezon- ka 2015). On the other hand, ECW pottery producers generally made large vessels, whose bulky and heavy bodies would logically not fit into a highly mobile lifestyle, thus being a contradictory indicator of reduced mobility (Pesonen & Leskinen 2009; and references therein). In this study, both Säräisniemi 1 and Sperrings 1 sites gave no indications of a specialized function, as both contained mixed faunal assemblages of marine (seals) and freshwater mammals (beaver) and fish (pike, perch, cyprinids), as well as terrestrial mammals (moose, reindeer, etc.) and water- fowl (duck species), in the form of calcined bones. Besides ceramics, other finds included stone tools, quartz and arrowheads. For the analyzed Sper- rings 2 and Jäkärlä Ware sites, no information about the recovered faunal material is available, while stone tools and quartz pieces were common find categories at almost all sites. The character of the sites is similar to that of the Sär 1 and Sperrings 1 complexes, being located close to water bodies, be it either the sea coast or the shores of a lake. What is thought to be strongly differentiating Sär 1 from Sperrings 1 ceramics, except for their geographical distribution (the former occurs in northern Finland only, while the latter is found in the southern and central parts with a small overlap with Sär 1 in its northern limits, see also Fig. 4), is decoration (Matiskainen 2011). Decoration also changes between the geo- graphically overlapping and chronologically successive Sperrings 1 and 2 sub-styles (for details on decoration styles, see, e.g., Matiskainen 2011; Pie- zonka 2011). The clay paste was mineral-tempered with crushed rock, sand (or gravel), although organic temper was used in Sperrings 2 vessels as well. The latter was also a characteristic trait for Jäkärlä Ware vessels that together with the complete absence of pit stamps, commonly missing from both styles, make their distinction potentially difficult (Matiskainen 2011;

20 Pesonen & Oinonen 2019). With regards to the pit stamps, these were characteristic of Sär 1 and Sperrings 1 vessels (Pesonen & Leskinen 2009; Matiskainen 2011). In this study, Jäkärlä and Sperrings 2 ceramics were never found together at the sampled sites. Conversely, vessel form was quite uniform in all pottery groups (Pesonen & Leskinen 2009); straight rims and walls made mostly of wide bands or coils of clay that converged into a pointed or more rounded base to form large cut-oval vessels. Small, cup-like pots also existed that were made out of a single lump of clay (Pesonen & Leskinen 2009; Stilborg & Holm 2009; Piezonka 2011). The sherds selected for this study derive in all cases from large vessels.

Figure 4: Maps of Finland showing the distribution of the pottery styles under investigation with the locations of the analyzed sites. Map A: Sperrings 1 (1) and Sär 1 (2) Wares in the first half of the Early Neolithic. Map B: Sperrings 2 (1) and Jäkärlä (3) Wares in the second half of the Early Neolithic (number 2 on map B indicates the distribution of Asbestos-tempered Sperrings 2 and Kaunissaari Ware ceramics, which are not included in the present study). Note that Sär 1 Ware has disappeared in the second half of the Early Neolithic. Dark areas between the ceramic styles distributions indicate zones of overlap (maps from Nordqvist & Mökkönen 2017, modified by Pesonen & Oinonen 2019; reproduced with the authors’ permission).

22 3. Methodological and Analytical Considerations

3.1 Introducing pottery use determinations by molecular and compound-specific isotope analysis of absorbed lipid residues

3.1.1 Lipid residue analysis Lipid residue analysis was the method of choice for determining pottery use in the study area, owing to its potential to identify the origins of organic matter preserved in archaeological ceramic vessels (e.g., Evershed et al. 2001). By this, the ranges of natural resources exploited and processed by prehistoric societies in association with ceramics can be revealed, reflecting either day-to-day food processing/cooking or more specialized social or economic practices. Lipids (animal fats, vegetable oils, waxes, plant resins) as common constituents in pottery organic residues are the group of biomole- cules on which a large proportion of pottery-use research has focused (Heron & Evershed 1993). The reason is their better preservation potential under the influence of chemical and microbiological decomposing agents compared to other groups of organic macromolecules, such as proteins and carbohydrates (Eglinton & Logan 1991; Heron & Evershed 1993). Indeed, some lipids may be quite chemically stable over long deposition times, undergoing only limited structural alteration. Other types of organic materials preserved in ceramic vessels and methods of analysis assisting pottery-use classifications are exemplified in Paper II. Lipids may be preserved either in charred encrustations on the vessels’ surface (interior and/or exterior) and/or absorbed within the ceramic fabric. To their enhanced survival, their entrapment within the structure of the car- bonaceous surface deposits or of the ceramic matrix has been suggested to be a determining factor (Evershed 1993; Heron & Evershed 1993). Regard- ing the latter, a correlation between the porosity of the ceramic wares and the preservation of lipids has recently been shown to exist, with the presence of high volumes (% of overall porosity) of small pores (˂ 1 μm diameter) in the clay fabrics being particularly favorable (Drieu et al. 2019). For the conduc- tors of the study, the small pores are formed when ceramics contain in-

23 creased amounts of fine clay matrix and less coarse components (natural or added coarse inclusions). In this case, better lipid preservation has been suggested to derive from higher protection through limited access of microor- ganisms and slower water flow into the small pores that diminish the potential of extensive leaching and hydrolysis (Drieu et al. 2019). To this, the hydrophobic nature of lipids is to be added as a protective factor (Evershed & Connolly 1988; Evershed 1993; Brown & Brown 2011:54; Heron & Ever- shed 1993). Both surface and absorbed residues can be particularly useful sources to yield information on pottery use, especially if the analysis of both is combined. However, surface residues do not occur as frequently as absorbed residues and lack protection from potential pre- and post-deposition contamination and/or further degradation from fire in cooking vessels due to their exposed nature (Evershed 1993; Evershed et al. 2001; Craig et al. 2007). Because of this, absorbed residues might be considered a contingently more secure material to work with, given their much higher incidence and protection offered by the ceramic fabric (Brown & Brown 2011:194). In this thesis, the focus has been exclusively on absorbed lipids, due also to the limited presence of surface residues in the material. In those very few cases where surface residues were present, they were scraped off with clean blade scal- pels and kept for possible future use, or granted to other specialists for stable isotope and radiocarbon (14C) dating analyses in research projects separate to the present. Lipid residues were analyzed for their chemical structure and distribution of molecular components by using gas chromatography coupled with mass spectrometry (GC-MS). Characterizations of lipid residues were attempted through consideration of: a) fatty acid distributions, b) fatty acid ratio estimations (relative abundances) and also, where possible, through c) identifications of lipid species unique to specific biological sources (lipid biomarkers; e.g., Evershed 2008). Where necessary and possible, stable carbon isotope analysis on selected fatty acid components (compound-specific isotope analysis – CSIA) was performed to aid characterizations with the use of gas chromatography- combustion-isotope ratio mass spectrometry (GC-c-IRMS; for more details on the analytical techniques see 3.1.3). Interpretations of the obtained lipid residue data were also supported by contextual considerations of faunal and botanical evidence, as well as of previous isotopic studies on human and animal skeletal materials.

3.1.2 Lipid extraction and derivatization The present research has also dealt with methodological problems, such as that arising when routinely used lipid extraction procedures are proved inef- ficient to extract lipids from pottery samples. Paper I discusses this issue within the framework of a study conducted by the author and co-workers

24 concerning the analysis of lipid residues from very small powdered pottery samples belonging to the Japanese Incipient Jõmon culture (ca. 13,900– 13,300 cal. BP). The samples whose amounts were about twenty times be- low what is recommended for absorbed lipid residue analysis did not yield any lipids after prior application of the conventional ultrasonically aided chloroform-methanol (2:1, v/v) extraction technique that is followed by tri- methylsilyl (TMS) derivatization of the extracted lipids. Derivatization is a chemical reaction necessary to convert lipids into less polar, more volatile, low molecular weight derivatives, suitable for analysis by gas chromatographic means (Pollard et al. 2007:142; Brown & Brown 2011:63). Lipids were, however, released after subsequent application of an alternative acid- catalyzed one-step extraction and methylation technique on the insoluble 13 fraction and measured for the δ C values of the C16:0 and C18:0 fatty acids by GC-c-IRMS. Detailed descriptions of the techniques can be found in Papers I, III, and V. The possibility offered by the acid-methanol technique to extract lipids, even those strongly bound to the ceramic matrix, and simultaneously to convert them to fatty acid methyl ester derivatives (FAMEs), which is the required derivative form for GC-c-IRMS analysis, is the most important advantage. By this, increased interpretation possibilities are achieved thanks to the increased lipid recovery possibilities and reduced analysis times. The sole disadvantage is that some diagnostic molecular structures useful for straightforward identifications are lost. This is due to the hydrolysis caused in the structure of complex molecular species (acylglycerols and wax esters), which break down into their component molecules. As a result, the identification process becomes more complicated as it must be based on the hydrolysis products and diagnostic compounds that remain unaltered (if any), making compound-specific isotope analysis necessary for more secure residue assignments (see also, Correa-Ascencio & Evershed 2014; Breu Barcons 2016). With the standard solvent extraction, the bound lipid fraction is not accessible, so extra work is needed to release it by using another solvent, and methylation will be further required if GC-c-IRMS analysis is intended (Christie 1993; Craig et al. 2004). Similar methodological schemes with both extraction and derivatization techniques applied in sequence due to low lipid yields in the first place have been applied previously, and the higher lipid recovery efficiency of the methanolic acid extraction proven (Isaksson 2011; Correa-Ascencio & Ever- shed 2014). Methanolic acid extraction was also tested with success on surface residues (Craig et al. 2013; Taché & Craig 2015), but never before on such small and old pottery samples as the Japanese in this study, and this is what makes the application presented here unique. Since invasive analytical methods are generally not encouraged on archaeological materials due to the destruction they cause and restricted access to them is often imposed by factors of material rareness, it is important that there are alternative analytical

25 solutions proven effective with less material and without antiquity being a restrictive factor. The research results obtained from the analysis of the Jap- anese ceramics constitute evidence that lipid residue analysis can be applied to pottery material dating as far back as the end of the Late Pleistocene time even by using substandard sample quantities. For its increased lipid recovery potentials, acid-catalyzed direct extraction and methylation was the technique selected for the entire study material from the Baltic that, as presented earlier, comprised mostly of old-excavated and long-stored and handled ceramics with suspected limited lipid preservation.

3.1.3 Instrumental analytical techniques

3.1.3.1 Molecular analysis by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) GC-MS was used to separate and identify the molecules comprising the lipid residues (Fig. 5). The technique provides highly reliable identification of complex lipid mixtures and is widely used for this kind of analysis, thanks to its capacity to achieve sufficient molecule separations and high sensitivity to detect low or even trace abundances of molecules (Evershed 2008; Pollard et al. 2007; Gregg 2017). Characterizations of lipid residues are made on the basis of their fatty acid profiles (distribution and relative abundance) and the possible presence of certain compounds/biomarkers indicative of specific natural sources by comparison with known lipid compositions of modern reference materials (Evershed 1993; Heron & Evershed 1993). This molecular approach to identifying lipid sources is based on different organisms producing lipids of slightly different distributions and/or structures, as a result of different lipid metabolisms and adaptations to different physical environments (Hazel & Williams 1990). However, identifications are not always straightforward. Original lipid distributions and ratios may alter during use and deposition, or when different natural products are mixed. For example, in cooking vessels, leading to complex lipid mixtures that are hard to match to the parental sources with certainty (Evershed 2008). Additionally, lipids are hardly ever preserved in their original form. A series of chemical reactions often transform them into non-diagnostic compounds (Evershed 1993). Nonetheless, identifications of terrestrial and aquatic animal fats and plant lipids, as well as of fats from ruminant carcass and dairy, can be achieved, especially in the presence of biomarkers (Isaksson 2009). In their absence, however, it might not be feasible to draw reliable interpretations based on the fatty acid distributions alone, as also discussed in Paper II (Evershed 1993). In this, as in every case, more reliable interpretations are anticipated with the combination of molecular analysis of lipid residues with stable carbon isotope (δ13C) analysis of individual fatty acids.

26 In the GC-MS analyses of this study, samples (extracted and derivatized lipids dissolved in organic solvent) entered a GC compartment through a heated injection port to be volatilized, and the molecules were separated from one another while moving through a chromatographic (capillary) column with the aid of a continuously flowing inert gas, called the mobile phase (Helium). In a GC unit, the column is located in a temperature- programmable oven (column oven), where it is heated following a time- based temperature rise program. Molecules were separated on the basis of their physical properties (weight, shape, type of functional group), the temperature program, and their interaction with the mobile and stationary phases of the column (a thin layer of a substance chemically bound to the column walls), all of which affect the time of elution from the chromatographic system, or conversely, the retention time in the column (Pollard et al. 2007:137– 145). While exiting the column separated in eluting orders, molecules entered an ion source in the MS unit to form fragment ions in patterns characteristic of each molecule by interacting with high-energy electrons (electron impact ionization, EI). The ions were then extracted from the ion source into ion beams and subsequently projected through a quadrupole mass analyzer (a system of four metal rods arranged in parallel as pairs of opposite electric charge) for ion separation. Separation of the ions was taking place on the basis of their mass-to-charge ratio (m/z). Ions with the right masses according to fixed settings were passed through the quadrupole, and were recorded, and by scanning/changing the settings in the quadrupole mass spectra (ranges of fragment ions) of the compounds were obtained. The mass spectra obtained for each unknown molecule was being compared to the mass spectra of known organic molecules stored in a computer database/library (Pollard et al. 2007:160–167, 175; Gregg 2017). Slightly varying molecules with similar elution times cannot be distinguished on the basis of GC analysis only. Their distinction is perceived only through their mass spectra that are unique to them (Gregg 2017). By this, the value of coupling a mass spectrometer to a gas chromatograph becomes clear. Details for the analytical parameters/conditions applied for the analysis of the lipid extracts are to be found within their context (Papers III and V).

Figure 5: A schematic showing the type of gas chromatograph-mass spectrometer (GC-MS) used in this study. The separated lipid molecules were identified as Gauss- ian peaks in TIC (Total Ion Count) chromatograms (down left) and as peaks of posi- tively charged ion fragments in mass spectra characteristic of each molecule (down right). Drawing: Vasiliki Papakosta.

3.1.3.2 Compound-specific stable carbon isotope analysis by gas chromatography-combustion-isotope ratio mass spectrometry (GC-c- IRMS) GC-c-IRMS was used to complement GC-MS analyses as a higher resolution technique and to aid the characterization of lipid residues. Analyses were performed to measure the stable carbon isotopic abundance (13C/12C) of the C16:0 and C18:0 fatty acids (their methyl-ester derivatives) of selected samples in comparison with a certified reference standard material. The C16:0 and C18:0 fatty acid methyl esters (FAMEs) were measured and the obtained stable carbon isotope data, as derived from calculations using the δ-notation formula, were presented as their δ13C values (expressed as units of parts per thousand, ‰):

13 δ Cs = (Rs / Rstd – 1) x 1000 (‰)

In this formula, Rs corresponds to the stable carbon isotope ratio (13C/12C) of the sample (the C16:0 or C18:0 FAME in this case), and Rstd to the stable carbon isotope ratio (13C/12C) of the standard (a marine limestone named Vien- na Pee Dee Belemnite, VPDB). The δ13C values that show how enriched the FAMEs of the samples were in the heavier 13C isotope compared to the standard, were then compared to those of previously measured reference plant and animal sources after prior correction for derivatization (methylation - one extra carbon atom added in

28 the molecules). By this, estimations of the most likely origins of the lipid residues were enabled. The difference of the δ13C values of the FAMEs 13 13 13 13 (Δ C= δ C18:0–δ C16:0 (‰)) plotted against the δ C value of the C16:0 fatty acid was also used as a proxy to distinguish between ruminant (e.g., deer) and non-ruminant (e.g., porcine) animal fats and to assist interpretations (e.g., Copley et al. 2003; Craig et al. 2012; Cramp & Evershed 2014). Characterizations of lipid sources, using this technique, are based on the concept that the stable carbon isotope content in the fatty acids from an organism depends on the stable carbon isotope content of its carbon source in the environment, its trophic level, and its lipid metabolism (Brown & Brown 2011). This briefly translates into differing fractionations of the stable carbon isotopes, i.e., differing isotope abundance ratios (13C/12C) in the fatty acids synthesized by the organisms (Evershed et al. 1997; Meier-Augenstein 1999; Evershed 2008; Brown & Brown 2011; Gregg 2017). Even different tissues of the same organism may exhibit differences in the stable carbon isotopic composition of the fatty acids they produce, like those synthesized in the adipose tissues as opposed to mammary glands of lactating animals. The latter has enabled distinctions of fats from carcass and milk/dairy products (e.g., Dudd & Evershed 1998; Copley et al. 2003; Dunne et al. 2012; Isaksson & Hallgren 2012; Carrer et al. 2016). The GC-c-IRMS analytical system used here for stable carbon isotopic determination of FAMEs combined a GC unit for their separation and an IRMS (isotope-ratio mass spectrometer) unit for measuring their 13C/12C ratios (Fig. 6). It was required, however, that the analytes were converted into CO2 gas before entering the IRMS, and that was achieved through their combustion in a CuO/Pt containing reactor tube positioned between the GC and IRMS units (combustion interface). Measurements were carried out on ion beams of m/z 44, 45, and 46 produced by an ion source in the IRMS. 12 16 13 16 These masses correspond to the three isotopologues of CO2 ( C O2, C O2 12 18 16 and C O O). For system calibration purposes, CO2-pulses of a reference standard gas were introduced in alternate with the sample CO2-pulses from a separate line (dual inlet IRMS). The offset δ13C data were further processed by calibration against fatty acid methyl ester standards of known δ13C values measured multiple times during the run of set sample sequences. The use of standards was necessary to monitor instrument performance, precision, and accuracy (for more details on operation principles and instrumentation, see, e.g., Meier-Augenstein 1999; van Leeuwen et al. 2014). Details for the analytical conditions/parameters used for the analysis of the samples are given within the respective publication (Paper III).

Figure 6: The GC-c-IRMS instrumental setup at Delta Facility, Stockholm Universi- ty, used in this study for compound-specific stable carbon isotope analysis of pottery lipid residues. A Trace GC unit (top right) is coupled to a Thermo Delta V mass spectrometer (down left) via an IsoLink combustion reactor interface. Photo: Va- siliki Papakosta.

Non-parametric statistical analysis of variance (Kruskal-Wallis test) was performed on the current and previously published δ13C datasets (of absorbed lipid residues from the study area) for inter- and intra-cultural comparative analyses of pottery use (Paper III). The motivation for the selection of this method was that it does not require normal distribution and can be used to test if two or more samples of equal or different sample sizes originate from the same distribution.

30 3.2 Determining pottery use among hunter-gatherers around the Baltic Sea

3.2.1 Molecular and isotopic evidence of aquatic and terrestrial resource processing – Tracing cooking The lipid profiles of most vessels with measurable lipid concentrations re- sembled those of degraded animal and, in some cases, also plant products (Paper III, V). The fact that pottery had been exposed to heat was confirmed for those vessels that contained lipid molecules known to be produced thermally at high temperatures. Such molecules were the ω-(o- alkylphenyl)alkanoic acids (APAAs), and possibly also the much less frequently detected ketones (Evershed et al. 1995; Hansel et al. 2004). The frequency of these molecules varied both within and between the different pottery styles. Regarding the EBK material, molecular indicators of heat exposure were found in only two out of fifty-two vessels analyzed from southern Sweden (1.9%), and in four vessels out of the twenty from the island of Lolland (20%; about half of the analyzed samples from the site did not yield any lipids). On the other side of the Baltic, indications of heat exposure were more apparent in the ECW material from Finland, corresponding to fifty-five percent (55%) of the total number of analyzed vessels (12 out of 22). This could indicate differences in pottery use in relation to heating. However, for those remaining ceramics in which APAAs and ketones were absent, one should not entirely reject a use for cooking, since these compounds do not form at low temperatures like those reached, for example, in simmering or boiling. Moreover, not all foodstuffs heated at temperatures as high as 270 ℃ would produce APAAs. Further mineralogical examination in the clay of EBK ceramics from Scania (Paper IV) showed that the majority was made of coarse wares, which is considered a characteristic of low- fired cooking vessels. Preservation may just be another factor responsible for absence of the molecules. From the general impression acquired by the obtained GC-MS chromatograms, variations in the frequency of the above mentioned compounds seem largely to derive from variability in lipid preservation. However, as mentioned earlier, variations in food-processing methods and the types of foods processed may have additionally contributed to a certain degree. For at least the Swedish material, it can certainly be said that poor lipid preservation was largely responsible for the almost complete absence of APAAs and ketones, which only occur in very low amounts, if at all, even in well-preserved samples. As also noted in Paper III, lipid preservation depends on an array of factors that, apart from the antiquity of the ceramics, also relates to the conditions in the burial environment, the fabric itself, and the ways ceramics were handled both during their use-life as well as after their recovery at the

31 site (Dunne et al. 2017). Except for the age of the ceramics that in all cases was similar, the rest of the factors affecting lipid survival may have had various influences on the state of preservation across the materials. In those samples where APAAs occurred, apart from indicating that vessel contents were heated, they were also considerably useful in identifying the types of resources contained in the corresponding vessels. APAAs form from unsaturated fatty acids only, which are common constituents of plant and aquatic oils (Cramp & Evershed 2014). However, the ranges of unsaturated fatty acids are not exactly the same in both sources, and this helps with their distinction. That said, APAAs with C16 and C18 carbon atoms were more indicative of plant oils (or fats from herbivores), while a broader range additionally containing the C20 and C22 APAAs pointed to aquatic contents. The fact that the latter two APAAs are not as frequently preserved as the C16 and C18 counterparts in archaeological ceramics makes it easy to misinterpret aquatic residues as terrestrial (plant or animal). To avoid this and to assign residues to aquatic sources with the highest degree of certainty when the C20 and C22 APAAs were missing, additional biomarkers were sought. These were the isoprenoids 4,8,12-trimethyltridecanoic acid (TMTD), 3,7,11,15- tetramethylhexadecanoic acid (phytanic acid), and 2,6,10,14- tetramethylpentadecanoic acid (pristanic acid), as well as the mono- unsaturated C20:1 to C24:1 fatty acids (Ackman & Hooper 1970; Cramp & Evershed 2014). From the isoprenoid fatty acids (IFAs), however, TMTD can only be confidently attributed to aquatic sources, while the two other IFAs can also point to ruminant carcass and dairy products (Cramp & Ever- shed 2014). To be able to identify aquatic lipids was crucial in order to determine whether there was a link between the use of ceramics and the processing of water resources, like it was previously shown for other early pottery collections analyzed from the Baltic, Japan, and North America (Craig et al. 2011; Craig et al. 2013; Taché & Craig 2015; Lucquin et al. 2016). In this study, the full range of aquatic biomarkers (the three IFAs and the C16-C22 APAAs) was never found in any of the analyzed residues. From the IFAs, the most frequently encountered was phytanic acid, while pristanic acid was found in only some ECW pots, always in combination with the former. TMTD was never detected. Therefore, the criteria set for identifying aquatic lipids here comprised of partial sets of aquatic biomarkers. These biomarker sets con- sisted of at least one IFA in combination with full (C16-C22) or partial ranges of APAAs (C18-C20 or C18-C22) (Evershed et al. 2008), preferably also the C20:1 to C24:1 fatty acids, cholesterol (animal sterol) and/or derivatives of it, and broad ranges of α, ω-dicarboxylic acids/diacids (DAs) that form from the oxidation of unsaturated fatty acids (Regert et al. 1998). The C20-C22 APAAs alone were also considered as aquatic biomarkers. Following these criteria, it became possible to directly identify aquatic lipids in at least four EBK samples from Lolland (44% of the samples containing lipids), and nine

32 ECW samples from Finland (41%). From the Scanian EBK samples, only one fulfilled the criteria, but the presence of the C22:1 fatty acid in another nine samples (all from the site of Löddesborg) made up a sum of ten samples (19%) with possible aquatic residues (see also Papers III and V). For further substantiating the presence of aquatic residues in samples, it was also the C18:0/C16:0˂ 0.48 fatty acid ratio proxy that was considered, especially for the generally well-preserved residues from Finland and Lolland (Olsson & Isaksson 2008; Isaksson 2009). Fatty acid ratios were always considered in relation to the general lipid profiles of the samples, because distributions of fatty acids alone are considered unreliable indices for residue characterizations. The reason is that fatty acid distributions are subject to changes by a series of complex compound transformations taking place during deposition, which may also affect and change fatty acid relative abundances (for a literature review on this matter see Taché et al. 2019). In samples lacking aquatic biomarkers, higher ratios were suggested to indicate a large input from terrestrial animal fats, while mixing of aquatic with terrestrial animal fats was suggested for samples with high ratios and aquatic biomarkers (Romanus et al. 2007; Isaksson 2009; see also Paper V). High ratios and sets of positional isomers of branched-chain fatty acids in ECW residues were interpreted as possibly indicating fats from ruminants. For the Scanian samples, the fatty acid ratio proxy was not applicable, due to contamination that prevented accurate calculations of fatty acid concentrations, and the general poor lipid preservation condition (see Paper III). By employing the biomarker approach and the C18:0/C16:0 ratio proxy, it became clear that there was no exclusive link between any of the ECW pottery groups under study and the processing of water resources. In contrast, lipids from terrestrial animal resources formed a significant proportion of the analyzed residues, either mixed with aquatic lipids or as the main components. From north to south, terrestrial animal products were not excluded from pottery even at coastal sites. The relative proportions of aquatic versus terrestrial animal resources were generally consistent with the site locations, that is, a larger representation of aquatic lipids in coastal sites and lower representation inland. Terrestrial animal products were most probably not excluded from the EBK ceramics from Scania and Syltholm either, although their use might have been at a much lower rate than in the ECW ceramics. The processing of terrestrial animal products in EBK pottery was also supported by previous (Craig et al. 2011) and newly published lipid residue data (Courel et al. 2020). The poorly preserved residues in the Scanian EBK ceramics did not allow the formation of a clear and accurate picture of the resources processed and an estimation of the relative representations of aquatic over terrestrial animal resources. Therefore the interpretations of their likely origins in this thesis were mostly based on the GC-c-IRMS data. From isotopically measured samples that plotted within the range of reference ruminant fats, the pro-

33 cessing of this resource type in pots, even in a small proportion in relation to aquatic, is quite probable. Contribution of non-ruminant (porcine) fats was not excluded either, since their separation from marine ones in the absence of aquatic-specific molecules is not possible by the GC-c-IRMS results alone given their isotopic similarity (Craig et al. 2007). The situation must have been similar in the ceramics from Syltholm. Although the majority of the latter were found to contain isotopically enriched lipid residues, in keeping with a significant marine input, some contribution from terrestrial animal products was assessed likely by using the Δ13C proxy (Fig. 7).

13 13 13 Figure 7: A plot showing the distribution of the Δ C (δ C18:0-δ C16:0) values 13 against the δ C16:0 values of the EBK pottery samples from Scania, southern Swe- den, and Syltholm, Lolland (from Paper III). The plot helps to distinguish between different sources of animal fats or mixtures by providing ranges of reference materials measured in the same way (Copley et al. 2004). Cross (+) indicates oval bowls/lamps and asterisk (*) indicates samples containing aquatic biomarkers. The further the samples move to the right, the greater the contribution of marine food components in the residues or in the animals’ diet. Mixing of fats is possible for samples plotting across or close to the upper threshold line. As seen in Fig. 7, two samples from Syltholm (Lolland) containing aquatic biomarkers (and having high C18:0/C16:0 ratios indicative of a terrestrial animal input, see Table S1 in Supporting information) had surprisingly low Δ13C values that dropped deeply into the ruminant dairy fat range (Copley et al. 2003; Craig et al. 2012). Considering the context and given that no 14C dates of bones from domesticated species were available to verify the practice of animal husbandry by the EBK occupants of the site, the data had to be

34 interpreted with particular caution. The point raised by the author and co- workers in the study (Paper III) was that, while dairy and aquatic products could have both been processed in the pots, it should be borne in mind that mixing of aquatic oils with fats from terrestrial animal tissues could in theory also create an artificially dairy fat signature (Evershed et al. 2008). Even 13 13 13 more so, if red deer fat with a Δ C (δ C18:0–δ C16:0) difference similar to that of dairy – a possibility existing for northern Europe (Craig et al. 2012), was mixed with aquatic oils. A more recent lipid residue study, comprising a much larger EBK ceramic material than the present, confirmed a limited use of dairy products in EBK pots at the neighboring German Baltic coast (Grube-Rosenhof, Neustadt; Courel et al. 2020). Based on the latter evidence, it is, therefore, quite likely the two pots from Syltholm actually contained dairy foodstuffs. Plant resources were also used in pots by EBK and likely also by ECW hunter-gatherers. In EBK ceramics, molecular indicators of plants were plant sterols (β-sitosterol, campesterol) identified in two samples, one belonging to an oval bowl/lamp from the site of Soldattorpet (inv.no. SHM11461:622) and another to a pointed-based vessel from Syltholm (inv.no. X4531). The lamp sample contained also cholesterol and a short range of diacids. By considering also the isotopic profile of the sample, it was suggested that plant oils and aquatic (or porcine) fats must have both been used as fuel for illu- mination in this certain type of vessel. The sample from the pointed-based vessel, apart from plant sterols, contained aquatic biomarkers and cholesterol, all of which supporting mixing of aquatic (marine mammals or fish) and plant lipid components. Unusually high concentrations of the C12:0 and C14:0 fatty acids along with a set of diacids and isotopically depleted C16:0 and C18:0 fatty acids in another pointed-based vessel from Soldattorpet (inv.no. SHM11461:30) were strong evidence of a predominant plant-oil ingredient. On the other hand, ECW ceramics with no aquatic biomarkers were sometimes found to contain ranges of diacids and/or dihydroxy fatty acids with C16 or C18 carbon atoms, as trimethylsiloxy-C16:0 methyl ester (2-TMS-oxy (C16:0)) and trimethylsiloxy-C18:0 methyl ester (2-TMS-oxy (C18:0)) (see Table 2 in Paper V). These compound classes are oxidation derivatives of unsaturated fatty acids and could originate from either aquatic or plant resources (Regert et al. 1998; Hansel et al. 2011). The ranges in which these were detected here, however, and the fact that no aquatic biomarkers were present in the same samples made an origin from plants more likely. Wax residues from leafy plants were also probably detected in the form of even-numbered long chain n-alkanols and/or long-chain n-alkanes with a dominance of odd- over even-carbon number distribution (Charters et al. 1997). Another sample of the Sär 1 type (Ou725B) from the site of Oulu Vapsänkangas, not containing food residues, was dominated by the signal of the diterpenoid dehydroabietic acid. This molecule originates from coniferous resin and, in pottery samples, it is generally found at low abundances. Cases of low abundance

35 are often interpreted as contamination from degraded pine wood in the soil to which ceramics were attached during burial, or from smoke particles emit- ted from pine wood burnt in firing or cooking (Simoneit et al. 2000; Pollard & Heron 2008). Another source of contamination could be the wooden drawers in which ceramics are often kept in museums (Dunne et al. 2017). In the sample from Oulu, however, the predominance of dehydroabietic acid as well as the concomitant presence of other plant-deriving lipids, such as β- sitosterol and long-chain n-fatty acids, n-alkanols and n-alkanes, rather suggest the use of pine resin as sealant to waterproof the walls of the vessel, perhaps for a use in liquid storage (Pollard & Heron 1996:240–245).

3.2.2 Tracing storage Storage of food or non-food substances is a practical use that does not produce thermally modified lipid species. Although difficult to prove for ceramics with low lipid yields and no molecular evidence of thermally processed goods, such use remains possible, to at least some extent (Heron & Evershed 1993:251). Complementary mineralogical analyses on the clay fraction of ceramics from Scania (Paper IV) showed that storage could have been the use of at least one vessel that makes up about four percent (4 %) of the total analyzed material from the region. However, the use of this vessel in exclusively wet cooking was not excluded. Interpretations were based on the persistence of a heat-sensitive mineral (calcite) at the bottom of a pointed-based vessel from which the analyzed sherd derived (inv.no. SHM11461:92, Fig.3C). The sherd had low lipid content.

3.2.3 Contamination in Scanian EBK ceramics In most parts of the Swedish material, contamination consisting mostly of various ranges of aromatic hydrocarbons was detected. The compounds, interpreted as molecular by-products of wood burning, were never reported previously in lipid residue investigations of vessel interiors, which renders their presence here unusual. The issue was discussed in Paper III, and was further investigated in the study reported in Paper IV. One of the aims of the latter study was to identify any correlation between the contamination and the clay paste. No definite conclusion was reached, but a correlation with the clay was considered likely by FTIR-detected (see 3.3.1) organic compound classes that assimilated those naturally occurring in the soil. It was hypothesized then that the lipid extraction method (acidified methanol) applied on the material could have interfered with organic plant matter native to the clay, which had not been completely burnt during firing (EBK ceramics in Scania were rarely tempered with plant material). The low firing tempera-

36 tures found in the same study to have been applied to the ceramics could have only partly destroyed it (see also Kaal et al. 2014). This type of contamination that concerned that part of the Scanian material collected at the premises of the Swedish History Museum in Stockholm caused serious problems in the identification and quantification of the preserved lipids, and most importantly in their chromatographic separation during the GC-MS analyses. Satisfactory separation of the analytes is a prereq- uisite for establishing their presence and the basis for reliable isotopic measurements. Particularly problematic were those contaminants whose chromatographic peaks overlapped with those of the C16:0 and/or the C18:0 fatty acids that were to be isotopically measured. Sample purification performed in order to isolate the fatty acids from co-eluting contaminants was not a solu- tion, since contamination remained with the fatty acids. Their separation was finally achieved chromatographically during the isotopic analyses by changing standard analytical parameters on the GC-c-IRMS instrument (for more details see Materials and Methods in Paper III). This allowed fatty acids to be measured without interfering carbon from contamination, however not in all samples. The latter had to be excluded. Having been unable to ascertain the origin of the contamination in the Scanian samples, burial soils that in this case were enriched with carbon, probably from the decomposition of hearth-deriving charcoal (Kjellmark 1903), or even the way pots were fired or treated at the sites, still hold as other possible sources. The possibility of soil contamination, although considered negligible in a couple of previous studies (Heron et al. 1991; Oudemans & Boon 1996), may in fact depend on local conditions, and for this reason, the examination of soil material originally attached to ceramics intended for lipid residue analyses is always advisable (Skibo & Deal 1995:323). However, this was not an option in this study as the material comes from old excavations, and the usefulness of keeping soil for control studies was not estimated at that time. Additionally, the way pots are fired may accordingly influence the way wood pyrolysis products are distributed over the ceramic bodies, and variations in the type and degree of contamination across the sites may reveal differences in firing methods. Based on ethnographic analogies, contemporary traditional hand-made pottery in the Indian Himalayas is often baked by placing the rims towards the base of open fires (Perryman 2008:15–16). This practice reduces thermal stress by slowing down the heating of vessels and protects them from crush- ing when temperature suddenly drops in the cooling stage. This firing method is considered advantageous for geographical regions with cold weather conditions. In this same context, pottery sherds were also used in mixture with ash and other materials as insulators in open firings for sustaining the heat. Such practices would potentially saturate the inner surface of fired vessels or secondarily used sherds with soot, whose chemical composition is

37 similar to that found in the Scanian samples. It is, therefore, possible practices like these have taken place here. Phthalates found in a large sample proportion were another type of contamination, having probably originated from the plastic bags in which samples were stored. Their presence, however, in no case impeded analytical procedures and interpretations of data. From the above, it might be inferred that contamination either from pottery production procedures, be it the clay used by the potter, the firing process, etc., or from organic-rich environments of deposition, could cause serious problems in organic (lipid) residue studies. Although problems of contamination can be alleviated, for example, as described earlier, they can certainly challenge standard sample preparation procedures, dramatically extend analysis times, and most importantly, reduce the number of vessels from which pottery-use information is to be obtained. That was largely the case with the Scanian samples, in which chromatographic overlaps of contaminants with the C16:0 and C18:0 fatty acids could not always be sufficiently resolved, despite analytical adjustments. In these cases, no reliable isotopic measurements could be produced, and data had to be excluded from subsequent data analysis procedures, as mentioned earlier. The number of prospective samples for getting isotope data from was further reduced by lipid preservation issues.

3.3 Chemical and mineralogical characterizations of clay powder samples from Scanian EBK ceramics using multi-proxy spectroscopic analysis Selected samples from the Scanian EBK ceramic material, previously analyzed for lipid residues, were further subjected to clay composition analyses using a set of spectroscopic techniques complementary to each other and suitable for the type of samples (i.e., ceramic powder). The techniques included Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), powder X-ray diffraction (XRD), and portable X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (pXRF). The combination of these techniques allowed the collection of qualitative and quantitative information from both the organic and inorganic/mineral fraction of the samples, which was essential for the research aims of the study described in Paper IV (see also Section 2 in this thesis). It is noteworthy that the same samples were used for all these types of analysis. Therefore, no additional sampling and further destruction of pottery sherds was required. Details of the instrumentation and analytical parameters applied are found in connection with each technique in Paper IV.

38 3.3.1 FTIR The technique provides broad characterizations of substances contained in archaeological materials. In Paper II it is presented in connection with analysis of pottery surface residues. In this research, FTIR was chosen for its capability of providing molecular information from both the organic and inorganic/mineral fraction of the powdered clay samples in short analytical times and with only minute sample preparation. Additionally, it complemented ideally XRD in that it helped detect minerals with too low concentrations to be detectable with that technique, thanks to its higher sensitivity. Identifica- tions were made on IR absorption spectra obtained from each sample containing absorption bands/peaks of spectral ranges characteristic of each component. Concentrations of the molecules were inferred from the intensities of absorption. The fundamentals of the technique are that molecules exposed to infrared radiation start vibrating, and the radiation absorbed is as much as the energy it takes for particular chemical bonds in the molecules to vibrate. Hence, types of chemical bonds are identified, and from this, the molecular species (Pollard et al. 2007:78). Descriptive statistics on the spectra enabled the identification of the major absorption features in the samples. For the identification of a correlation between the amounts of lipids extracted from the same samples in one of the author’s sub-studies (Paper III) and the vibra- tion bands of likely organic components in the clay, linear correlation analysis was performed.

3.3.2 XRD (powder) The technique was used to identify the major mineral (crystalline) components of the powdered ceramic samples. Identifications of minerals were based on automatic computational calculations of distance differences (spacings) between the successive atomic layers forming the crystal lattices of the constituent mineral species. The spacings, which are found out by irradiating the samples with an X-ray beam of known wavelength (λ) from determined angles (θ), and the intensities of the diffracted X-rays are unique for each mineral species. Once calculated, they are compared with known spacings and intensities stored in a computer database, and minerals are identified. Additionally, differences in the intensities between the sum X-ray beams diffracted by each of the detected mineral crystals on the obtained XRD dif- fractograms can be used to infer their relative concentrations in the samples (for a more detailed description of the method’s principles, see, e.g., Pollard et al. 2007:113–117; and references therein).

39 3.3.3 pXRF pXRF is a commonly used technique for the rapid identification of major and trace chemical elements of archaeological artefacts in both in-situ and lab-based analysis. Its limitations in connection with the study of ceramics are discussed in Paper IV, as well as how these were minimized with the use of powdered samples in the present study. Chemical elements were identified through excitation by X-rays directed onto the surface layer of the samples. Excited atoms were emitting radiation (X-ray photons) with specific energies allowing their identification and quantification (for more details, see, e.g., Pollard et al. 2007:101–109). Discriminant function analysis (DFA) was performed on the pXRF analysis data obtained from the analyzed pottery groups/sites in order to identify groups of samples with similar chemical composition. The statistical method was selected for its capability to determine the optimal combinations of chemical elements discriminating between the analyzed groups of ceramics, and its sensitivity in identifying in them groups of compositional proximity by testing predicted group membership.

40 4. Early pottery use among hunter-gatherers around the Baltic Sea

4.1 Isotopic and geochemical indications of reduced mobility of pots and people in southern Sweden Indications of low mobility of pots and possibly people were likely revealed by the multi-proxy analyses performed on pottery assemblages from different sites in Scania. Firstly, isotope data from pottery residues from sites situ- ated at the west and east coasts of Scania showed possible salinity level differentiation between the two sides of the Scanian peninsula (Paper III). Sa- linity differentiation was possibly due to differential influence by freshwater runoff in the near-shore zone of the sites where aquatic resources were probably caught, and/or differential influence by saltwater from the Atlantic. Secondly, comparative geochemical analysis of pottery from partly the same sites in the west and east Scanian coasts (Soldattorpet and Kesemölla) offered additional evidence for onsite pottery production by using clay sedi- ments in the proximity of the sites, most likely with the intention to remain there and to fulfill culinary and other needs of the producing local communities (Paper IV). The above presented isotopic evidence of locally caught aquatic resource processing, in combination with the onsite pottery production, and the absence of evidence for between-site pottery intermixing are taken to indicate reduced population mobility and site-to-site pottery transfer, at least on an east-west geographical axis. This corresponds nicely to a previous observa- tion of distinctly separated groups of ceramics east and west of Scania based on decoration (Stilborg & Bergenstrahle 2000). It is acknowledged, however, that the number of analyzed sites in this study is small and consideration of a larger number of sites/samples is therefore needed in the future, contingently with the same methodological approach, for the validation of this inference. Further chemical separation of the ceramics from two different, though neighboring, excavated trenches at the site of Soldattorpet (Paper IV) was another interesting finding further indicating that the site was inhabited by multiple groups of people, each one producing their own pottery, cheek by jowl, and in fact holding their own clay deposit. A potential explanation to the latter would be the prevention of inter-group conflicts, which otherwise could arise if access to the same clay source was common to all. Inter-

41 group violence and increased sense of territoriality are not new concepts for the EBK society (e.g., Johansen 2006:208; and references therein), and this evidence places the concept of territoriality within the confines of the site.

4.2 Interrelation of pottery use amongst the studied hunter-gatherer cultural groups Comparison of the typologically similar EBK and Narva pottery traditions revealed different patterns of use, at least with regard to the pointed-based type (Paper III). Oval bowls/lamps were excluded from the statistical analysis performed to investigate pottery use variation due to the small number of samples. On an intra-cultural scale, there was little or significant isotopic variability between the compared groups of EBK ceramics from southern Sweden, Denmark and northern Germany, which must have derived from variation across these regions in the aquatic species processed in corre- spondence with the local environment and sea salinity conditions. However, pottery use was not really different among these regions, since the types of resources processed were similar. By considering also δ13C data from a previous study (Craig et al. 2011), apart from aquatic resources that generally predominated in all regions, terrestrial animal and, in Scania also, plant resources had been used on a small scale. Furthermore, the EBK pottery seems to have served as a more generic food processing tool compared to the Nar- va, for which first evidence from Estonia suggested a use more focused on the processing of aquatic products, both at the coast and inland (Oras et al. 2017). A more recent study (Courel et al. 2020) with evidence from a larger Narva material reinforces the greater correlation between pots and aquatic resource processing compared to that observed in the EBK pottery and other adjacent pottery traditions. An interesting feature emerging from the statistical analysis of the present study was that of an east-west progressive en- richment in the aquatic δ13C values from the Estonian Narva to the Danish EBK sites, most likely reflecting the east-west increase in the salinity of the Baltic Sea and, by extension, the processing of locally caught aquatic species. As for the EBK and Narva oval bowls, there must have been some difference, too, in the substances used by each culture as fuel accepting their function as lamps. While the Narva bowls/lamps burnt exclusively aquatic fats (Oras et al. 2017), a larger variety of substances were identified in the EBK. In addition to aquatic fats, these substances also included plant-derived oils based on lipid residue evidence from both the present (Paper III) and previous studies (Craig et al. 2011; Heron et al. 2013). The use of terrestrial adipose fat, although possible in Scania on the basis of the isotope analysis data, could not be confirmed in the absence of diagnostic molecular evidence.

42 Surprising but not unusual was the detection of potential dairy lipids in EBK pointed-based pots from Lolland (see also, Saul et al. 2014; Courel 2020). While understanding the reasons for the adoption of pottery by the studied hunter-gatherer populations has been the primary goal of this research, this finding triggers the need to discuss if the introduction of pottery in the western Baltic was related with the processing of new products, as it has previously been done (Lowe Kooijmans 2010:35–36). The long cultural interaction and exchange relations of the EBK hunter-gatherers with their farming neighbors of the LBK and post-LBK cultures, evidenced by import- ed items of the latter in contexts of the former, and vice versa (Hartz et al. 2007), may have acted upon the way EBK people looked at food. The possible presence of dairy lipids in EBK pots could indicate a first stage widening of the EBK culinary tradition to incorporate agricultural foodstuffs. The fact that isotopic signals of dairy were found in only a small number of pots suggests that consumption of such products was potentially limited. Considering that domesticated animals appear only sporadically in EBK contexts, and it is after 3900 cal BC that animal husbandry becomes more systematic (Price & Noe Nygaard 2009; Glykou 2020), this is not surprising. But, at the same time presupposes that the processed dairy originated from the locally reared domesticated animals. If instead dairy were acquired by import/exchange, or even as gift offers by farmers (Jennbert 1984; Zvelebil 2006), their processing should not necessarily be restricted. In that sense, the limited occurrence of dairy in pots is not necessary to simply reflect the possible low-scale management of domesticated animals by the EBK hunter- gatherers, but also the use of this type of food in meals made for special oc- casions or purposes. Or even its restricted access by privileged hunter- gatherer groups or households. According to this, initial consideration of dairy as special or prestigious food items is possible (Jennbert 1984; Hayden 1995:261, 2003). The processing in ceramics of meat from domesticated animals, or grains from cereals, is for now not possible to assess whether it took place, due to the weakness of the current isotopic techniques to make taxonomic distinctions between domesticated and wild ruminant and plant species. However, the relatively limited presence of ruminant and plant lipids in pots permits the hypothesis of an origin from domesticated taxa, to at least some extent, if access to them was restricted at that time as with dairy. In addition, impres- sions of cereal grains have been found on a few undated EBK pots in Scania (Jennbert 1984; Koch 1998:49), brought from the outside or even possibly cultivated locally in small-scale plantations. For the latter in particular there are opinions both in favor and against (Sørensen 2014:84–85; and references therein). From the above, the author considers possible that the introduction of pots in the western Baltic coincided with the processing of new agrarian foodstuffs meant to enrich the gastronomic heritage of the EBK people. Such

43 new foodstuffs might have required new processing techniques including utensils like pots (Povlsen 2013:159). Thus, it is quite probable that pots were adopted on the occasion of the opening of the EBK hunter-gatherer culinary tradition to include new dietary elements possibly at a time when the social conditions were such to allow this change. In a first stage, this could have happened for prestige or other specific social purposes, triggering further social differentiation within the EBK hunter-gatherer groups (Fischer 2002; Hayden 2003:126, 2009:598; Zvelebil 2006:185), and perhaps also the subsequent change in economy. The current chronological discrepancy between the earliest EBK ceramics (4800/4600 cal BC; e.g., Andersen 2011) and the earliest dated domesticated animals in the western Baltic (4100 cal BC; Glykou 2016, 2020) may constitute this theory weak. However, new direct dates from possible dairy-containing pots would help detect the use of dairy earlier than the earliest documented occurrence of domesticated milk- producing animals in EBK contexts, and give substance to it. This would be possible, as it is known that such pots have occurred in contexts dating as early as 4600/4500 cal BC (Sørensen 2016; Courel et al. 2020). The adoption of the pointed-based pottery type rather than the rounded- bottomed used by the Neolithic farmers, notwithstanding the indications of agricultural influences on the EBK foodways during the latest phase of the Late Mesolithic, may indicate a second pathway of influence from pottery- using hunter-gatherer groups in the surrounding areas. This would be in line with the concept of creolisation in the development of the EBK pottery tradition (e.g., Dumpe et al. 2011). At the same time, this choice could have worked as a means for the EBK people to manifest materially their continued attachment to their hunter-gatherer identity. Regarding the studied ECW pottery sub-styles of Finland (Paper V), the impression acquired from the lipid residue analysis results is that of a rather homogeneous non-specialized mode of pottery use that transcends environmental (coast/inland), geographical, and chronological boundaries, and het- erogeneities in decoration style and paste used for their archaeological cate- gorization. The homogeneous use could be considered as proof of a unified ECW pottery tradition encompassing all its regional and local stylistic variations in accordance with previous considerations (for a discussion on variation in Sär 1 Early Northern Comb Ware of Finnmark see Skandfer 2005, 2009). If cultural identities of peoples are expressed through common ways of using or doing things, the homogeneity in the use of all the studied ECW pottery sub-styles indicates possibly that their makers/users identified themselves as carriers of the same culture as revealed by the shared and long- lasting pattern of pottery use. If that is true, a previous conception that the Sär 1 and Sperrings 1/Ka I:1 styles belonged to different cultural or ethnic entities (Torvinen 1999:25) should no longer be considered possible based on the present pottery use evidence (see also discussion in Skandfer 2009).

44 The non resource-specific use of the ECW ceramics that encompassed both terrestrial and aquatic foodstuffs contrasts with the focused use of the Narva ceramics on the processing of aquatic foods. This non-specialized versus specialized dipole characterizing the two adjacent pottery traditions is interesting and denotes that geographical proximity and potential between- culture interaction had no traceable impact on each culture’s pottery use or cuisine. Even if culinary culture exchange took place between these groups, it did not lead to homogenization. This is proof that cultures’ cuisines, although subject to influences and innovation, are durable cultural phenomena already since prehistoric times (Farb & Armelagos 1980; Isaksson 2010). Cuisine, also known as food culture, is the range of foods a culture selects from the environment, depending on availability, accessibility, and choice, and the set of rules for their preparation and consumption (Farb & Armela- gos 1980; Isaksson 2010; Saul et al. 2014). In both the ECW and Narva cultures, as well as in the EBK, aquatic resources held an important position in the spectrum of foods consumed, but terrestrial fauna had also a significant role in their subsistence economies; albeit, composition and proportional representation of faunal species varied inter-regionally due to variation in environment, preservation, and recovery methods of faunal skeletal remains in excavations (Enghoff 2011; Piezonka 2015; Glykou 2016; Lõugas 2017; Courel et al. 2020). The above means that all cultures favored similar foods. However, different ways may have been practiced to prepare and consume these foods cross-culturally, while cooking in pottery might have just been one of them. Other ways could have been roasting, drying, smoking, cooking in organic containers, etc., and certain foods could have been eaten either raw, or processed in multiple ways (Olsson & Isaksson 2008; Glykou 2014). Additionally, pots might have not necessarily been intended for the same types of food everywhere. For example, Narva people seem to have favored aquatic resources for pots, while EBK and ECW were more flexible as to the foods that could be prepared in them. This shows that each group had its own perceptions about which foods are ‘good’ for pottery and which not, which underlies choice and normative culinary behavior, and encompasses the essence of food culture (Isaksson 2009, 2010). Despite similarities in pottery forms and types and in biological resources exploited for sustenance, the observed difference in pottery use between these groups most likely reflects a difference in food culture. As food culture signifies cultural identity (Belasco 2008:15–33), this further establishes the existence of different cultural identities within the Baltic region expressed through different food cultures and pottery styles. The differences in food culture could have derived from different cultural influences on the groups’ traditional culinary practices based on their distinct histories, and from sociocultural processes stimulated internally and/or by exogenous elements through interaction and immigration. This could further be associated with differences in the uptake of pottery. Moreover, if the mo-

45 tivation for taking up pottery was due in part to influences between these cultures, influences were only about the technology itself, i.e., how it should be formed or look, while its use was adapted to meet each cultural group’s special culinary standards.

46 5. Concluding remarks and further research

The findings of this research highlight the difficulty in formulating solid ideas about the motives that sparked the desire for pottery in the studied cultural groups of hunter-gatherers. They enabled to discern, however, that early pottery use varied among these groups in the ranges of foodstuffs processed in pottery, given its main identified practical function as a food- processing device. More specifically, EBK pottery in southern Sweden, Denmark and northern Germany was used to process a broader range of foodstuffs that along with aquatic resources also included terrestrial animals and plants, and a similar situation was observed in the ECW pottery in mainland Finland. The ECW pottery sub-styles analyzed were further found to have had a rather homogeneous use, despite differences in decoration, clay paste, and geographical distribution. This is an indication that their manufac- turers/users must have belonged to the same cultural entity, and that the different styles were local variations of the same pottery culture (see also Skandfer 2005:19–20). This is based on that groups of people who share cultural identity also share common ways of using the objects of their material culture, in this context, pottery. The Narva ceramics in the eastern Baltic were more selectively used for the preparation of aquatic-based meals, which in accordance with the above, separates them culturally from their ECW neighbors. Moreover, the cross-cultural interaction proposed previously for the Narva and EBK peoples as an explanation for the occurrence of common pottery types in their ceramic inventories (e.g., Dumpe et al. 2011), while possible, certainly did not affect the way pottery was used in the two cultures. This was regulated individually by each culture, as was the production technology of the pots. As no major differences should have existed in the range of resources exploited and consumed by these groups, difference in pottery use must indicate a difference in food culture rather than diet. This could further be associated with between-culture differences in the pathway and process of pottery uptake. Regarding the EBK pottery, previous assumptions of a deriva- tion of the idea of pottery-making from southern influences from the LBK and post-LBK farmers in continental Europe are substantiated by evidence of dairy in pots, possibly from Lolland (Paper III), and more securely from the neighboring north German coast (Saul et al 2014; Courel et al. 2020). The social stimulus of pottery adoption in the EBK society is likely to over-

47 lap with new-born demands of prestigious exotic agricultural foodstuffs and new culinary methods for their preparation. The social circumstances under which Narva and ECW pottery were adopted are not as clear, but may be associated with similar processes of exogenous influences and adaptation to pre-existing culinary practices and ideals of food preparation and consumption. Future research should emphasize on identifying social nuances in pottery use within these groups. Beyond household-based cooking with which early pottery is commonly associated in these contexts (Stilborg & Holm 2009), various other social practices, like feastings or rituals, could have involved pottery as well. Additionally, early pottery might have been a culinary material of a prestigious value in the disposal of only those who could afford it in a site. All these can potentially leave distinct pottery distribution patternings across sites. Therefore, it might be worthwhile in future excavations of pottery-bearing Late Mesolithic sites to give special attention to it. This study showed that it is possible to identify different occupation areas on sites by chemically separate groups of pottery ware (Paper IV). Pottery lipid residue analysis could complement ideally similar research undertakings in current and future excavations to investigate pottery use variation between pottery groupings from different site areas, together with radiocarbon dating directly on the pots. Unfortunately, in the present study such an investigation was not possible, because of limitations imposed by poor lipid preservation and contamination. However, it is a promising research avenue for the future, if more specific requirements or social considerations of early pottery use are to be sought. It is also important that EBK pottery from Scania is more extensively dated in the future to establish its chronology. In addition, stable carbon isotope (δ13C) analysis of the local fauna, modern and/or archaeological from pottery-bearing Late Mesolithic contexts, is needed to confirm the interpretations of the poorly preserved pottery lipid residues from the sites studied.

48 6. Sammanfattning

Denna avhandling handlar om den allra tidigaste användningen av keramik, hos senmesolitiska jägarsamlargrupper, runt Östersjön. Fokus ligger på tre ungefär samtidiga (ca. 5200-3900 cal. BC) keramiktraditioner; Ertebølle (EBK), Narva och Tidig Kamkeramik (ECW). Genom att göra molekylär- och ämnesspecifik kolisotopanalys av lipidrester (fettrester) från den mat som beretts eller förvarats i keramikkärl har det varit möjligt att undersöka skillnader i kärlanvändning dessa grupper emellan. Skillnader i hur keramikärlen använts återspeglar skillnader i matkultur mellan de olika jägarsamlargrupperna, men kan även belysa skillnader i hur och varför de olika grupperna tog till sig keramikteknologin. Genom kompletterande analyser av den lera som använts för att framställa den keramik som påträffats på en rad EBK-lokaler i Skåne så kunde sociala aspekter av både keramikproduktion och användning på dessa platser klarläggas. Resultaten visade att keramiken tillverkades på plats, möjligen av olika enskilda grupper/hushåll på platserna, för lokalt bruk och utan avsikt till utbyte med grupper på andra lokaler. Möjligen hade olika grupper/hushåll på samma lokal olika lertäkter, vilket i så fall får konsekvenser för hur vi ska förstå föreställningar kring uppdelning av markanvändning inom det skandinaviska EBK-samhället. Kapitel 1 är en introduktion till avhandlingens forskningsområde och dess syfte. För att introducera läsaren till ämnet presenteras det övergripande målet med avhandlingsarbetet och sedan ges en bakgrund rörande de första keramiktraditioner som uppstod kring Östersjön; när de förekommer, var de förekommer och aktuell forskning som finns om hur de uppstått och utvecklats. En forskningshistorik kring den tidigaste keramiken i området presenteras. Kapitlet avslutas med en precisering av avhandlingens forskningsmål i form av frågeställningar. I kapitel 2 beskrivs det material som avhandlingen behandlat specifikt; keramiken, fyndplatserna och de olika fallstudierna som avhandlingen är baserad på. I kapitlet presenteras också de provtagningsstrategier som tillämpats samt källkritiska aspekter rörande provmaterialet varit väsentliga för avhandlingsarbetet. Kapitel 3 introducerar läsaren till de metoder och analystekniker som tillämpats på det arkeologiska materialet i syfte att bestämma kärlanvändningen. Här presenteras hur analys av lipidrester i arkeologisk

49 keramik för bestämning av kärlanvändning fungerar och vilka antaganden detta vilar på. I samband med detta presenteras även gaskromatografi- masspektrometri (GC-MS) och gaskromatografi-förbränning- isotopkvotsmasspektrometri (GC-c-IRMS), de analystekniker som använts för molekylär respektive ämnesspecifik kolisotopanalys av bevarade lipidrester, på ett grundläggande sätt. Lipidextraktions- och dervivatiseringsprotokollet som valts för att få loss lipiderna från den keramiska matrisen och för att förbereda dem för kromatografisk och masspektrometrisk analys beskrivs. Kapitlet fortsätter med att förklara hur molekylär sammansättning av lipidrester och isotopsammansättningen hos enskilda lipider kan användas för att bestämma vilka produkter som ursprungligen processats i jägarsamlarnas keramikkärl. Problem med kontamination, något som upptäcktes i en del av det analyserade materialet, diskuteras i detta sammanhang. Kapitlet avslutas med en presentation av de kemiska och mineralogiska analystekniker som använts dels i syfte att försöka ursprungsbestämma kontamineringen i keramiken och dels i syfte att belysa såväl tekniska som sociala aspekter av keramikproduktion. I kapitel 4 diskuteras frågan om mobilitet hos såväl människor som keramikkärl i det sydskandinaviska EBK-samhället, mot bakgrund av de erhållna resultaten. Problemet belyses genom en kombinerad analys av lipidrester och mineralogiska egenskaper hos själva keramiken. Kapitlet avslutas med att de inbördes sambanden rörande kärlanvändning, så väl inom som emellan samtliga av de studerade jägarsamlargrupperna, presenteras och diskuteras. Kapitel 5 är det avslutande kapitlet, där de viktigaste punkterna i forskningsresultaten summeras och de ursprungliga frågeställningarna besvaras. Kapitlet avslutas med förslag på fortsatt forskning inom avhandlingens problemområde.

50 7. References

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