ransylvanian eview Vol. XXVIII T R No. 2 /Revue de Transylvanie Summer 2019

Contents/Sommaire Chairman: • Paradigms Academician Ioan-Aurel Pop A High Level Political Meeting Decisive for ’s Neutrality 3 Center for Radu ªtefan Vergatti Transylvanian Studies Constantin G. Nanu (1859–1948): Tracing the Career of a Forgotten Diplomat 12 Adrian-Bogdan Ceobanu Love in and out of Uniform: Forest of the Hanged by Liviu Rebreanu 25 Florica Bodiştean Between Abstinence and Prohibition: Actions for Combating Alcoholism in during World War I 36 Ioana Mihaela Bonda Oana Mihaela Tãmaş National History and Ideology: The Union of 1918 As Reflected in the Work A Quarter Century after the Union of Transylvania by Silviu Dragomir 53 Sorin ªipoº • Transsilvanica The Institution of Papal Legation (12th–14th Centuries): Historical and Historiographical Benchmarks 74 Robert-Marius Mihalache Jewish Students from Transylvania at the Ludovika Military Academy 85 Nicoleta Hegedðs A Database Model for Social History: Historical Data Grinder and the Transylvanian Society of 19th and 20th Centuries 100 On the cover: Angela Cristina Lumezeanu RÃzvan Anton, • Literature Individual and Collectiv (2017–2018), Eminescu et l’esprit transylvain 112 blue ball pen on paper, Ovidiu Moceanu variable dimensions • Theology Transylvanian Review continues the Ecumenism in Dialogue: tradition of Revue de Transylvanie, Karl Rahner and Dumitru Stãniloae 119 founded by Silviu Dragomir, which was published in Cluj and then in Sibiu Jean Nedelea between 1934 and 1944. • Editorial Events Transylvanian Review is published quarterly by the Center for Transylvanian Iuliu Maniu As Seen by American 136 Studies and the Romanian Academy. Doru Cristian Todorescu Editorial Board • Book Reviews Cesare Alzati, Ph.D. Facoltà di Scienze della Formazione, Istituto Ion Irimie, Socrate şi Isus: Personalitãþi polare di Storia Moderna e Contemporanea, (reviewed by Mihaela Mudure) 140 Università Cattolica, Milan, Italy Mathias Beer, Ph.D. Gheorghe Cliveti, România modernã şi “apogeul Europei,” Institut für donauschwäbische Geschichte 1815–1914 (reviewed by Ioan Bolovan) 142 und Landeskunde, Tübingen, Germany Konrad Gündisch, Ph.D. Constantin BÃrbulescu, Physicians, Peasants, and Modern Bundesinstitut für Kultur und Geschichte Medicine: Imagining Rurality in Romania, 1860–1910 der Deutschen im östlichen Europa, (reviewed by Iuliu-Marius Morariu) 144 Oldenburg, Germany Harald Heppner, Ph.D. Ana Victoria Sima and Teodora-Alexandra Institut für Geschichte, Graz, Austria Mihalache, eds., Persuading Minds: Propaganda Paul E. Michelson, Ph.D. and Mobilisation in Transylvania during World War I Huntington University, Indiana, USA (reviewed by Daniela Maria Stanciu) 145 Momčilo Pavlović, Ph.D. Director of the Institute of Contemporary Joseph Roth, The Hotel Years: Wanderings in Europe History, Belgrade, Serbia between the Wars (reviewed by Mihaela Gligor) 149 Alexandru Zub, Ph.D. Academician, honorary director of A. D. imothy nyder T S , Black Earth: The Holocaust as History Xenopol Institute of History, Iaºi, Romania and Warning Editorial Staff (reviewed by Mihaela Gligor) 151 Ioan-Aurel Pop Daniela Mârza Ioan Bolovan Robert-M. Mihalache Aristina Pop-Sãileanu, “Sã trãiascã partizanii pânã vin Raveca Divricean Alexandru Simon americanii”: Povestiri din munþi, din închisoare ºi din libertate Maria Ghitta Florian D. Soporan (reviewed by Mihai Burzo) 152 Rudolf Gräf George State Virgil Leon Gheorghe Hobincu, Memorii, vol. 1, Frumoasele zile Translated by din Aranjuez; vol. 2, Omul sub vremuri Bogdan Aldea—English (reviewed by Alina-Viorela Prelipcean) 155 Liana Lãpãdatu—French • Contributors 159 Desktop Publishing Edith Fogarasi Cosmina Varga Publication indexed and abstracted in the Correspondence, manuscripts and books ® Thomson Reuters Social Sciences Citation Index should be sent to: Transylvanian Review, and in Arts & Humanities Citation Index®, Centrul de Studii Transilvane and included in ebsco’s and elsevier’s products. (Center for Transylvanian Studies) 12–14 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, Romania. ISSN 1221-1249 All material copyright © 2019 by the Printed in Romania by Color Print Center for Transylvanian Studies and the 66, 22 Decembrie 1989 St., Romanian Academy. Reproduction or use zalãu 450031, Romania without written permission is prohibited. Tel. (0040)260-660598 [email protected] www.centruldestudiitransilvane.ro paradigms

A High Level Political Meeting Decisive R a d u ª t e f a n V e rg a t t i for Romania’s Neutrality

Many a time, maybe too often, it The Russian-Romanian has been written without justification discussions that took place that the interval between the Franco- Prussian War (1870–1871) and the in Constanþa were decisive outbreak of World War I (July–Au- as regards the neutrality gust 1914) was a period of peace. This is not true. Quietness was only status of Romania between apparent during those years but the 1914 and 1916. atmosphere was actually tense, fore- shadowing a new storm. The great powers were racing behind the Ger- man Empire in an arms race. That race could only lead to one result: testing the efficiency of the weapons on the battlefield. The tense, troubled atmo- sphere was enhanced by the existence of the two military blocks: the Triple Alliance and the Entente.

Radu ªtefan Vergatti The article was issued in an abridged form: Historian, member of the Academy “Problema izbucnirii primului rãzboi mon- of Ro­manian Scientists. Author, among dial: Contacte politice la cel mai înalt nivel,”­ others, of the vol. Populaþie. Timp. in Dobrogea în contextul primului rãzboi Spaþiu: Privire asupra demografiei mondial, eds Prof. Valentin Ciorbea, Dr. isto­rice uni­versale (Population. Time. Corina Mihaela Apostoleanu, and Dr. Delia Space: An outlook on world historical Roxana Cornea (: Top Form demography) (2003). Publishing House, 2017), 30–33. 4 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

The Triple Alliance, made up of the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and also the , was not sufficiently coagulat- ed, even threatening to fall apart. In Romania, the common people were increas- ingly discontented with the Triple Alliance: during the Balkan Wars, Vienna had strongly supported the Bulgarians against our country, whereas Berlin had done nothing to support Bucharest.1 In Saint Petersburg, Tsar Nicholas II was receiving information about the anti-German and anti-Austro-Hungarian state of mind in Romania. He knew that this attitude was enhanced by the anti-Romanian policy of persecutions against the Romanians in Transylvania, pursued by the Kálmán Tisza govern- ment in Budapest.2 The pro-Russian feelings of certain politicians like Emil Costinescu were also known.3 Under such circumstances, a matrimonial alliance was planned, between the Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna, the elder daughter of the Russian Tsar, and Prince Carol, the heir to the Romanian throne. In his memoirs, confesses that on 22 February 1914, during a discussion with King Carol I, the latter declared to his interlocutor that the aforementioned marriage could be good for the family but would not have led to a shift in state

King Carol I and Tsar Nicholas II on 18 July 1898, at Krasnoe Selo, near Saint Petersburg. The two monarchs were photographed as they were reviewing the maneuvers of the Tsar’s Guard. This is proof of the good relations built over time between Russia and Romania. Source: Saint Petersburg Archive of the State Center for Photo-Phono-Cinemato­ ­­ graphic Documents. Published in Conso­ nant¸e istorice româno-ruse: Centenarul­ vizitei Împa˘ratului Nicolae al II-lea la Constant¸a, 1/14 iunie 1914, bilingual text, Romanian and Russian, with a historical study by Prof. Ion Bulei (Bucharest: Next Page, 2014), 70. Paradigms • 5 policy.4 The king did not trust the tsar’s promise that the Grand Duchess Olga would receive Bessarabia as her dowry. The tsar sought to improve the situa- tion and tip the balance in favor of Romania’s coming close to Russia. The tsar proposed, successfully, to pay a visit to the Romanian harbour of Constanþa on 1 June 1914. He was going there joyfully, because thus he could meet his cousin, Princess Mary, whom he had briefly tried to court in his youth. I. G. Duca wrote in his memoirs that, one day before the tsar’s arrival, he took a stroll towards Tuzla in the company of Princess Mary. The princess depicted Nicholas II in warm colors, rejecting the malicious words that were being spread in connection to him. One single aspect, of a purely feminine nature, Princess Mary did not omit. Her cousin, Tsar Nicholas II, was not as beautiful to her as the rest of the imperial family, full of tall, handsome men, with seducing faces, able to sustain a sparkling, thrilling conversation. However, she underlined that Tsar Nicholas was a very pleasant person.5 The next day, Tsar Nicholas II arrived in Constanþa. He was coming from the Crimean port of Yalta, aboard his sumptuous yacht, Standard, painted in black, a ship that impressed with its magnificence and elegance, escorted by six military ships (with a complement of 1,843). The tsar was accompanied by

Disembarking from the luxurious Standard yacht on 1 June 1914 in Constanþa harbour, the Russian imperial family is welcomed by King Carol I, the family and the official retinue. Source: Consonant¸e istorice româno-ruse, 101. 6 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) his close family: Tsarina Alexandra, Tsarevitch Alexei and their four daughters. There was also a retinue of 19 persons accompanying the tsar and his family on the occasion of that visit, which was meant to return those paid by the Roma- nian royal family on several occasions, including that very year.6 The visitors were welcomed on the pier by King Carol I, dressed in a Rus- sian marshal’s uniform and holding in his hand a Russian marshal’s baton. Standing there was also the heir to the throne, Prince Ferdinand, also dressed in the Russian uniform of a colonel in the tsar’s guard, along with the king’s son, Prince Carol, wearing the uniform of a an imperial aide. They all gave the honor salute to the tsar. Then, a great military parade was held. C. Bacalbaºa noted that the tsar was impressed by the performance of the local regiment from Do- brudja, whose soldiers were wearing Turkish caps.7 The festive military welcome ceremony was completed by a Te Deum performed in the cathedral, an official lunch, a tea offered on the Standard yacht, supper on the shore, and a ball. Actu-

Image of the Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna, alongside her father, Tsar Nicholas II. Olga Nikolaevna holds in her arms Prince Mircea (3 January 1913–2 November 1916), the son of the future King Ferdinand I and of the future Queen Mary. Sadly, Prince Mircea died from typhoid fever. The gesture of the Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna proves her love for children. Her planned engagement to Prince Carol, the future King Carol II, could not come to fruition because of the opposition of King Carol I and of Princess Mary. The photo is a fragment from the one picturing the Russian imperial family and the Romanian royal family during the visit of 1/14 June 1914 of Tsar Nicholas II to Constanþa harbour. Source: Conso­nant¸e istorice româno-ruse, 45. Paradigms • 7 ally, the schedule was overloaded and busy, yet it was observed according to the protocol and an agreement was intensely negotiated by the two parties. The tsar proved to be extremely benevolent. He also accepted on the guest list the name of Constantin Stere, who was the rector of the University of Iaºi, an imperial subject in his youth at one point exiled to Siberia. The tsar also accepted to receive a delegation of the Russians who, although had not been deprived of citizenship, were not allowed to enter the Tsarist Empire. On his ship, the tsar had long discussions with Prime Minister Ion I. C. Brãtianu and with the Foreign Affairs Minister Emanoil Porumbaru. The Russian monarch declared to the Romanian politicians that should a military action lead to an in- vasion of Serbia, he would not remain indifferent.8 The issues at stake were pan- Slavism and the defense of Slavic peoples. King Carol I adopted a wait-and-see position. As soon as he got off the boat, Brãtianu ran to the telegraph station in town and telegraphed notes to Berlin and Vienna about the discussions that he

Tsarevitch Alexei Nikolaevich (left), Princess Ileana (middle), Prince Nicholas (right) during playtime onboard the Standard imperial yacht, 1 June 1914. The photo was taken on the occasion of the visit of Tsar Nicholas II to Constanþa harbour. It is impressive that the two nephews of King Carol I—Ileana and Nicholas—removed the state of apathy from the suffering Tsarevitch Alexei. This success of the two Romanian princes elated Tsarina Alexandra, too. She was happy that her son, Alexei, intimately called Baby, was playing and was happy. Source: Conso­nant¸e istorice româno-ruse, 123. 8 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) had had together with Tsar Nicholas II.9 Undoubtedly, the tsar’s Secret Service agents, led by General Alexander Ivanovich Spiridovich, followed Brãtianu and found out whom he had telegraphed. Certainly, he Russian observers were not the only ones. Others, belonging to various secret services, were also in the area. Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna was very affable in regard to the Romanian royal family. Those present were astonished, because they had grown accus- tomed to her sour, uncommunicative face. It could be that her kind behavior was owed to Carol I’s nephews, the small children Princess Ileana and Prince Nicholas.10 The small, playful, exuberant and cheerful princess (five years-old at that time) went to the suffering nine year-old Tsarevitch Alexei, took him by the hand and started playing with him. She thus helped him out of his shyness and made him laugh. The three children played together on the yacht in unrestricted freedom—as can be seen in the photos taken during the event. The visit ended in the evening, when under the full moon the tsar was given the honor salute by the Romanian Royal Guard led by King Carol I, and the splendid Standard yacht sailed away like in a fairy tale. I can make all these remarks since, at the request of King Carol I, the whole visit was shot on camera. The images have for- tunately been preserved to this day in the Saint Petersburg Central State Archive for Photo-Phono-Cinemato- graphic Documents and in the Roma- nian National Film Archive. The film is important because it recorded the very last visit abroad of Tsar Nicholas II before the beginning of World War I.11 The footage and the photos have also remained a testimony of the good relationships between the Romanian and Russian monarchs. The consequences of the visit were outstanding. First of all, the marriage between the Grand Duchess Olga and Prince Carol was postponed sine die. The Tsar Nicholas II and his wife, Tsarina Alexandra, wearing traditional Russian costume. main reason for this cancellation were Source: Conso­nant¸e istorice româno-ruse, 93. the hesitations of Princess Mary of Paradigms • 9

Romania. As a member of the tsar’s family, she knew that the women in the family were transmitting a disease that was affecting the men. A living proof to that was Tsarevitch Alexei. Princess Mary wanted to avoid that the descendants of Prince Carol should suffer from that disease.12 Secondly, Romania’s exit from the Triple Alliance was not achieved. Russia demanded that Romania should remain neutral, in case it did not change its al- lies. This point of view was taken up and supported by Ion I. C. Brãtianu. At that time, at the beginning of World War I, a popular joke in Bucharest dealt with Romania’s neutrality. It said that P. P. Carp asserted that the time had come for Romania to enter the war. Nicolae Filipescu, an Entente supporter and a Francophile, said that the time had not yet come for us to join the fight alongside the Entente. In conclusion, Mr. Brãtianu believed that it was best... not to look at the time.

Prince Ferdinand, Tsar Nicholas II and King Carol I, on the seashore, on 1 June 1914, during the visit of the Russian monarch to Constanþa harbour. Source: Conso­nant¸e istorice româno-ruse, 113. 10 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Most likely, Romania’s decision to remain neutral, adopted during the Crown Council held at Sinaia (21 July/3 August 1914) was partly determined by the arrival in Bucharest, immediately after the tsar’s visit, of the Russian Foreign Affairs Minister Sergey Dmitryevich Sazonov. He enjoyed a long au- dience granted by King Carol I in Constanþa, then he spent no less than four days in Romania, in Bucharest and in Sinaia, where he went on discussing with decision-makers in the Romanian government. While in Sinaia, Sazonov took a stroll to Predeal together with Brãtianu. There, close to the locality, was the bor- der between Romania and Austria-Hungary. Deliberately, and yet pretending to have erred, they both crossed the border. It was then that Sazonov pointed towards Transylvania in Brãtianu’s plain sight and told him that it could be the gift Romania would receive should it remain neutral. In any case, Russia and the Entente implicitly obtained what they had desired: Romania remained neutral and thus a high level visit weakened the Triple Alliance. I may conclude that the Russian-Romanian discussions that took place in Constanþa were decisive as regards the neutrality status of Romania between 1914 and 1916. In this case, too, the liberal propaganda attributed to Ion I. C. Brãtianu a role greater than the one the politician had actually played. In that mo- ment, however, Brãtianu had the wisdom to obey the threatening will of the tsar. q

Notes

1. I. G. Duca, Amintiri politice, vol. 1 (Munich: Jon Dumitru Verlag, 1981), 31. 2. Ibid. 3. Cf. Alexandru Marghiloman, Note politice 1897–1924, vol. 1, 1897–1915 (Bucharest: Ed. Institutului de Arte Grafice Eminescu, 1927), 230. 4. Ibid., 212–213. 5. Princess Mary told I. G. Duca: “Like everyone, you’ve heard about Niky [Tsar Nicholas II] that he is stupid, devoid of any physical attractiveness. It is true that compared to other members of the Romanov family, all tall men and strikingly handsome, the emperor is not an Adonis, but you will see tomorrow that he is not at all the legend that has been created around him. I don’t defend him in his capacity of a sovereign but I can assure you that he is not a stupid person and in any case he is full of simplicity and charm” (cf. Duca, 33–34). 6. Among those accompanying the tsar, there were: the minister of the Imperial Court, Count Vladimir Borisovich Frederiks, Admiral Konstantin Dmitryevich Nilov, Vladimir Nikolaevich Voeikov, the bailiff of the Imperial Palace, the head of the ministerial office of the Imperial Court, General Alexander Alexandrovich Mosolov, the head of the military campaign office, Prince Vladimir Nikolaevich Orlov, chief of the Chancellery of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Baron Moritz Fabianovich Paradigms • 11

Schilling, the commander of the infantry regiment of the High Imperial Majesty, Major General Vladimir Alexandrovich Komarov, the commander of the tsar’s guard, Major General Alexander Nikolaevich Grabbe (Grabbe-Nikitin) and of course the Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Dmitryevich Sazonov. Cf. Oksana Morozan, “Vizitele familiei regale române în Rusia la sfârºitul secolului al XIX-lea, începutul secolului XX ºi vizita de rãspuns a împãratului Nicolae al II-lea la Constanþa în anul 1914,” in Consonanþe istorice româno-ruse: Centenarul vizitei Împãratului Nicolae al II-lea la Constanþa, 1/14 iunie 1914, bilingual text, Romanian and Russian, with a historical study by Prof. Ion Bulei (Bucharest: Next Page, 2014), 33/36. 7. Cf. Constantin Bacalbaºa, Bucureºtii de altãdatã, vol. 4, 1910–1914, 2nd edition (Bu- charest: Universul, 1936), 172. 8. Cf. Duca, 32. 9. As I. G. Duca showed, the Russian Foreign Affairs Minister Sergey Dmitryevich Sazonov had arrived in Constanþa a day before, by train, because he could not bear traveling at sea (ibid.). 10. Prince Nicholas (1903–1978), the younger son of the future monarchs of Romania Ferdinand I and Mary, was the godson of the Russian Tsar Nicholas II. The tsar had not attended the baptizing ceremony directly but had delegated Prince Dolgoruky to represent him. 11. I mention here that the first historical event filmed in the Romanovs’ house was Nicholas II’s coronation on 14/26 May 1896, in . That is also the very first record on camera of the future monarchs of Romania, Ferdinand and Mary, invited to attend the event. Cf. Maria, Regina României, Însemnãri zilnice, vol. 3, transl. Sanda Ileana Racoviceanu, ed. Vasile Arimia (Bucharest: Albatros, 2004), 264; Manuela Cernat, “Cinematograful în istorie (I),” in Studii ºi Cercetãri de Istoria Artei: Teatru, Muzicã, Cinematografie (Bucharest), new ser., 5–6 (49–50) (2011–2012): 4–5. 12. Cf. Marghiloman, 223.

Abstract A High Level Political Meeting Decisive for Romania’s Neutrality

Close to the outbreak of World War I, the relationships between the Kingdom of Romania and the Tsarist Empire were not warm. Tsar Nicholas II decided to pay a visit to Romania, aimed at improving relationships with King Carol I. On 1 June 1914 the tsar arrived in Constanþa harbour. It was the first official visit of a Russian head of state to Romania in the 20th century. The tsar had talks with King Carol I, with Prime Minister Ion I. C. Brãtianu and with the Foreign Affairs Minister Emanoil Porumbaru. The tsar was seconded by the Foreign Affairs Minister Sergey Dmitryevich Sazonov. The consequence of this official visit was that Romania preserved its neu- trality status from 1914 to 1916.

Keywords World War I, neutrality, Tsar Nicholas II, King Tracing the Career of a Forgotten Diplomat Constantin G. Nanu (General Secretary of the Romanian

A d r i a n -B o g d a n Ministry of Foreign Affairs: C e o b a n u 1913–1918)

In the last decades, western histo- riography1 has shown constant inter- est in researching the organization of the diplomatic missions of the Great Powers before and during the First World War. The research perspec- tives exceeded the level of biographic reconstructions, thus providing some necessary explanations. The characters moved in certain settings; they out- lined in the notes to their superiors the atmosphere within society. They Constantin G. Nanu, Universul literar issued judgments and they proposed (Bucharest) 28, 47 (21 Nov. 1911): 4. solutions, trying to alter the European decision-making structure. In recent years, a number of stud- Adrian-Bogdan Ceobanu Lecturer at the Faculty of History, ies have been carried out concerning Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iaºi. the activity of the diplomats operating Author, among others, of the vol. Poli­ within the central administration of ticã­ ºi diplomaþie la sfârºitul secolului the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Two XIX: Din istoria relaþiilor româno-ruse (1878–1899) (Policy and Diplomacy in This work was supported by a grant of the Late 19th Century: From the History Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iaºi, of Romanian-Russian Relations, 1878– within the Research Grants program, 1899) (2017). Grant uaic, code gi-uaic-2017-09. Paradigms • 13 of the most important British historians in the field of the history of diplo- macy—Keith Neilson and Thomas G. Otte—authored descriptions of the state under-secretaries for the Foreign Office in the period 1854–1946,2 starting from the assumption that individual biographies must be studied for a better under- standing of the past. The two historians drafted twelve biographies following their access to the diplomatic career and the professional path within the central British administration. They were able to learn of their involvement in British foreign policy decisions, which may even suggest the importance of their posi- tion within the central administration. In Romanian historiography, this topic—the diplomats within the central administration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—has not elicited the interest of historians. Thus far, there are not even lists with the names of those who were general secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the interval 1878–1918. There is no information regarding their activity and the way in which they were involved in solving matters within the central administration, concerning their relation with the diplomatic corps accredited in Bucharest, or their involvement in solving regional crises affecting the interests of the Romanian state. For the period up to 1918, monographs dedicated to the temporary holders of one of the most coveted positions within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are absent (with few exceptions), and the same even applies to their biographic sheets. For instance, in the work dedicated to Nicolae Miºu, the historian Daniel Cain3 also analyzed his activity as general secretary. Miºu worked alongside the minister D. A. Sturdza, and their relationship often exceeded the limits of the professional relation between a superior and his subordinate. In the works dedicated to Romanian diplomacy in the 20th century, the name of the Nanu family is often invoked. Most historians have focused on the acti­ vity of Frederic C. Nanu,4 a career diplomat and the Romanian minister in Stockholm during the Second World War. In these works, references to the activity of his father, Constantin G. Nanu, are scarce, and the attempt to sketch a brief biography has been equally difficult and exciting. In the Romanian ar- chives, the Nanu family does not benefit from a personal collection; several private correspondence items are featured within various personal collections, at the Library of the Romanian Academy, the National Central Historical Archives and at the National Library of Romania. If corroborated with the documents hosted by the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they may represent a “working foundation” for a short biography, in which I will try to present cer- tain details of his activity as general secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in a period marked by numerous political transformations for the Romanian state. 14 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Biographic Excerpts

onstantin G. Nanu was born on 29 April 1859, the son of Gheorghe (Iorgu) Nanu, a landowner at Siliºtea, near Neamþ, and of Maria Culianu. He had two brothers: Iorgu and Neculai, the latter born in 1857, who C 5 became a lawyer in Iaºi, the son-in-law of Veronica Micle and the father of Graziella Nanu, wife of Vasile Grigorcea, a diplomat in the interwar period. His sister Adela was married to Valentin Ursianu, a professor at the Faculty of Law, within the . As many young people at the time, Constantin Nanu chose to go abroad for his studies, to Paris, where he obtained his bachelor’s degree in Law in 1880. In the period spent in the French capital, his aunt Elena Zarifopol, nee Culianu, played an important role. On more than a few occasions, the young Constantin thanked her for “her endless kindness,”6 and his brother Nicu regularly sent him news from Paris.7 One year later, on 15 December 1881, Constantin became part of the Ro- manian diplomatic corps, being appointed supernumerary attaché. From that moment on, he began a long activity in the Romanian diplomatic service, which he ended in 1928. At the beginning of his career, he held various diplomatic positions: secretary of legation, second class, in Constantinople and Paris, secre- tary, first class in Brussels and then again in the “City of Lights.”8 In the Belgian capital, he met Clara Verbeeck, the daughter of a Belgian banker, whom he married. Several years later, in 1894, their son Frederic was born in Paris. He went on to become a Law graduate in the French capital. The Nanu family had two more children: Roger and Andrei. Colleagues within the diplomatic corps at the end of the 19th century seem to have not held him in high regard. , for instance, wrote on 20 September/2 October 1894 that in Paris there was Constantin G. Nanu “an insidious man, who watches over the min- ister’s child [Ion Lahovari], who is on good terms with the minister’s brother [Alexandru Lahovari, minister of Foreign Affairs].”9 In the fall of 1898, Nanu was in Baden-Baden, being sick, with his wife and three children, waiting for a “few enlightening lines” from his colleague Ion Papiniu, regarding a new appointment to a European capital.10 Until he was sent as plenipotentiary minister of Romania to the Greek capital on 1 April 1900, Constantin G. Nanu was also secretary of legation, first class, in Brussels, Con- stantinople and Saint Petersburg. In Athens he had his first experience as Chief of Mission, staying there until 1 May 1901. Nonetheless, the same Zamfirescu expressed his discontent concerning several nominations, among which that of Nanu: “I can only tell you that the only colleague still active among the ones who started their career, like myself, in 1885, Mavrodi, has been a plenipoten- tiary minister for 3–4 years; that Miºu, who started after me, is a diplomatic Paradigms • 15 agent and a vested g[enera]l secretary; that Nanu is minister in Athens; that Mavrocordato is minister in Belgrade. I am not even going to talk about others, like Flo, Mitilineu, etc.”11 Nanu was 41 at that point and he had 20 years of se- niority in diplomacy. Quite a lot. By comparison, it took Alexandru Beldiman 10 years, Emil Ghica 11, and Alexandru Em. Lahovari 12 years from the moment they joined the diplomatic corps until they were appointed to lead a legation.12 After one year spent in the Greek capital, in May 1901, Nanu was appointed for the first time general secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, being replaced in Athens by his predecessor, Dimitrie I. Ghica. In the journal of the latter, hosted by the Library of the Romanian Academy, there are several lines concerning these changes. Thus, it appears that Nanu “did a lot of stupid things” in the Greek capital and he could no longer be kept there. He had been offered the position of general secretary in the “hope” that he would refuse.13 That did not happen. After arriving in Athens, Ghica was “blown away by some of the stupid things done by his predecessor and by the mess in terms of dismissing issues and closing them.”14 Nanu is among the diplomats who were general secretaries in the central ad­mi­nistration, on two different occasions, together with Alexandru Em. Lahovari. His appointment in Bucharest occurred during the mandate of Dimitrie A. Sturdza as minister of foreign affairs. He managed to hold the po- sition for quite a while, around four years, until April 1905. He collaborated with two other heads of the Romanian diplomacy, Ion I. C. Brãtianu and Iacob Lahovari, under two different governments—liberal and conservative. In April 1905, he was sent as Romanian minister to Belgrade, but he only remained in this position until 1906, when he was transferred to Galaþi, where he worked within the European Danube Commission. After three years spent in the coun- try, Nanu was transferred to Rome in May 1909. His appointment was due to Ion I. C. Brãtianu, even though at the end of 1908, following a discussion between D. A. Sturdza and King Carol, Duiliu Zamfirescu was to be appointed to the “Eternal City.”15 After two years spent in the Italian capital, in October 1911, Nanu arrived in Petersburg to replace the most long-standing head of mission in the Russian capital, Gheorghe Rosetti-Solescu, who had ended his diplomatic career after spending 31 years in various European capitals. His nomination was the result of several factors. For a short period, Constantin G. Manu, secretary of lega- tion, remained to manage the affairs of the legation, until the arrival of a new plenipotentiary minister. A part of the Romanian press hinted at the existence of an incident between the Petersburg government and the Bucharest cabinet related to the new head of mission in the Russian capital. Rumor had it that the Russian foreign minister, dissatisfied by the fact that Rosetti-Solescu had 16 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) been recalled, did not accept the nomination of Manu as plenipotentiary min- ister, reason for which he refused to give his agreement. Eventually, Foreign Minister appointed Constantin G. Nanu as Romanian minister to Petersburg.16 In the context of the changes within the Romanian diplomatic corps, the chargé d’affaires of Great Britain depicted Nanu briefly, in anything but flattering terms: “He is not, as far as I have been able to gather, a man of any remarkable ability or of any pronounced views. He is some fifty years of age and he has spent most of his life in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in the Diplo- matic Service.”17 In early 1912, Nanu arrived to Petersburg. Moreover, the only reports sent by him and subsequently published originate from the time spent in the Russian capital. They are included in a volume titled Cartea Verde (The Green Book), published in 1913 in the context of the Balkan Wars.18

General Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1913–1918)

n September 1913, Nanu was in Siliºtea (Neamþ County) on holiday. Mihail Burghele informed him that the foreign minister, Titu Maiorescu, I had decided to recall him from Petersburg and appoint him general secre- tary of the ministry. The plenipotentiary accepted the nomination and, from 1 October 1913, he started his activity in the central administration. From that moment on, he was authorized “to sign for the Minister all the documents per- taining to daily correspondence and to approve expenditures and to sign money orders within the limits of granted credits and according to the provisions of the Law on general state accounting.”19 His nomination in the central adminis- tration may be partially explained: he had experience because he had managed the “affairs” of the ministry for four years; he knew very well the international setting due to his diplomatic positions abroad and, I believe, he had the appre- ciation of both liberals and conservatives. It was one of the longest mandates of a general secretary, around five years, until November 1918. During this period, he collaborated with several foreign ministers: Titu Maiorescu, Emanoil Porumbaru, Ion I. C. Brãtianu, , and Constantin C. Arion. He remained in this office during difficult times for the country, by collaborat- ing with ministers of various political orientations. Titu Maiorescu appointed him; he worked alongside Brãtianu until around 1917; he remained in this posi- tion throughout most of 1918. According to the March 1873 Law for the Organization of the Ministry, the general secretary, who was also the director of the chancellery, was responsible Paradigms • 17 for several tasks: he received and sent the correspondence; he monitored the activity of employees; he ensured “unity and harmony” within the central ad- ministration of the ministry; he could stand in for the minister in different situ- ations.20 The Regulations of the Central Administration of the Ministry of For- eign Affairs, adopted in July 1880, brought no substantial modifications to the attributions of the general secretary: he was also general director of the ministry and was tasked with producing a registry of assets within the central administra- tion and from abroad. The emergence of the position of head of the minister’s cabinet meant taking over some of the attributions of the general secretary.21 The Law for the Reorganization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—issued in February 1894—failed to bring substantial modifications regarding the role of the general secretary. However, Article 40 stated that the general secretary could be recruited outside the ministry’s personnel. That meant such a person no lon- ger had to meet the age, degree and training criteria: age between 21 and 30, a bachelor’s degree or a Ph.D. in Law, completed military service.22 When Nanu took over the position, the flow chart of the ministry’s cen- tral administration was rather complex, in keeping with international realities. Alongside the general secretary, an important role in the management of for- eign affairs was played by the heads of “divisions and services” of the ministry. According to the Law for the Reorganization of the Ministry of Foreign Af- fairs the central administration comprised the Protocol, Personnel and Orders Chancellery Directorate, the Directorate for Political Affairs and Litigations, the Special Works and Borders Service, the Directorate for Commercial and Consular Affairs, the Directorate of the Minister’s Cabinet, the Directorate of Funds and Accounting, the Archives Service, the Service for Romanian Schools and Churches in Turkey and Bulgaria, the Registry and Expedition Service, the Translations Service. A “survey of the employees with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” compiled in February 1914—a few months after the appointment of Nanu as general secretary—indicates 81 persons in the central administration, along with another 120 in the foreign service.23 Between 1913 and 1918, Constantin G. Nanu oversaw several events within the central administration, from organizing competitions within the diplomatic corps to the evacuation of ministry officials to Iaºi. In the context of the out- break of the First World War, Nanu’s attitude was known in the diplomatic circles. Along with other diplomats within the ministry, such as Porumbaru or Conþescu, he adhered to the “French-frenzy.”24 Several stories circulated con- cerning his term in this office. For instance, Nicolae Braþu, sent to manage the consulate in Constantinople, waited for additional funds from Bucharest. Their delay made him come to the capital in person, to present the issue to Constantin Nanu, who “welcomed him leisurely, his beard carefully combed and parted in 18 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) two, which he kept on coifing in a reflex gesture, listening to his complaints in silence, interrupted only by sniffled grunts. All of a sudden, an enraged Braþu pauses and shouts: ‘You know what, minister? I did not come here from such a long distance to watch you scratching your beard!’”25 In the period 1913–1918, few competitions were organized for aspiring dip- lomats. The one of 1913, where Constantin G. Nanu was in the commission, along with Trenea-Grecianu, I. C. Filitti and Petre Missir, proceeded under nor- mal conditions. It led to the appointment of Dimitrie Iuraºcu, Mihail R. Sturdza, Alecu Rannet, and Sandu Grãmãticescu.26 The one of February 1918, however, was held in Iaºi under rather difficult circumstances for the country, in that “grim world” under the leadership of Alexandru Averescu. Several candidates came before a commission comprising Nanu, Nicolae Docan, C. Cruþescu, and Ion Carp, among whom the sons of several diplomats: Frederic Nanu, Radu Cruþescu, Ionel Plessia and Alexandru Duiliu Zamfirescu. All of them were admitted.27 There were other cases, however, during the First World War, when certain diplomats were removed from the diplomatic corps. In August 1916, the Roma- nian-German diplomatic relations were interrupted. The Romanian Minister in Berlin, Alexandru Beldiman, with obvious pro-German views, did not return to the country immediately, preferring to stay in Germany for a while. Afterwards, he went to Sweden, from where he criticized the Romanian government and its members, especially Ion I. C. Brãtianu and . He actually wrote quite a harsh letter to the latter. In April 1917, a commission was organized including Nanu, Papiniu and Zamfirescu, and they decided to remove Beldiman from the diplomatic corps: “We conclude that the accusations and invectives within this letter constitute gross misconduct, thus being incompatible with the deference and trust relations between employees and their superiors; as such, the provisions under Art. 62 of the Reorganization Law apply.”28 Around the same period, Constantin G. Manu was also discharged. The reason is provided by the general secretary: “because he did not follow the Ministry to Iaºi.”29 On 14/27August 1916, the Romanian Minister in Vienna, Edgar Mavrocor- dat, presented the war declaration to the Austrian-Hungarian authorities. Nanu did the same thing in Bucharest, where he met with the representative of the Dual Monarchy, Ottokar Czernin. Conþescu, the legation advisor, handed an identical copy to the representatives of Bulgaria and of the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, a legation secretary was posted to the legations of Austria-Hun- gary and Germany, while another one to the Bulgarian and Ottoman diplomats, to facilitate the “dialogue” with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.30 The first victorious actions across the Carpathians were followed by the bat- tles of Jiu and Neajlov-Argeº, where the Romanian army was defeated in the fall Paradigms • 19 of 1916. This is why the population was advised to relocate to Iaºi, a process that began in October and ended in December of the same year. In the morning of November 25, the chancelleries of ministries were overwhelmed by “vivid anxiousness.” All the employees within ministries—those who stayed and those who left—received a three-month downpayment.31 In this context, a new phase began in the history of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The archive of the insti- tution was transported to Iaºi, stored in the residence of the metropolitan bish- op, and a building was found where they could conduct their activity. According to the newspaper Opinia, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had its headquarters on Copou Boulevard, in the building of the Military Corps. Around 30 diplomats within the central administration left for Iaºi, accompanied by their families: Nanu with his brother and sister, Gh. Derussi with his wife and child, Conþescu with his wife, his mother-in-law, and the governess.32 Thus, at the beginning of the following year, the ministry was managed by experienced diplomats such as Con- stantin G. Nanu, general secretary, Nicolae Docan, Constantin Langa-Rãºcanu, and Ion Carp. The Directorate for Commercial and Consular Affairs included Victor Mãrgãritescu and ªtefan I. Popescu, the Legal Directorate was under Ion N. Papiniu, while the Accounting Directorate employed ªtefan M. Popescu. A “survey of the employees with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” drawn up in Iaºi, in July 1917, indicates 31 diplomats—from first-class plenipotentiary min- isters to interpreters—and 5 janitors.33 In the summer of 1917, there was talk of an evacuation to Kherson. In July 1917, Nanu signed the “certificates,” written in both Romanian and Russian, which served as passports or travel documents for the diplomats who were to go to Russia.34 In addition, employees within each ministry had been sent there beforehand to assess the situation. Eight persons were sent from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, among whom the general consul, Victor Mãrgãritescu and the secretary of the legation, Ion Trandafirescu. The rent for the place cost 300 lei, while the monthly wages for the eight of them amounted to 3,900 lei.35 First of all, they had to find houses for those in the ministry who stayed in Iaºi. For Nanu, they had found “an admirable house, 4 wonderful rooms, hard- wood floors, electricity, phone, kitchen,” but Colonel Popescu moved faster. He bought it for the family of the war minister. Nanu had to take another house, and brought from Iaºi “four beds, 4 mattresses, duvets, pillows and bed linen.”36 Moreover, Mãrgãritescu also found a house for the ministry, with 11 rooms and a big yard for 11 automobiles. The perspective was far from encouraging: “Please, tell anyone who would listen and understand that the Russians may very well slaughter us all one day.”37 Throughout the year 1917, a part of the ministry’s archive was also sent to Russia. Constantin G. Nanu and mostly Constantin Conþescu coordinated its 20 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) transfer. Thus, in January, 16 crates were sent to Petrograd. They comprised files concerning the war of independence, the political correspondence for the period 1910–1916, the protocols and conventions, and the archive of the Ruschuk consulate. On 3 February, 12 more crates were sent. They were stored in the basement of the Romanian Legation. Several months later, in late July, they sent to Moscow 10 crates comprising 99 packages. The secretary of the legation, Trandafirescu, and chancellor Vello were sent to Iaºi to accompany the transport. The train arrived in Moscow on 3 August, and several days later the Romanian consul in the city told Nanu that the archives of the ministry (including those of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) had been moved from the Kremlin to the Sudnaia Kassa (the Deposit Bank of Russia), where the storage conditions were better. Nonetheless, the files did not stay in Russia for long. In December, they were sent back to Iaºi: 86 packages comprising the documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In May 1918, in Moscow there remained only 11 packages with files, but Conþescu mentioned in a report that they were not of importance.38 Like other families, Nanu’s had its tragedies. His sons, Roger and Frederic, organized in 1917 a battalion of army rangers. The first of them died “bravely” at Târgu-Ocna, where Prince Charles was the commander of the battalion and then of the regiment.39 The memories about Second Lieutenant Nanu depict the image of an officer who “instilled in the soul of each of us the idea of getting revenge and punishing harshly those who had crossed the borders of our sacred homeland.” In many situations, Nanu was for his soldiers a commander, a father and a brother. He died on 29 August 1917, and he was buried in the cemetery of the nearest village. He was decorated post-mortem, on 17 August 1918, with the Order of Michael the Brave, 3rd class.40 The family was affected by this tragic event. Clara Nanu was abroad, in the West. The letters received by the family members or sent by Constantin Nanu show their state of mind.41 The only com- fort in early 1918 was that Frederic was admitted to the Romanian diplomatic corps. His father gave him the possibility of choosing the first city for his dip- lomatic activity, and the choice was an easy one. Frederic Nanu was sent as an attaché to the Bern legation. This way, he was closer to his mother, around 100 km away. Conversely, Constantin G. Nanu remained in Iaºi. In a letter to his wife, he told her how difficult the situation was for the country in early 1918.42 After the establishment of the Averescu government, plenipotentiary minis- ter Ion N. Papiniu and Colonel Carol Ressel were sent to talk to the Germans at Focºani. Ion I. C. Brãtianu had a different opinion. He believed that Nanu would have been a better choice for this mission.43 Nobody took his opinion into account, though. The government changes in the spring of 1918 also af- Paradigms • 21 fected the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was decided to open a “branch” in Bucharest, to ensure a constant contact between the cabinet in Iaºi and the High Command of the occupation armies in . Ion P. Carp, Raoul Bossy and N. D. Ghermani left for Bucharest.44 However, Nanu stayed in Iaºi. In May 1918, Alexandru Iacovaki, who had returned from Bern, paid him a visit. The young diplomat remembered being welcomed by the general secretary, but the conversation never went beyond professional matters. He received the official document appointing him legation advisor. He stated that “the Ministry was actually one very simple room; a simple office where documents were registered and issued. The active part of the ministry was in Bucharest, where it functioned in the Employees’ Palace in Victory Square; that was the actual political admin- istration of the ministry, led by my colleague Ion Carp. . . . The need to get political with the Germans and to remain in power with their support explains this duplication of diplomatic services.”45 The lines written by Iacovaki are one of the best depictions of the situation of Romanian diplomacy in those times. Under the Marghiloman government, Constantin C. Arion was the minister of Foreign Affairs, and in late May 1918, rumors circulated that the diplomatic corps would undergo some changes. Those who had stayed in Bucharest under German occupation or who had not been close to Ion I. C. Brãtianu would acquire prominent positions within the Ro­manian diplomacy. For instance, A. Pisoski was to receive the position in Berlin; I. C. Filitti—former director of the Directorate of Political Affairs and Litigations within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the Titu Maiorescu government in 1913 and prefect of Ialomiþa during the German occupation— was to be appointed to Constantinople, while Ion Carp, the son of P. P. Carp, would go to Budapest or maybe to Ukraine. Diamandi, Lahovari, Derussi, and Djuvara were discharged. Nicolae Mişu remained in London. Nanu, howev- er, was to be sent to Vienna.46 He was among the few who had worked with Brãtianu and who would get a job abroad. But those were only suggestions and they were never actually implemented. After the victories won by the Entente in the summer of 1918 and once Romania rejoined the war against the Central Powers at the end of the same year, Greater Romania was established. A new phase began for Romanian diplomacy and its actors. In November 1918, Nanu was replaced by Nicolae Docan, and after two years he was appointed, in October 1920, to Berlin. He managed to keep his po- sition in the German capital for eight years, being replaced by Nicolae Petrescu- Comnen. He became a “victim” of the transfers within the diplomatic corps.47 He was 70 years old, of which around 50 years had been spent in the Romanian diplomatic service. q 22 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Notes

1. I will mention only some books: Michael Hughes, Diplomacy before the Russian Revo- lution: Britain, Russia and the Old Diplomacy, 1894–1917 (London: Palgrave Macmil- lan, 2000); Giorgio Petracchi, Da San Pietroburgo a Mosca: La diplomazia italiana in Russia 1861/1941 (Rome: Bonacci, 1993); Raymond A. Jones, The British Diplo- matic Service 1815–1914 (Waterloo, Ont., Canada: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1983); Jean Baillou, ed., Les Affaires étrangères et le corps diplomatique français, vol. 2, 1870–1980 (Paris: Éditions cnrs, 1984); Lamar Cecil, The German Diplomatic Service, 1871–1914 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976). 2. Keith Neilson and T. G. Otte, The Permanent Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 1854–1946 (New York–London: Routledge, 2009). 3. Daniel Cain, Un trimis al Majestãþii Sale: Nicolae Miºu (Bucharest: Anima, 2007). 4. See his book Politica externã a României 1918–1933, eds. V. F. Dobrinescu and Ion Pãtroiu, transl. Liliana Roºca and Emanuela Ungureanu (Iaºi: Institutul European, 1993). 5. Neculai Nanu was first married to Valerie Micle, the daughter of the poet Veronica Micle. 6. anic (Central National Historical Archives, Bucharest), coll. Zarifopol, file 72, fol. 1. 7. Ibid., file 74, fols. 1–4. 8. In Paris, the head of the Mission was the writer Vasile Alecsandri. In October 1888, he wrote to Titu Maiorescu and told him that Nanu “aspired” to be appointed first legation secretary in the Belgian capital or in the capital of the uk. V. Alecsandri, Scrisori, I, cãtre Titu Maiorescu, I. Negruzzi, Al. Papadopol-Callimach ºi Paulina Alecsandri, eds. I. Chendi and E. Carcalechi (Bucharest: Ed. Librãriei Socec, 1904), 311. 9. Duiliu Zamfirescu, Opere, vol. 7, Corespondenþa A–M, edited, introductory study, notes, commentaries and index by Al. Sãndulescu (Bucharest: Minerva, 1984), 322. 10. anic, coll. Papiniu, file 162, fols. 1–2. 11. Zamfirescu, Opere, 7: 416. 12. Adrian-Bogdan Ceobanu, “Carierele ºefilor de misiune români din Vechiul Regat (1878–1914),” in Diplomaþi în Vechiul Regat: Familie, carierã ºi viaþã socialã în timpul lui Carol I (1878–1914) (Iaºi: Ed. Universitãþii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, 2015), 199. 13. bar (Library of the Romanian Academy), Manuscripts, Section the journal of Dimitrie I. Ghica, fol. 311. 14. Ibid., fol. 333. 15. Zamfirescu, Opere, 7: 483. 16. Adrian-Bogdan Ceobanu, “Un diplomat al Vechiului Regat: Gheorghe Rosetti- Solescu,” in Gheorghe Rosetti-Solescu: Corespondenþã diplomaticã personalã ºi oficialã (1895–1911). Petersburg, eds. Rudolf Dinu and Adrian-Bogdan Ceobanu (Iaºi: Ed. Uni­versitäþii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, 2016), 43. 17. National Archives London, fo, 371/1212, fol. 217. Paradigms • 23

18. Cartea Verde: Textul tratatului de pace de la Bucureºti 1913. Documente diplomatice = Evenimentele din Peninsula Balcanicã. Acþiunea României septemvrie 1912–august 1913, transl. V. M. Ivanceanu (Bucharest: Minerva, 1913). 19. amae (Archives of the Ministry of Romanian Foreign Affairs, Bucharest), coll. Per- sonal files, Letter N, issue 12, vol. 2, no page. 20. Organizarea instituþionalã a Ministerului Afacerilor Externe: Acte ºi documente, vol. 1, 1859–1919, eds. Ion Mamina, Gheorghe Neacºu, and George Potra (Bucharest: Ed. Fundaþiei Europene Titulescu, 2004), 131. 21. Ibid., 442–445. 22. Ibid., 680. 23. amae, coll. 77, Problema Personal, vol. 8, no page. 24. I. C. Filitti, Jurnal, vol. 1, 1913–1919, ed. Georgeta Filitti (Târgoviºte: Cetatea de Scaun, 2008), 42. 25. Dimitrie Iuraºcu, Rugina toamnei: Mãrturii de diplomat din vremi apuse, edited with notes by Niculae Iuraºcu (Galaþi: Partener, 2012), 333–334. 26. Ibid., 194. 27. Raoul Bossy, Amintiri din viaþa diplomaticã (1918–1940), vol. 1, 1918–1937, edited with an introductory study by Stelian Neagoe (Bucharest: Humanitas, 1993), 36–37. 28. Claudiu-Lucian Topor, “Legaþiunea României din Berlin ºi conduita diplomaticã a lui Alexandru Beldiman,” in Germania ºi neutralitatea României (1914–1916): Studii istorice (Iaºi: Ed. Universitãþii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, 2017), 159. 29. amae, coll. Personal files, Letter M, issue 50, vol. 2, no page. 30. Adevãrul (Bucharest) 29, 10575 (1916): 1. 31. Constantin Kiriþescu, Istoria rãzboiului pentru întregirea României 1916–1919, 2nd edition, completely revised and heavily annotated, in 3 volumes, vol. 2 (Bucharest: Ed. Casei ªcoalelor, 1925), 316–317. 32. amae, coll. 71/1914, E2, vol. 83, fol. 98. 33. Ibid., fol. 59. 34. Ibid., fol. 109. 35. Ibid., fol. 168. 36. Ibid., fol. 157. 37. Ibid., fol. 160. 38. Marian Voicu, Tezaurul României de la Moscova: Inventarul unei istorii de o sutã de ani (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2016). 39. Filitti, 142. 40. Maria Mihãilescu, “Sublocotenent Roger Nanu—erou al luptelor de la Mãrãºeºti: Documente ºi amintiri,” Cronica Vrancei (Focºani) 10 (2011): 73–78. 41. anic, coll. Victor Raþiu, file 72, fol. 11. 42. Ibid., fols. 21–22. 43. Gheorghe Gh. Mârzescu, Fapte ºi impresii zilnice (1917–1918), edited with notes by Ioan Lãcustã (Bucharest: Curtea Veche, 2004), 231. 44. Bossy, 1: 37–38. 24 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

45. bar, Manuscripts Section, A 2650 m, Alexandru Iacovaki, “Amintiri despre Ionel Brãtianu,” fol. 8. 46. Filitti, 136. 47. Adrian Viþalaru, Nicolae Petrescu-Comnen: Diplomat (Iaºi: Ed. Universitãþii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, 2014), 193–194.

Abstract Tracing the Career of a Forgotten Diplomat Constantin G. Nanu (General Secretary of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 1913–1918)

In Romanian historiography, this topic—the diplomats within the central administration of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs—has not elicited the interest of historians. Thus far, there are not even lists with the names of those who were general secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1878 and 1918. Consequently, in this paper we present some in- formation concerning Constantin G. Nanu’s activity as general secretary in the period 1913– 1918, during both peace and war. He worked closely with several foreign ministers: Titu Maiorescu, Emanoil Porumbaru, Ion I. C. Brãtianu, Alexandru Averescu, and Constantin C. Arion. He was a member of the commissions that selected aspiring diplomats and he took part in the discussions during which it was decided to send a part of the ministry’s archive to Russia in 1917.

Keywords Constantin G. Nanu, diplomat, secretary general, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, First World War Love in and out of Uniform Forest of the Hanged F l o r i c a B o d i ş t e a n by Liviu Rebreanu

Eros or the Force of a Non-manifest Theme

postol Bologa starts fight- ing in the First World War as A a volunteer and ends up as a deserter. In the beginning, a woman he does not love pushes him to enlist; in the end, the woman he loves can- not stop him from embracing death. Meanwhile, he wears the uniform of the Austro-Hungarian Empire close to his body but not so close to his heart, as it changes gradually from a fetish to prisoner’s clothes that he takes off only Liviu Rebreanu, Forest of the Hanged before his execution, when he is stripped (Casemate Publishers, 2017) of his rank and dressed as a civilian. One cannot question Marta’s role as primum movens in the Romanian Florica Bodiştean soldier’s career under a foreign flag. Professor at the Faculty of Humanistic Neither can one question the essential and Social Sciences, Aurel Vlaicu Univer­ and paradoxical part that Ilona plays sity of Arad, Romania. Author, among others, of the vol. Eroica ºi Erotica: Eseu in his decision to accept death with- despre imaginile feminitãþii în eposul out resistance. This shows that both eroic (Eroica and Erotica: Essay on the women are more than circumstantial representations of femininity in the interventions in Apostol’s military life, heroic epic) (2013). since they engage him more than actu- 26 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) ally revealed by the austere poetics of this Doric novel in which the impersonal narrator’s democratic perspective gives the characters the opportunity to express their interiority, but never cedes control of them. The result is not a psychologi- cal novel like The Last Night of Love, the First Night of War by Camil Petrescu, but one of moral conscience, as Nicolae Manolescu said, a novel in which the superindividuality, the World, is held responsible by the individual and blamed for their failure.1 It is a novel in which the core problematics, i.e. the drama of a Romanian forced to fight against his own people, seems to cast off eros as an adjunct whose only role is to help in shaping a character or configure a classic theme like “love in wartime.” A number of notable critics who have analyzed the writer’s work have brought the theme of the eros back to its well-deserved position. Liviu Maliþa sees in eros the generic theme in Rebreanu’s works, since his novels could make up “a secret Book of Love whose clear geometric representation can be seen only in relation to the whole and in which every case is a specific facet of the unique model.”2 Ion Simuþ demonstrates that Rebreanu’s paradox is “a kind of realism with a distinctive appearance of consistency in reflecting social existence . . ., subtly undermined by the spiritual havens of the eros.”3 As far as the myth of the eternal couple is concerned, the above mentioned critic identifies it as Rebreanu’s personal myth that engages the writer’s idealist-religious view, plac- ing love—always sensual in its manifestations—on very high positions, where it comes in conjunction with death.4 Dan Mãnucã underlines the idea that in Rebreanu’s novels, like in Camil Petrescu’s, “the erotic experience sums up the experience of self-knowledge,”5 each novel having, symbolically, two parts: “al- though the first may not be ‘the voice of the land,’ the second is most certainly ‘the voice of love,’ the former anticipating or even motivating the latter.”6 What I intend to demonstrate in this paper is that in Forest of the Hanged the eros, albeit a non-manifest theme, is nevertheless quite significant; it feeds, with the strength and regularity of an underground water spring, the main discourse, that of self-enlightenment. At the same time, it accurately gives the measure of the character’s moral evolution, more exactly it shows how close or distant he is from his “inner truth.” “Love” and “War” are not combined by chance or as a consequence of the burdensome life–death oppositions, like in the classi- cal literature on this theme (of which at least several 20th-century examples are worth giving: Hemingway, A Farewell to Arms, For Whom the Bell Tolls, Erich Maria Remarque, A Time to Love and a Time to Die, Erich Knight, This Above All7); they are the public and private manifestations of the moral-psychic stages experienced by the main character. Paradigms • 27

The Uniform and the Hat

he first instance when Apostol takes a stand on the war reveals his male pride offended by a very common female opinion according to which T an officer, especially a fighting one, is the symbol of pure manliness. His shallow fiancée Marta, who cannot see beyond obvious and generally accepted ideas, challenges him to become more active—until then, Apostol had “believed that the best thing would be to ignore the war as something abnormal”8—by merely expressing her admiration for a lieutenant in the Imperial Light Infantry. This is an example of how an officer was perceived in those times: he danced well, he behaved courteously toward women and, most importantly, he auto- matically adopted a heroic pose before fighting in a war. Apostol falls victim of social conformity and pride-driven eros. His mother and Archpriest Groza con- vince him that he is in no way indebted to a state that has dissolved their country and, until circumstances changed, self-blame should be replaced by restraint. But Apostol has no obligations under military law and is a freethinker thanks to his philosophical training, so Marta’s admiring sigh is all he needs to change all of a sudden. He sees his erotic duty, i.e., the rivalry triggered by That Other Fellow’s presence, as part of his abstract and therefore debatable generic duty stipulated in the paternal will; this duty becomes a test not only of his manhood, but also of the consistency of his own being:

“Everybody is joining up...” said Marta. In her eyes, in her voice, Apostol caught a strange tremor. Marta was thinking of ‘that other fellow.’ They talked for about an hour, and all the time Apostol saw that his fiancée was like a stranger to him, yet he knew that by a single gesture it was in his power to win her whole heart. For an hour he hesitated and then, as he was going, he looked deep into her eyes and said firmly: “The day after tomorrow I am joining up.” Marta smiled incredulously. But the next minute her cheeks flushed, her eyes flashed with pride and with a passionate gesture she ran into his arms and kissed him on the lips. And in that kiss Apostol realised the fullness of his success.

The history of the character’s moral adventure starts with this gesture of outdated chivalry that revives an ancient topos: to conquer one’s lover once and for all through heroic deeds. Yet Rebreanu’s hero, unlike Don Quixote, the model of the topos, does not believe in such deeds. In the modernist adventure of the novel, which contests the idea of a deeply rooted individual,9 the triggered event will not close the circle by paying homage to the beloved one, but it will project the hero into the dizzying whirl of a bildungsroman10 at whose end no convention survives. 28 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Once self-pride has been activated, all that is left is to nourish it, so that the character can convince himself that his decision has been worth taking. The per- ception of the war as “the true source of life and the most effective means of se- lection” becomes central to Apostol’s outlook on life, and the soldier-like image with its plethora of representations becomes his new identity: “He felt proud and happy in his spruce gunner’s uniform, and he saluted smartly all the officers he met, deeply convinced that in doing this he was also doing his duty to his country.” Erotically he also feels content, even radically changed, since until now his timid and reserved behavior had sabotaged his relationships with women, with Marta especially: “The uniform and the war had woken him up and done away with his bashfulness. Three days after he had put on military clothes he had conquered a sentimental little cashier-girl, had sworn to be faithful to her for- ever, and then had forgotten her in the arms of another. Wherever Fate led him ephemeral love affairs were thrust on him. And he accepted them as they came, without choosing, almost hurriedly, as if he wished to make up for lost time.” In Apostol’s case, the erotic behavior, recognized as one of the most sensitive means of revealing the self, does not differ in any way from the exterior (social, political, military etc.) behavior. The character constantly needs his exteriority —some “clothes” or a conception of life (in one place the two are confirmed by comparison), i.e. a cover calling for a certain kind of contents. In this manner, the problem of his highly hesitating nature is solved by a decision that is “bor- rowed, but not by means of direct experience,”11 a decision that the character, driven by his pride, assumes as his own. The problematic machismo is made manifest by the uniform, just as the ambiguous and emasculating conception of life, inherited from the father, is called upon to choose one single direction. The essential dilemmatic individual does not belong to the category of heroes—who are monolithic, unsympathetic and non-analytical. Bologa had been doomed to experience the split between mind and heart at an early age, when his self was far from being completely formed. The operators causing this split can be ignored in times of peace, but they become vocal during a fratricidal war: the childhood marked by the mother’s mysticism and unconditional love versus the positivism and harshness of an atheist father who manifests his feelings only when his son rises to meet his expectations; the father’s piece of advice that seems especially formulated to ruin the son’s inner consistency, invoking values that are impos- sible to reconcile ( “duty” and the conscience of being Romanian, the people’s esteem—what people?—and self-esteem, the harmony between thought, words and deeds); the father’s sudden death that ruins a system of Christian beliefs and pushes the son towards atheism and the evolutionary shift from the world of the Mother to that of his Father; and finally, Buda and Parva, the two villages with their very different views of the state. Paradigms • 29

Subjected to so many centrifugal forces, Apostol is rigged to explode, re- sponding to the first challenge that seems to promise a sense of direction. And this challenge comes from pride-driven love. At this point, Apostol is in no way different from Julien Sorel, the calculated seducer who sees in making Madame de Rénal surrender to him a test of his own self: “I owe it to myself to be her lover.” On the other hand, the first challenge of the character borrows some- thing from the quixotic scenario of the “artificial,” theoretical eros involving the image of a fictional lover (based on the same incongruity between appearance and reality), as well as the ambition to see in “the lady after one’s own heart” the entity before whom the hero must humbly kneel—in this case, against his inner- most beliefs. Manifested in a double direction, the pride-driven love between a Don Quixote and an Emma validates only the individuals’ exteriority, the social compatibility between two beings who spiritually have nothing in common, and lasts only as long as the ritual that engenders it. Marta, the “image” that Apostol duly carries in his medallion, only appears before his eyes at times of spiritual satisfaction, times that require him, ritually and mechanically, to check in her eyes his own image, in which he has invested his own life. When Marta breaks the ritual despite the fact that Apostol has nourished the projection of her own self as an officer’s lover, he breaks their engagement. This happens only a short time after his amour-propre aroused his feelings of guilt and erotic duty (“He loved her and must love her only”). The fact that the “triangular situation”12 that made him join the army re-occurs when they meet again on his first day of leave confirms the shortness of l’amour-vanité that Apostol finally understands as a parody of love. The role of the community voice should also be added here: the community in Parva Village facilitates the repetitive manifestation of l’amour- propre, of perceiving his self as exteriority under the twofold duty of the military oath and the conjugal pact, while the other geographical space, Lunca Village, a border area unconnected to the character’s personal history, allows him to be himself and projects him toward his own self with amazing speed. Between these two landmarks, the masks and the “protective walls” of the architecture of the social self fall down one by one, until Apostol ends up contemplating him- self—the one in “the hidden places of his heart.” Pride-driven love, said Stendhal, is a form of mimesis, the desire to possess an object that is valuable in the others’ eyes. Associated with this is the social mimesis that for Bologa is the embodiment of the confused paternal principle. Nicolae Manolescu remarks that the great issue of Rebreanu’s character is that he cannot live “authentically”: “It is the same incapacity to discern the genuine needs of his soul or mind and to distinguish them from the circumstantial pres- sure or the burdens of a duty that is rooted not in his conscience, but in collec- tive prejudice.”13 30 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

In the same manner, I believe that in Bologa’s case one can speak of a special type of Bovarism, typically manifested as self-mystifying, in which the deviation from the self comes not so much from the desire to see oneself differently,14 but to be as the others—a community or a certain nationality—want one to be. In all cases, such a desire is unconsciously felt as repressing the reality of one’s ego, although consciously assumed as “one’s own.” Yet the irony of Bologa’s destiny, as well as the irony of any conformist individual, will be the terrible feeling of alienation. The Bovarism of the initial couple appears like an encounter of two fictitious elements: Marta’s illusion of the “brave fiancé” and his illusion of a faithful fiancée. The character’s whole inner evolution can be regarded as a gradual de- crease of the Bovaristic pressure performed by replacing the environment- and circumstance-shaped suggestion with their natural disposition. The novels starts with the moment when the Bovaristic apparatus, a product of “ready-made ideas,” is short-circuited by the nationalist impulses awakened from the outside (Svoboda’s defying look before the execution, Klapka’s accounts about the “for- est of the hanged,” then Boteanu, persecuted for his nationalism). Such impulses resonate in Apostol’s hereditary nature. From now on, until the dramatic ac- ceptance of his own death, the Bovaristic index, namely, the alternation between the imagined and the real, between the projection of the self and its fixed nature, will tend towards zero, and the concrete response of this alternation will be the gradual abandonment of fetishes: the uniform of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the decorations on the one hand, and the engagement ring and Marta’s lock of hair in his medallion, on the other. Giorgio Agamben says that the fetish, a way to substitute an absent reality with an object, reveals a state of “essential ambiguity,” “a conflict between perception of reality that moves” the subject “to renounce his phantasm, and the counterdesire that moves him to renounce his perception.”15 It is a sign of repression, that kind of repression “which exercises itself on objects and fixes the norms of their use.”16 What matters is to recognize in these “user’s instructions” for the above- mentioned objects the symptom of a fracture of the ego that Agamben speaks about, an ego between negation and affirmation, between “empty” and “full,” between the physical and the metaphysical, an ego for which the mystical super- investment in a symbolic object reveals the minimal rational investment in the reality is symbolizes. Consequently, the indicator of the renunciation of fetishes and implicitly the reunification of the ego will be the disappearance of the symbolizing function of the legitimizing objects. For the avid supporter of the national cause, Ilona’s Hungarian costume will have both an aesthetic and an erotic dimension: “She was all dressed up. On her head she had tied a grass-green kerchief, her bosom Paradigms • 31 was caught tightly in a red velvet bodice. . . . Then his eyes fell on her breasts, which seemed ready to burst the velvet bodice which oppressed them. The blood flew to his face. He caught her hand and whispered with such ardour that the girl shielded her face: ‘Ilona! I shall wait for you after church.’” The final image of Apostol is that of a man who takes off his “animal skin clothes,” those of the sin of knowledge, and goes back to quasi-nudity, to the “graceful clothes” and the anonymous attire,17 the shirt and the grey coat offered by the mayor. Taking off the uniform, which becomes a ritual like the sacrament of baptism, recalls the imaginary scenario of being freed/saved from a “dolls’ house” in which Rebreanu’s hero, like Ibsen’s character, has lived like a puppet: “Perhaps now . . . all he had to do was to put his hand on the door handle and to go away… far away… to live. Perhaps the sentinel was no longer there either. Perhaps outside Ilona and Klapka and Boteanu were waiting for him.” The last piece of civilian garb, the hat—an object with recognized social sig- nificance—is too large for Apostol, covering his eyes. Before the end, he throws it in the pit with a symbolic gesture, as if throwing away his whole destiny: his life in the war of nations was too hard a task for a man. It was a burden caused by the impossibility of achieving a fair legitimization of one’s self. In the dense religious symbolism of the novel, the clothes are, repeatedly, the clue of moral conscience. The military uniform, worn first with pride, then with embarrass- ment and without the decorations, expresses, like the sacerdotal garb, a symbolic relationship with the profound reality.18 Rebreanu is very coherent in this aspect too, as the history of Apostol’s clothes overlaps the history of his inner evolu- tion: the innocent child dressed in new clothes, who has the revelation of seeing God, becomes a man in anonymous clothes, awaiting a regenerating death and regaining his paradisiacal condition. A recurrent expression of the successive “conceptions of life,” the garment is the social interface behind which the character hides his fragile and indecisive interiority. Apostol tells Klapka when he tries to persuade him not to defect to the Russians: “Do you think I found it easy to shed my past like a dirty garment and to stay naked, exposed to the storm? Do you think that I did not try to make myself believe that I was dressed, even after I had felt the lashing of the cold wind and rain? Now no one in the world can make me throw away my new and warm garments and make me go back to shiver in my discarded rags.” Correlated with the symbolism of the clothes, the metaphor for “becoming wild” (Ilona—“my little wild dove” or Apostol, who, after returning from his leave, tells Marta that he has grown wild) alludes to the natural man. Bologa provides an apology of the naturally kind man tainted by civilization, who is still unaware that to have an identity without a mask is only possible in death. 32 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Breaking the “Connections”

ebreanu’s specific method of reverse symmetry is also applied in the plane of the eros: while the pride-driven eros is a project-love, a sum of R compatibilities acknowledged by the community, passion-driven love is spontaneous and socially counterproductive: Ilona is Hungarian, uneducated (“uncivilized”) and poor. The significant difference lies in the reverse ratio be- tween the adjacent values and the intrinsic value of the feeling, which explains the different rhythms of these kinds of love: Marta is under the unchangeable and abstract sign of waiting, an “icon” kept deep inside the heart, an absence substituted by a fetish, while Ilona is perceived as an absolutely necessary pres- ence without additional significance (“All he longed for now was to hear that voice again, and he racked his brain trying to find some question which would make her speak”). “As Rebreanu describes it, conjugal love is nothing but a strategic operation carried out successfully, while extramarital love, occurring under the sign of seduction, is fatally synonymous to desertion,” writes Corina Ciocârlie about the struggle and the clash between sexes in the novel.19 As the passionate Apostol and Ilona are no longer merely involved, but take steps to be legally together, all “decent” people, from Klapka and Boteanu to Petre and Vidor the gravedigger, are taken by surprise. The only one who denies this misalliance is the new Apostol, who lives under the sign of the Heart. He is determined to become engaged legally, as he was when he wanted to marry Marta, but this time his determination has the power of a revelation—the one he had in Parva, when his soul rediscovered God and undiscriminating love. Perceiving his love for a woman as a manifestation of individualism, Apostol problematizes its relationship with the generic, all-encompassing love, the cos- mic love, the love of God: “He knew that this love drew him away from all his creeds and aspirations, and yet he felt that without it his heart would perish and life itself would lose its purpose and the world be turned into a wilderness.” The apparent contradiction is resolved by Rebreanu’s Platon Karataev, the apologist for plain life, Father Boteanu—the most faithful embodiment of Apos- tol’s final stage of evolution, in whose life Apostol can see how individual and generic love coexist in harmony, how eros can become agapé. His words recall Dante’s voice, reminding one that one can know God by loving a woman: “My heart embraces in the same love both God and the companion of my life and the mother of my children! By means of true love the coalescent souls approach nearer to the throne of the Almighty.” Through the evolution of Apostol’s love for Ilona from the passionate to the spiritualized stage, the novel anticipates the forms of transcendence of the Paradigms • 33 eros in Adam and Eve (1925). Rebreanu’s eternal couple involves the sacrificial woman who can be repudiated within the human order, but who agrees to lose her soul mate in the name of their communion, which transcends it. In the alchemy of sacrifice/love of Forest of the Hanged, the Mary Magdalene model is completed by Beatrice, the soul’s woman-guide. Like Dante’s beloved, through her mere but intense presence, the sacrificial woman—“ready to follow him anywhere, even to the front,” ready to risk her life while guiding him through the labyrinth of desertion—helps him find his true ego beyond nationalist partisan- ships. Identified with absolute love (“You cannot imagine what it means to have a wife who loves you really, even to sacrificing herself endlessly,” says Boteanu), the sacrificial woman, with her spiritualized love, is the complete woman, in- determinate like the archetype. Ilona is “indeterminate” because her essence is perceived by suspending all conjectural aspects; she becomes “an interior char- acter,” a replica of the man20 whom she, in turn, projects into the metaphysical. In this respect, the novel provides a larger number of suggestions, such as the lovers’ encounter in the “pool of light” in the middle of the room or the love scene that overlaps Thanatos and Eros, as it occurs on Good Friday. Two other metaphysical lovers, Kesarion Breb and Empress Maria in ’s novel The Golden Bough (1933), communicate their connection from beyond the “entity that is called a body,” through the rays of the Evening Star. The light, an indicator of the phases of a centripetal movement from the many “places” of the world to the “hidden places” in Apostol’s heart, will keep growing in inten- sity until it becomes, in the scene of the character’s death, revival-death, pure “heavenly brightness,” like in the last circle of Dante’s Paradise. The mythical-religious structure of Forest of the Hanged lays the stress on the framework of a human, not a heroic, adventure of a man who is both fragile and strong and lives by hiding his moral issues under his duty or ignoring them when he is selfishly happy (“happiness narrows one’s outlook dreadfully”), until an unexpected situation forces him to take a firm stand and make a decision. Bologa was not conceived as a hero—Rebreanu said this himself—but as a com- mon man “as weak as any other man”; and Cãlinescu saw in him “the psychol- ogy of the mediocre soul opposed by two attitudes imposed from the outside”.21 This common man is raised to the status of a Christic replica by the sacrificial significance of his last days.22 Rebreanu described with great authenticity the struggle of the man who was cornered by death in the Garden of Gethsemane and on the Golgotha, but who chose to die rather than kill others. The charac- ters’ group recalls the sacrificial quartet: the Father, the Mother, the Lover, the Traitor (Varga); the symbolic framework can be enlarged: Klapka, who declares that he “washes his hands of it” but then later defends Bologa, is a Peter whose 34 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) faith is tested, and Boteanu is John, the disciple who stays with Jesus until His final moments and whom He entrusts with taking care of His mother. Perhaps the fragments that were deleted from the first version of the novel, one in which Apostol sends his mother a letter the day before his execution to reveal his soul, and one in which Ilona cries at her lover’s fresh grave, would have made the reading of the novel in the Christic register too obvious, as the main character’s death would have been seen from “the two Marys” perspective. Seen from within this symbolic construct, Ilona does not represent the failure of the eros in front of death or the failure of vitality opposed to a sick, dying soul. More likely Rebreanu projected into her the force of love transgressing a “beyond” that the novel Adam and Eve will present with more clarity. Her de- votion, reaffirmed in Bologa’s last hours, has for him the value of a revelation and helps him accept the sacrifice without resistance, refusing to change his deposition and defend himself. His only reaction in front of death is that of his frightened body. In a nationalist context, love and its facets, duty-driven love and uncondition- al love, always coexists with the moral issue. Marta is a consequence and Ilona is a principle in a stratified, identity-related history that illustrates the transfer of the mind-heart conflict to the erotic plane. q

Notes

1. Nicolae Manolescu, Arca lui Noe: Eseu despre romanul românesc, 2nd ed., rev. and enl., vol. 1 (Bucharest: Eminescu, 1991), 196. 2. Liviu Maliþa, Alt Rebreanu (Cluj: Cartimpex, 2000), 214. 3. Ion Simuþ, Liviu Rebreanu şi contradicþiile realismului, 2nd ed. (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia XXI, 2010), 252. 4. Ibid., 273. 5. Dan Mãnucã, Liviu Rebreanu sau lumea prezumtivului (Iaşi: Tipo Moldova, 2015), 107. 6. Ibid., 134. 7. See Florica Bodiştean, Eroica şi Erotica: Eseu despre imaginile feminitãþii în eposul eroic (Bucharest: Pro Universitaria, 2013), 202–224. 8. All the quotations are taken from Liviu Rebreanu, Forest of the Hanged, transl. A. V. Wise (Oxford–Philadelphia: Casemate Publishers, 2017). 9. Toma Pavel, Gândirea romanului, transl. Mihaela Mancaº (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2008), 371. 10. Corina Ciocârlie, Un þãrm prea îndepãrtat: Seducþia frontierelor, frontierele seducþiei (Bucharest: Cartea Româneascã, 2013), 122. Paradigms • 35

11. Maliþa, 36. 12. Cf. René Girard’s well-known Deceit, Desire, and the Novel: Self and Other in Literary Structure, transl. Yvonne Freccero (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1965). 13. Manolescu, 194. 14. Jules de Gaultier, Bovarismul, transl. Ani Bobocea (Iaşi: Institutul European, 1993), 10. 15. Giorgio Agamben, Stanþe: Cuvântul şi fantasma în cultura occidentalã, transl. Anamaria Gebãilã (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2015), 62–67. 16. Ibid., 56. 17. For the theological implications of Adamic nudity before the original sin, naked- ness and clothes made from animal skin, see Giorgio Agamben, Nuditatea, transl. Anamaria Gebãilã (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2014), 78–121. 18. Cf. Jean Chevalier and Alain Gheerbrant, Dicþionar de simboluri, transl. Mihaela Slãvescu and Laurenþiu Zoicaº, vol. 3 (Bucharest: Artemis, 1995), 444. 19. Ciocârlie, 122. 20. Mãnucã, 116. 21. G. Cãlinescu, Istoria literaturii române de la origini pânã în prezent, 2nd ed., rev. and enl. (Bucharest: Minerva, 1982), 733. 22. See Maliþa, 28–55, who integrates the scenario of the “Thanatic eros” in Forest of the Hanged into a psychoanalytic interpretation of the character’s evolution, following his shift from the world of the Mother to that of the Father. In the end, the Father is understood as a Spiritual Father who demands from his son a sacrifice through love.

Abstract Love in and out of Uniform: Forest of the Hanged by Liviu Rebreanu

The study investigates the main character of the novel Forest of the Hanged (1922) by Liviu Rebreanu on the basis of the erotic theme which, although not manifest throughout the narrative construction, is nonetheless quite significant. The eros “feeds” the main discourse of self-enlight- enment; at the same time, it is a highly accurate indicator of Apostol Bologa’s inner struggle. The central point of the novel, social mimesis and authenticity, co-exists with the representation of the two forms of eros—pride-driven eros and passionate-spiritualised eros. The adventure of the character’s conscience, from the pressure exercised by exterior circumstances to the balance he maintains with its own nature, can be read, despite Rebreanu’s austere style, in the entire his- tory of Apostol’s clothes/disguise, until the ultimate “Adamic nudity” of the man who regains his paradisiacal condition.

Keywords moral problematics, pride-driven eros, passionate-spiritualised eros, significance of clothing, Christic scenario Between Abstinence I o a n a M i h a e l a and Prohibition B o n d a O a n a M i h a e l a Actions for Combating Alcoholism T Ãm a ş in Transylvania during World War I

Over time, World War I has pro­ m­pted the interest of many specialists. Approached from various perspecti­ ves, the subject is always current, be- ing complemented by new sources and researched under new aspects. In general, in the Romanian historiog- raphy, the problem of the use, pro- duction and regulation of alcohol has been little researched. That is why the starting point of our scientific research was to draw a picture of the situation of the anti-alcohol movement on the continent, then focus on the one in Transylvania.

Alcohol commercial, Furnica Measures to Combat (Bucharest) 5, 181 (28 February 1908) Alcoholism in Europe (1914–1918) Ioana Mihaela Bonda Senior Researcher at Academic Cultural n Europe, it was considered that Heritage Department, Babeº-Bolyai Uni- the Great War was also a war versity, Cluj-Napoca. I against alcoholic beverages, which Oana Mihaela Tãmaş was illustrated by the fact that during Expert at the Center for University Strate- the conflict some of the most drastic gy and Quality Management, Babeº-Bolyai anti-alcohol measures of the last two University, Cluj-Napoca. centuries were taken. The global con- Paradigms • 37 flagration changed the direction of the anti-alcohol movement in Europe, and the changes were echoed in Transylvania, too. Alcoholism as well as the anti- alcohol movement behind the front line were not by any extent “isolated” re- alities specific to the Southeast European area, and caused serious actions and legislative changes at the end of the war all over the world. After 1918, at the international level, attempts were made to control and regulate the drug and alcohol commodity markets, which before 1914 had been largely unregulated. For many states, the war itself was a triggering factor in intensifying such inter- nal regulatory processes regarding alcohol use. On 15 March 1915, Lloyd George, the British War Minister at that time, de- clared: “We are fighting Germany, Austria, and drink; and, as far as I can see, the greatest of these three deadly foes is drink.”1 One reason that explains this fight against alcohol in England in the early years after the outbreak of World War I was the increase in the consumption of alcoholic beverages among the workers in weapons factories, and especially among women. After the latter started to work, they began to earn money and acquire financial independence, so they started to frequent pubs more often. Women’s drinking of alcoholic beverages in public pro- duced embarrassment and was considered offensive to English society. A series of legislative measures followed to regulate the opening hours of pubs. The difficult situation can also be understood by looking at the British of- ficials’ speeches. Thus, many times, the British War Minister Lloyd George said that “Drink is doing us more damage in the war than all the German submarines put together.” Counting on the power of example, King George V of England pledged that he would not drink alcoholic beverages (wines, spirits or beer) during the war. Moreover, wine, beer and all kinds of liquor disappeared even from the king’s residences. The sovereign tried to make the whole of England follow his example, requiring bars to be closed after 21:30. The length of time they were open decreased from 19.5 hours to just 5.5 hours a day. According to the Daily Mail, strong beer disappeared, and all beverages were diluted with water. Moreover, the pubs around the ammunition factories were closed or their opening hours were restricted. Generally, punitive methods were amplified. The number of arrests for the disruption of public order—68,000—has never been exceeded since. The alcohol tax was increased progressively and the alcohol con- centration in beer was considerably reduced.2 These decisions of the government and of King George V were accompanied by an anti-alcohol campaign called “Follow the King’s Lead.”3 One of its consequences was that, in 1917, even more drastic measures were discussed (in the sense of being implemented) go- ing as far as prohibiting alcohol altogether. If the authorities tried to limit alcohol consumption everywhere, the trenches were out of these bounds. Soldiers needed alcohol to face the reality of the bat- 38 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) tles and to keep on fighting. In France, for example, a soldier received one liter of wine a day. In some cases, this amount was insufficient, since some soldiers always sought to obtain more than their ration.4 The anti-alcohol movement in the uk had visible results during the war, but all statistics showed that the decline in the abstinence movement began imme- diately after the end of the armed conflict, and no further measure could match its effects during the war. Measures against alcoholism were also taken on the Eastern front, in Russia. Here, on 31 July 1914, Tsar Nicholas II issued a decree prohibiting the manu- facture and sale of alcohol on the territory of the empire. Initially, the ban had to be carried out only during mobilization. However, almost immediately, the measure was extended for the entire duration of the hostilities. Then the right to ban alcohol was handed over by the central authorities to the local ones: cit- ies, rural communities and district councils.5 This resulted in some towns and districts allowing the sale of wine and beer, but vodka was still forbidden. The immediate consequence was the closure of 400 distilleries and 28,000 wine and spirits shops. Thus, the decision was a truly radical step, as revenues from vodka sales accounted for no less than one third of the state budget. However, for the budget for the year 1915 and despite the fact that Russia was at war, the State Duma totally excluded the revenues acquired from the sale of vodka. If, on the one hand, there was a drastic decrease in crime and in the number of patients in psychiatric hospitals, there was also the other side of the coin, namely the in- crease in the production of counterfeit drinks and makeshift distilleries. At first, it was thought that only hopeless alcoholics were using all sorts of substitutes, but it was found that even in the big cities vodka substitutes were being drunk. Only in August 1914, about 230 Russian drinking saloons were destroyed by people demanding vodka. In some of these incidents, the police had to open fire on the rioters. As a compromise solution, the Perm Governor urged the tsar to allow for alcohol sales for at least two hours a day “in order to avoid bloody clashes.” As the vodka distilleries had to be closed, nearly 300,000 peo- ple stopped working, and the state had to pay them compensation from the state budget. Another unfortunate consequence of the war and of the ban was the massive increase in drug addiction, especially in St. Petersburg. Previously, cocaine and heroin had been sold in pharmacies, but, at the same time, many substances clas- sified as dangerous narcotics were banned. However, as early as 1915, traffickers managed to create supplies of opium from Greece and Persia, while cocaine was brought in from Europe. The latter became inseparable from the image of not only the decadent youths of St. Petersburg but also of the Bolshevik commissar in his leather jacket. Paradigms • 39

The Soviet authorities abolished the prohibition of alcohol 11 years later, in 1925, for economic reasons, as they needed money for the modernization of the economy. They based their position on studies showing that the ban had caused a 30% loss in state revenue.6

The Case of Transylvania and the Anti-Alcohol Movement

fter the 2000s, Romanian historiography paid special interest to the situation of the society and the population behind the front lines of A the war. In our paper we will focus on a less known reality of this pe- riod, namely the anti-alcohol movement in Transylvania during the Great War. The sources we used for this research were the press of the time, both secular and ecclesiastical—Gazeta Transilvaniei (The Gazette of Transylvania), Drapelul (The Flag), Cultura creºtinã (Christian Culture), Revista teologicã (The Theo- logical Journal), Biserica ºi ºcoala (Church and School), Unirea (The Union), Foaia Poporului (The People’s Sheet), Foaia diecezanã (The Diocesan Sheet), Românul (The Romanian), Transilvania (Transylvania), Cosânzeana—and the general historiography. We sought to highlight, in particular, the position of the authorities towards this scourge which threatened society. At the beginning of the 20th century, the increased impact of the media, es- pecially on intellectuals, made it easier for the debates in the European countries on alcohol and alcoholism to be known in Transylvania as well. However, the issue became a particular press topic in this province during the outbreak of World War I. Fears of an explosion in excessive alcohol consumption, against the background of the horrors of the conflagration, generated discussions, proj- ects, but also the adoption of measures by both civil and ecclesiastical authori- ties. The uneasiness was explainable if we consider the fact that after 1914 there was an increase in the number of pubs selling alcoholic beverages of poor qual- ity. Both in Transylvania and Banat, as well as in Wallachia, in areas where fruit trees did not grow, the peasants were making cereal spirits, producing very bad quality spirits which were harmful to the body.7 In the process of combating alcoholism, the main role was played in Transyl- vania, as well as in the Kingdom of Romania, by the state institutions and the Church, which in fact coordinated the mechanisms of limiting its use. The first reactions appeared, as it could be anticipated, from the side of the Romanian ecclesiastical institutions. This was natural, if we start from the prem- ise that the priests, who had direct contact with the realities of the village world, 40 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) directly faced the changes in the daily life of the faithful. But the outbreak of the conflagration radically changed the family universe. The individuals behind the front line had to deal not only with personal and family problems, but also with the difficulties caused by the war, having to contribute to the collections, to the requisitions, and also to the various tasks imposed by the authorities. All these drudgeries, doubled by an uncertain situation and by the disorganization caused by the lack of teachers and priests, eventually led to a mental overload for individuals.8 In the face of these transformations, which often rocked the exis- tence of entire communities, they expected the clergy to guide and watch over people in their civic as well as moral lives. The action of the priests was therefore demanded, all the more so since there had been a moral relaxation in the villages, illustrated by the large number of illegal marriages and births,9 but also by the increase in the phenomenon of excessive alcohol consumption. In general, war changed an individual’s attitude towards life. The individual lived as if he was constantly on the edge of a precipice. That is why the clergy’s speeches focused first on reconfiguring the values of life. The theology profes- sors who published in the official journals and newspapers of the two Romanian Churches in Transylvania, Unirea, published in Blaj, and Revista teologicã, pub- lished in Sibiu, were seeking, through advice addressed to the priests in the two metropolises, to point out precisely these aspects. As early as 1914, the clerics were made attentive to the fact that the population, having faced the horrors of the war, was more prepared to listen to and to learn lessons, in comparison to the previous period. In this context, the scourge of alcoholism was mentioned, which at that time could be fought more effectively, including through sermons, according to the editors of the Revista teologicã.10 The servants of the altar were supported by the hierarchs of the two Roma- nian Churches. Through directives, they not only set directions to be followed, but also stated their support. On 18 July 1915, for example, the Bishop of Caransebeº, Elie Miron Cristea, though a directive order, told priests in his dio- cese what books to buy in order to fight more effectively against alcoholism.11 A clear acknowledgment of the presence of the phenomenon in the world of the Romanian Transylvanian village was recorded in April 1914, at the syn- od of the Greek Catholic Deanery of Cluj. During its sessions, as reported by the Românul newspaper, the main issue discussed was alcoholism. The priestly body started from the premise that alcohol addiction was “the greatest nuisance, which afflicts the faithful people, more often in the villages, damaging them both in their moral life and in their material, economic and social condition,” and adopted a few measures to diminish this scourge. These included: ban- ning spirits during the celebration of the Holy Sacraments, during baptisms, weddings, other religious services and requiem services, forbidding priests from Paradigms • 41 participating in events to which this rule did not apply, investigating the clergy guilty of violating the provision by the synod of the deanery and then fining them with various amounts. The day when this directive was to be published by the archpriest was specially chosen, and quite symbolic. Thus, the Feast of the Resurrection of Christ was also presented “as the beginning of the great struggle for the regeneration of our people” through the campaign against alcoholism.12 The situation depicted during the deanery meeting was real, if we take into account the alcohol consumption figures in Transylvania. In 1914, Professor Traian Suciu from Brad published in the Românul newspaper official statistics, drawn up by the society of Saxon doctors in Transylvania.13 According to it, during the period 1910–1911 in the county of Târnava Mare (Nagy-Küküllø) County, 10,676 liters were consumed per person, in the Mureş-Turda (Maros- Torda) County—10,539, in the Fãgãraş (Fogaras) County—8,617, Hunedoara (Hunyad) County—6,995, Sibiu (Szeben)—4,707, Târnava Micã (Kis-Kükül- lø)—4,058, Alba de Jos (Alsó-Fehér)—3,488, Bistriþa-Nãsãud (Beszterce- Naszód)—2,821, Turda-Arieş (Torda-Aranyos)—2,429, Solnoc-Dãbâca (Szol- nok-Doboka)—2,266. Of these beverages, spirits were consumed in large quan- tities in the Romanian counties of Fãgãraº and Mureº-Turda, beer in Braºov, and wine in Sibiu. The concentration of alcohol present in the beverages con- sumed by the Romanians in Transylvania explains the campaigns against alco- holism. Thus, the wine had as much as 8% alcohol, similarly to beer, the spirits had between 24–40% alcohol, sweet spirits—35%, cognac and absinthe—60%. Alongside the ecclesiastical institutions, the central political authorities also took measures. Shortly after the outbreak of the war, Interior Minister János Sándor gave an order prohibiting the sale and consumption of alcoholic bever- ages in railway stations.14 This directive was primarily aimed at soldiers prepar- ing to go to the front. The alternative offered was herbal tea. The same official drew the attention of local authorities to this again a year later, in 1915, insisting that the measure be applied, a sign that it had not been applied in all localities.15 Moreover, the same senior official banned the use of wheat and rye in distilleries and breweries, while allowing some other cereals and potatoes, but in a very small proportion. The explanation of this last rule was pragmatism, as cereals were needed to feed the population. Regulations aimed at soldiers were adopted as a result of previous expe­ riences. Drinking alcoholic beverages on some front lines had affected some campaigns. That is why, based on medical and military research, alcoholic bever- ages, including wine, were forbidden on the grounds that they primarily affected the mental state of the soldiers and only secondly their physical condition. The Gazeta Transilvaniei reporter reminded readers in their analysis of this topic of the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871), during which it was shown that 42 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) wounded soldiers who had consumed alcohol were developing complications, some incompatible with survival.16 The nefarious influence of alcohol on soldiers was also addressed in several articles as a main topic. It was an attempt by journalists to indicate a silent but imminent danger. The titles of the articles were suggestive, meant to attract at- tention. For example, the article “The Most Dangerous Enemy of the Soldier Is Alcohol: Anti-Alcohol Sayings and Thoughts,” 17 in which quotes were pro- vided by military strategists who had faced this problem. The ravages of alcohol on the soldiers were also highlighted in the article “Caring for the Soldier at War,” which made a real demonstration in favor of banning alcoholic beverages on the front line.18 The measures adopted in this part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire were not unique, as some had already been adopted in most European countries. In Germany, for example, it was forbidden to serve alcoholic drinks to soldiers; absinthe had been banned in France; in Russia, the anti-alcohol league had proposed prohibition, arguing that it would increase the citizens’ savings; in Norway and Switzerland, the use of cereals and potatoes in the manufacture of alcohol was prohibited; in Sweden, the measures adopted drastically reduced the consumption of alcoholic beverages during the war. Against this background, the editors of the Revista teologicã offered the example of England, considered the most “abstinent country” among those who “fight the biggest and bloodiest war ever mentioned.” According to the piece of news published in the Sibiu pe- riodical, the English authorities offered to each soldier, on leaving for the battle- field, a copy of a leaflet highlighting the effects of drinking alcohol. Among the most important were: “The weakening of the faculties to observe the signals; the soldier’s inability to find their bearings, to find shelter from the enemy attack; the compromising of shooting precision; increased tiredness; decreased resis- tance to disease and cold; aggravation of complications due to wounds received in battle.”19 The vast majority of journalists considered it a good time to adopt a firm po- sition against alcoholism. Indifference to this “monstrous” scourge was labeled “real murder, an act of social betrayal.” That is why the whole society was called upon to participate. The editors of the Revista teologicã were convinced that the “common enemy: alcohol”20 could be overcome through a close collaboration between doctors, magistrates, priests and politicians, teachers (including pri- mary school teachers), women and young people. Moreover, the scourge did not spare any Romanian province, as the authori- ties or the newspapers of the time recorded. There were quite a few articles in the press that signaled the expansion of the phenomenon. That is why they aimed for the news to have an impact in order to sensitize communities. How- Paradigms • 43 ever, the association of alcoholism with the spread of various diseases was quite common in the analyses published in the press, which often highlighted this specific aspect. In addition to various neurological diseases associated with alcoholism (epi- lepsy, hysteria), it (alcoholism) was also considered a major cause of the out- break of the cholera epidemic. The tragic example offered by the Transylvanian journalists was that of the Nepos village, where there were 50 deaths among cholera sufferers in a very short period, between 18 July and 5 August. Other cases of deaths reported and mentioned by the newspaper Unirea were recorded in Nãsãud (1), Ilva Micã (10), Ilva Mare (10). Against this background, the author of the piece of news mentioned that according to “medical research . . . alcoholics were more vulnerable to cholera.” His demonstration, moreover, leads to this conclusion. His conviction was that in the case of the deceased individuals in Nepos, only 3 “did not suffer from the passion for alcohol.”21 Subsequently, the author of the article added that many had digestive problems as well.22 The central idea of his remark reiterated, however, that alcoholics were prone to various diseases, and therefore urgent action had to be taken. The body affected by alcoholism was considered fertile ground for exanthe- matic typhus. In support of this theory, the editors of the newspaper Biserica ºi ºcoala published the findings of research carried out by a German physician, Friedrich Schürer von Waldheim. According to him, “drunkards always get sicker than non-drinkers.”23 In his opinion, the evil role of alcohol, consumed in large quantities, was unquestionable. It was the main cause of the widespread epidemics in wartime, because poverty and hunger caused by the conflagrations were accompanied by misery and the excessive consumption of brandy. Euro- pean sociologists interpreted alcoholism in the same key at that time. In their view, the most visible effects of alcohol abuse were increased crime, mortality, and poverty.24 The data confirmed this theory, including on the territory of Romania. The situation recorded in 1925, albeit later, expressed a reality that had already existed for some time. Thus, statistics showed that 60% of the total number of crimes committed in rural society had been committed by intoxicated individuals. Moreover, another figure caused concern. Of the young people who attended conscription events, 40% were rejected, being considered unfit for mil- itary service because of alcohol-related illnesses.25 The number of clerical voices raised against the scourge that had spread since the outbreak of World War I was on the rise. There were quite a few who, besides direct pastoralism, tried to sound the alarm through the press as well. Thus, the newspaper Unirea published a large number of articles sent by its cor- respondents from across the Greek Catholic Church Metropolis. The message of the priests who were directly confronted with the effects of alcoholism was 44 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) meant to be of great impact. By rhetorical questions such as “How long shall we postpone the abolishing of the evil in our people?”26 or by the clear statements “Against alcoholism,”27 the correspondent priests not only highlighted the re- ality that Romanian villages were confronted with this vice, but also tried to mobilize society in order to eradicate it. In their pertinent analysis, some of the clergy thought that the fault was also theirs, because they had not put into prac- tice what they had learned or read. This self-criticism was assumed and clear-cut: “No matter how much has been written in the columns of the various journals and magazines about the holy wish of the priests, i.e. to cut off or at least reduce the consumption of alcohol, we only considered this duty while we read about such things, and then we passed on to the order of the day.”28 Along with this assumption of guilt, the priests were searching for and pro- posing solutions. One of these, identified by Ioan Oltean, was the creation of re- ligious associations or societies, such as the Marian Associations, but also cultur- al and economic unions. His conclusion was that only through trained people, who possessed moral, intellectual and economic culture, could victory against alcoholism be achieved. He drew attention to a pragmatic aspect. According to his experience in the rural world, alcohol consumption was highest on holidays and Sundays. However, the solution he invoked, namely the creation of associa- tions coordinated by priests, in order to carry out activities just in those days, required involving a large number of individuals. Thus, an alternative was cre- ated for a constructive socializing environment that would counterbalance the individual’s desire to spend time in the pub.29 Important in this context were the fixed or mobile libraries, organized according to the model of those in Romania, said the article’s author.30 During the same period, the Romanian periodicals reported various episodes of intoxication with various substances present in alcohol and which resulted in deaths. Such a case, reported by the Unirea31 and the Revista teologicã,32 oc- curred in Maramureº (Máramaros), where 63 individuals died due to drinking alcohol in which the presence of methyl was discovered. The tragedy was used by newspaper editors to give another alarm signal. Not only was this news given generous space, but they also insisted on the disastrous effects of excessive al- cohol consumption in general. In order to get a strong impact, the episode was drawn up in moralizing terms: “You cannot have a wedding without drinking tens of liters of brandy, until the people are so drunk that they lose their heads and then pay with their life the orgy of a night of feasting.”33 The priesthood was also not omitted from this indictment. The clergy were called upon to take a stand, to become more active and to promote the fight against alcoholism, not only in theory but also in practice.34 The clerics were urged to do their “duty,” especially in those difficult times, when thousands of soldiers “were dying and Paradigms • 45 suffering on the battlefield.” Moderation and temperance were often invoked in these articles. As time passed, the articles in the newspaper Unirea become increasingly sharper, with stronger messages, with apocalyptic images which showed that the phenomenon of alcoholism had increased in intensity in the Romanian villages in Transylvania. If in 1915 the tone was moderate, with moralizing messages, in 1917 it became sharp, drastic, dramatic in some places. Articles dealing with this topic would occupy the front pages in the last years of the war. The eradication of this scourge turned into a profession of faith for some priests. That’s why the messages they were sending were meant to be impactful, and the terms used were serious, with the clear intention of shocking the reader. The definition of alcoholism and the outlining of its effects offered the pos- sibility for an editor of the newspaper Unirea to paint an apocalyptic image.35 This time the piece was aimed at women who drank alcohol. The scourge had spread to them, too, and the effects were immediate. In the opinion of the au- thor, the number of people with various disabilities had increased. Even if the phenomenon was not a new one or the consequences were not as serious as presented, it is certain that the female population of the villages was experienc- ing this phenomenon. The author, through his article, first aimed at the priests, whom he was trying to convince to make additional efforts in order to restore the moral life of the faithful women, in particular. In his opinion “Under this modern name hides drunkenness with all its derivatives. And these derivatives are many. Body and soul degenerations are just as many as the effects of alcohol. . . . I never thought this sort of people so fierce as in this wartime.”36 So, the journalists’ records were a statement of fact. Alcoholism was increas- ing in the Romanian communities in Transylvania and, consequently, urgent measures had to be taken. Society also reacted to the impetus of the Church. For instance, in Blaj was created the Blaj Abstinence Meeting of Theologians,37 structured according to the pattern of the unions organized under the patronage of the Catholic Church in Western Europe. This influence must not be surprising, especially since a similar movement had appeared in the Habsburg Empire in the early 19th cen- tury, more precisely in the Tyrol area. Later, this type of association was also noted in the Eastern parts of the Dual Monarchy at the end of the 19th century. The results, even if not spectacular, led to the adoption of a law in 1877 aimed at combating alcoholism.38 The first report, written in 1915, was published by the newspaper Unirea.39 The report is, however, a true programmatic article of the society. Its purpose was clearly highlighted: to be “in united power, as a single individual, to enter the arena of the struggle against alcoholism as the group of old gladiators who 46 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) cried: Ave Caesar, morituri te salutant.” Society members were convinced that “flag bearers in such a noble struggle” were the clergy. And, as noted by the secretary of the union, Simion Gizdavu, the explanation lies in the fact that theo- logians, priests in general, were meant to look after each individual as a member of the flock entrusted into their care. Christian teachings and morals based on love had to be promoted and supported with everything that this entailed. It is precisely at this point that the priest was supposed to promote morality and, in particular, to remove evil or its triggering factors, including alcoholism, consid- ered as the “source of all evil,”40 “the ruin of bodies and souls.”41 It was not an unusual thesis, because at the first congresses of the Abstinence Meetings in Eu- rope starting with 1885, the starting point of the debates was precisely Origen’s dictum, Ebrietas est mater omnium vitiorum.42 Although the initiators of the project were realistic about its impact on the Romanian Transylvanian society, they made every effort to raise awareness of this scourge. During the union meetings, there were lectures about the effects of alcoholism on the body and the soul, but concrete measures were also discussed, meant to reduce alcohol consumption in rural areas. The union also wanted to lead a campaign to raise awareness of the ravages of alcoholism and, implicitly, to draw attention to the importance of society’s support for such actions, proj- ects and associations. The union members also noticed the very low impact of these initiatives. The speeches were meant precisely to generate reactions. The message was simple and penetrating: alcohol “steals parents from their children, children from their parents, the husband from his wife, peace and happiness from the parents, bread from the children.” The same liquor “divests the young man of his powers . . . and makes solace go away from the old man’s soul.”43 In parallel with the clergy’s approach, the echoes of the temperance move- ment in Europe, supported by laymen, were also felt in Transylvania. In 1914, such an initiative was recorded, meant to create an abstinence union, at the initiative of the Românul newspaper contributor, V. Radu. Despite the fact that he was skeptical about the impact of this society, the initiator proposed that the nucleus be constituted in a first phase of the representative intellectuals of the Transylvanian Romanian society. In his view, the first impetus was to be given by the “educated class,” and only then the actions of the association were to tar- get and to co-opt the “people.” He was convinced that once the mentality of the “educated” class changed, the whole of society would change, by the power of example. Like other demonstrations, his also ended by expressing the conviction that in the fight against alcoholism, in fact, they offered guarantees for the sur- vival of the Romanian people.44 The necessity of setting up such unions was also highlighted by Professor Ioan Bojor, from the Nãsãud Foundational Higher Gymnasium. In a very well-grounded demonstration, he addressed the hierar- Paradigms • 47 chy, but also the political leaders of the Romanians, asking them to get involved in the organization of the temperance movement. In his approach he gave the example of the European states but also of the United States of America, where this movement, supported by the authorities, had had beneficial effects for so- ciety.45 Another solution proposed at this time by the clergy was the involvement of the Transylvanian Association for Romanian Literature and for the Culture of the Romanian People (astra) in the fight against alcoholism. The society was required to use its entire structure to combat the scourge that threatened to ruin Romanian villages.46 The answer was prompt, if we analyze the activity of the astra divisions in 1914. Thus, during that year, over 28 communications were issued about the harmful effects of alcoholism.47 The activity of anti-alcohol societies was criticized in quite a few cases be- cause it was considered to have no impact and, consequently, no effects. How- ever, with the spread of the scourge even the most skeptical or the greatest critics supported the actions of these unions. For example, in October 1917, one of the editors of the Unirea was compelled to admit: “In the face of such a sad situa- tion, we are compelled to call again for the support of anti-alcoholic unions. And as these, as a rule, are represented in the villages by one man, who is the priest, we call upon our priests and we actively draw attention to this great problem of our people.” It was imperative to put an end to that scourge.48 The priests were not excluded when advocating moderation in alcohol con- sumption. Among the advice addressed to them in the columns of the newspa- pers published between 1914 and 1918, there were also those concerning the attention that young people especially need to give to their behavior in society, including the use and abuse of alcoholic beverages.49 Another segment of the population targeted by the articles on alcoholism published in this period were young people. Policies and measures to limit the consumption of alcoholic beverages in European countries were also used as examples for the Transylvanian society. The exceptional measures taken during a special period, one of war, in the German city of Kassel were also supported and promoted by the editors of the Biserica ºi ºcoala newspaper published in Arad. Prohibition measures were meant to eradicate the alcoholism that had spread among young people. Any violation of this would result in imprisonment for up to one year or in severe fines.50 Saving young people from alcoholism was an important point on the agenda of temperance unions. Their discourse was not an isolated one, but had been taken over by most movements because it was thought that once the young people were saved, the nation was saved.51 The Budapest government’s policy to increase alcohol and tobacco taxes was welcomed by the publisher of the journal Unirea who considered the effects 48 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) of this measure beneficial, especially from a moral and humanitarian point of view.52 But quite a few were also expecting actions from the local (civilian) au- thorities. That’s why various episodes were reported in the press. An example of this was the measure of the protopraetor Károly Ujvári of the Csákigorbó Circle (today Gârbou, Sãlaj County), who decided among other things to close the pubs on Sundays and holidays. It was an important provision, especially since those days saw the highest levels of consumption.53 Agreeing with this measure, some of the priests believed that sermons were insufficient, and that only the state could reduce consumption using its levers and, at the same time, exercise control over alcohol production.54 Any measure adopted by the political or ecclesiastical authorities aimed at removing this scourge was welcomed and considered beneficial. In many cases, directly or indirectly, the newspapers began their demonstrations from the premise that alcohol killed more people than war. That’s why stopping this vice was considered to be particularly important, especially since, once achieved, “it would obviously change the state of life of our villagers and workers. . . . The country would gain a lot, as individual forces, as strength of arms, if it cut off this worm that chews at the foundation of our society.”55 At this point, however, the journalists were on a divergent position from the political authorities of the state. The state generally laid down regulations in the field of alcoholic bevera­ ges. About 10% of Romania’s national budget, for example, came from alcohol- related taxes, and rural budgets were even more dependent on the taxation of alcohol sales.56 Being aware of this impediment, Constantin Arsenie, editor of the Biserica ºi ºcoala pointed out in an article in 1916 the ultimate goal that all decision makers had to envisage: “We should not have in mind the money that comes out of this dangerous object of commerce, but the People, the Land.”57 With such a goal on the agenda, the authorities would secure the future of the state by supporting a healthy population and at the same time reduce crime rates and other criminal offenses that were caused by alcoholism, according to many priests and journalists of the time.58 In the same spirit, Dr. Augustin Schuster, a member of the Patronage Soci- ety of Transylvania, asked the state for a part of the revenues collected from the alcohol trade to be channeled towards preventing the spread of the scourge and counteracting the negative effects of the abuse. His proposed solution was the creation of healthcare homes with trained personnel, in which professional sup- port was provided to addicts.59 Paradigms • 49

Conclusions

he large number of articles dealing with the topic of alcoholism present in the Transylvanian newspapers during 1914–1918 support the asser- T tion that the Romanian society on this territory was confronted with this scourge. The ways of approaching the subject differed, but alcoholism con- tinued to be traditionally perceived as a moral issue par excellence. Timidly, civil society representatives started to take action to combat this vice. In this respect, many ideas already promoted in Western European countries by abstinence movements, well organized at the beginning of the 20th century, were adopted. Various initiatives were undertaken to promote the fight against exces- sive alcohol consumption, to a lesser degree by the political authorities and to a greater degree by the Church. The fear of alcoholism becoming widespread among young people but also among women generated an anti-alcohol move- ment, whose promoters were mainly the priests. As shepherds of souls, they were asked to intervene and ensure the coordination of this campaign. The most frequently cited solution was, as we have pointed out, the creation of cultural, economic or church unions to operate in each village and to further the interests of the Romanian population. This was intended to provide a viable option for the population, which would represent a way of socializing and, at the same time, of cultural development, supplanting the function of the pub as a place of socialization. Unlike in the European area, in Transylvania the proposed solutions were aimed at prevention and especially at the reduction of alcohol consumption, and almost not at all at the treatment of those affected. The explanation for this lies in the fact that these movements were coordinated by clerics, not by laymen, as was the case in Germany, England, where such societies advocated for the insti- tutionalization of those affected. On the Transylvanian territory there were several temperance unions function- ing during World War I, but they had a low impact, as well noted by journalists. Overwhelmingly, those who took a stand advocated for moderation, not for the prohibition of alcohol. The last solution was mostly proposed at the end of the war and was backed by admirers of similar American legislation. Between 16 January 1920 and 5 December 1933 in the United States, according to the 18th Amendment, the production, transportation and selling of alcohol was prohibited. Although with a lesser impact than in other states in Europe, in Transylvania as well measures were therefore taken to combat alcoholism during World War I. However, the effect achieved in wartime was not what was expected, since crusading voices became increasingly strident in 1918, and subsequent legisla- tive measures again tried to re-address and solve the problem. q 50 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Notes

1. Annemarie McAllister, “The enemy within: the battle over alcohol in World War I,” 19 September 2014, http://theconversation.com/the-enemy-within-the-battle- over-alcohol-in-world-war-i-30441; https://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/ob- ject/31471. 2. David W. Gutzke, “Gender, Class, and Public Drinking in Britain During the First World War,” in Histoire sociale/Social History 27, 5 (1994): 367–391, https://hssh. journals.yorku.ca/index.php/hssh/article/viewFile/16578/15437. 3. McAllister. 4. David Kurlander, “Austria, Germany, and Drink:” Alcohol as Two Visions of Mo- dernity in British Propaganda and The Radetzky March,” 3 October 2017, https:// kurlanderblog.wordpress.com/2017/10/03/austria-germany-and-drink-alcohol-as- two-visions-of-modernity-in-british-propaganda-and-the-radetzk%E2%80%A6. 5. Mikhail Butov, “When the Tsar banned booze,” 18 August 2014, https://www.rbth. com/arts/2014/08/18/when_the_tsar_banned_booze_37603. 6. Ibid. 7. Mihail Popescu, Legea Monopolului spirtului privitã din punct de vedere chimic, higienic ºi social (Bucharest: Monitorul Oficial ºi Imprimeria Statului, 1932), 3. 8. Eugenia Bârlea, Perspectiva lumii rurale asupra primului rãzboi mondial (Cluj-Napoca: Argonaut, 2004), 126. 9. Ibid, 129. 10. “Lupta antialcoolicã ºi rãsboiul,” Revista teologicã: Organ pentru ºtiinþa ºi vieaþa bisericeascã (Sibiu) 8, 13–22 (1 August–15 December 1914): 317–319. 11. “Pentru combaterea alcoholismului,” Gazeta Transilvaniei (Braºov) 78, 161 (26 July/8 August 1915): 2–3. 12. “Lupta în contra alcoolismului,” Românul (Arad) 4, 72 (12 April 1914): 7–8. 13. Românul 4, 6 (9/22 January 1914): 2–3. 14. “Lupta antialcoolicã ºi rãsboiul,” 317–319; Unirea: Foaie bisericeascã-politicã (Blaj) 25, 55 (8 June 1915): 4; Foaia diecezanã: Organ al eparhiei gr. or. române a Caransebeºului 29, 23 (31 August/13 September 1914): 7. 15. Unirea 25, 55 (8 June 1915): 4. 16. “Din învãþãmintele rãsboaielor precedente,” Gazeta Transilvaniei 78, 62 (19 March/ 1 April, 1915): 2. 17. Gazeta Transilvaniei 78, 63 (20 March/2 April 1915): 3. 18. Gazeta Transilvaniei 78, 79 (12/25 April 1915): 2. 19. “Lupta antialcoolicã ºi rãsboiul,” 317–319. A part of the demonstration has been taken from Professor I. Bojor, “Plaga noastrã (Reflexiuni la articolul de fond apãrut în ‘Românul’ nr. 6, 1914),” Românul 4, 13 (17/30 January 1914): 2. 20. Ibid., 317–319. 21. Unirea 25, 79 (10 August 1915): 4. 22. Unirea 25, 87 (4 September 1915): 4. 23. “Tifosul exantematic la alcoolici,” Biserica ºi ºcoala: Revistã bisericeascã, ºcolarã, literarã ºi economicã (Arad) 40, 8 (21 February/5 March 1916): 59–60. Paradigms • 51

24. Johan Edman, “Temperance and Modernity: Alcohol Consumption as a Collecti- ve Problem, 1885–1913,” Journal of Social History 49, 1 (Fall 2015): 20–52. The same conclusion had been reached by the editors of the Revista teologicã, see “Lupta antialcoolicã ºi rãsboiul,” 317–319. 25. Dr. Octavian Scalat, Bucovina înecatã în alcool (Cernãuþi: Tipografia Mitropolitul Silvestru, 1925), 5. 26. Ioan Oltean, “Împotriva alcoolului,” Unirea 25, 127 (23 December 1915): 2. 27. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid., 1. 31. Unirea 25, 121 (11 December 1915): 1. 32. Revista teologicã 9, 16–18 (15 October–15 November 1915): 296. 33. Unirea 25, 121 (11 December 1915): 1 34. Revista teologicã 9, 16–18 (15 October–15 November 1915): 296. 35. “Alcoolismul,” Unirea 27, 64 (25 October 1917): 1. 36. Ibid. 37. See Victor Tudor Roşu, “Reuniunea de Temperanþã Antialcoolicã de la Blaj (1910– 1917),” http://www.cclbsebes.ro/docs/sebus/25_Rosu_Tudor.pdf. 38. Oana Mihaela Tãmaº, Între uz ºi abuz de alcool în România: Sfârºitul secolului al XIX-lea ºi începutul secolului al XX-lea (Cluj-Napoca: Academia Românã, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2015), 40. 39. Unirea 25, 50 (27 May 1915): 2. 40. Unirea 25, 52 (1 June 1915): 2. 41. Oltean, 1. 42. Edman, 23. 43. Unirea 25, 50 (27 May 1915): 2. 44. Vasile Radu, “Problema alcoolismului,” Românul 4, 41 (20 February/5 March 1914): 5. 45. Bojor, 2. 46. “Contra alcoolului,” Foaia diecezanã 29, 27 (6/19 July 1914): 7. 47. “Activitatea Despãrþãmintelor în cursul anului 1914,” Transilvania (Sibiu) 46, 7–12 (1 December 1915): 112–142. 48. “Alcoolismul,” 1. 49. “Sfaturi pentru preoþi,” Unirea 27, 25 (12 May 1917): 2. 50. “Poruncã pentru tinerime,” Biserica ºi ºcoala 40, 3 (17/30 January 1916): 21. 51. Edman, 29. 52. “Noile impozite,” Unirea 26, 62 (20 June 1916): 1. 53. I. Câmpean, “Din nãcazurile noastre: O pildã de urmat,” Gazeta Transilvaniei 78, 75 (8/21 April 1915): 1. 54. Ibid. 55. Constantin Arsenie, “Primejdia alcoolismului,” Biserica ºi ºcoala 40 (1916): 133. 56. Tãmaº, 13. 57. Arsenie, 133. 52 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

58. Câmpean, 1. 59. “Secþia sibianã a Societãþii de patronagiu din Ardeal,” Foaia Poporului (Sibiu) 24, 8 (21 February/5 March 1916): 4.

Abstract Between Abstinence and Prohibition: Actions for Combating Alcoholism in Transylvania during World War I

Over time, World War I has prompted the interest of many specialists. In our presentation we will focus on a lesser known reality of this period, namely the anti-alcohol movement in Transylvania during the Great War. The sources we used for this research were archive materials, the press of the time, of a secular and ecclesiastical nature, and memoirs. Alcoholism as well as the anti-alcohol movement behind the front line were not in any extent “isolated” realities specific to the Southeast European area, but were part of serious legislative actions and changes that, by the end of the war, occurred all over the world. After 1918, at international level, attempts were made to control and regulate the drug and alcohol commodity markets, which before 1914 had been largely unregu- lated. For many states, the war itself was a triggering factor in intensifying such internal regula- tory processes regarding alcohol use. Making a comparative presentation will help us understand the whole mechanism, especially since such measures had been previously undertaken in Western Europe. We will then analyze the situation of alcohol use in Transylvania during the war, as well as the actions undertaken by the Romanian ecclesiastical and civil authorities regarding the thorny issue of alcohol consumption behind the front line. We will emphasize the changes that took place in Romanian society during the war, and explore in depth whether they had the expected effect or, on the contrary, whether they intensified alcohol abuse.

Keywords alcohol, World War I, Transylvania, alcohol use National History and Ideology The Union of 1918 As Reflected in the Work A Quarter Century after the Union of Transylvania S o r i n ª i p o ª by Silviu Dragomir

Biographical Highlights

uring the war, in 1943, the work Un sfert de veac de la uni- D rea Transilvaniei (A quarter century after the union of Transylva- nia) by Silviu Dragomir was published in Sibiu, the Transylvanian city where the institutions of the Romanian state were relocated after northern Transyl- vania was ceded to Hungary. Before analyzing the content of the study, we will briefly present Silviu Dragomir’s biography, in order to better under- stand the rationales and arguments Source: http://dspace.bcucluj.ro/ present in the analyzed study. It is handle/123456789/82144. clear that there is a close link between the educational background, politi- Sorin ªipoº cal choices, and the historical writing Professor at the Faculty of History, In­ practiced in the twentieth century. ternational Relations, Political Sciences The future historian was born on and Communication Sciences, University of . Author among others, of the 1/13 March 1888, in the commune 1 vol. Silviu Dragomir–Istoric (Silviu Drag- of Gurasada in Hunedoara County. omir–historian), 2nd edition, rev. and enl. Silviu Dragomir completed the first (2008). years of school in neighboring Ilia vil- 54 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) lage. He finished his elementary studies in 1897. The school in Ilia being a state school, the teaching language was Hungarian, so as a child he acquired from a young age the official language of the state, which would be useful to him in his future historical research.2 In the fall of the same year, he enrolled at the Romanian gymnasium in Blaj, where he attended only the first six forms. In 1903, Silviu Dragomir transferred to Serbian high-school in Novi Sad, with a Gojdu Foundation scholarship.3 Completing his studies at Novi Sad, he sought to enroll in a higher education institution. On 27 September 1905, Metropoli- tan Bishop Ioan Meþianu made a request to the Archbishopric Consistory in Cernãuþi (Chernivtsi, Czernowitz) to accept Silviu Dragomir as a student of the Faculty of Theology at the University of Cernãuþi.4 Thus, the young Romanian from Transylvania, following in the footsteps of the metropolitan bishop of Sibiu, became a student of the University of Cernãuþi in the autumn of 1905. Silviu Dragomir completed his studies in Cernãuþi, in July 1909, receiving his diploma in theology.5 After only a few weeks, on 31 July 1909, the young Romanian participated in the first rigorous examination for doctoral studies in the biblical-historical disciplines.6 Silviu Dragomir, aware that a specialization in Slavic languages required attending a prestigious university of Central Europe, enrolled on 8 October 1909 at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Vienna, receiving a scholarship from the Trandafil Foundation, administered by the Metropolitan Consistory of Sibiu.7 The young graduate in theology, in parallel with attending courses in Vienna, took his second rigorous exam in Cernãuþi on 21 March 1910, after which he received doctorate in theology. Silviu Dragomir stayed in Vienna for only a year, most likely due to lack of financial means, but this time was profitable for his future historical training. Later, to complete his studies, Dragomir took steps to attend the courses of the Moscow Theological Academy. As early as 30 July 1910, he had asked the Met- ropolitan Consistory for a scholarship from the Trandafil Foundation to study at the Moscow Academy. He was given financial support of 1,000 crowns a year. Shortly afterwards, on 18 July, Ioan Meþianu, on the basis of the authorization received on 11 June from the Archdiocese Consistory, and in the absence of qualified candidates for teaching positions in the pedagogical section, appointed Silviu Dragomir as substitute professor in the pedagogical section of the Theo- logical Institute in Sibiu.8 Later, Silviu Dragomir was appointed temporary pro- fessor in the theological section of Church History and Ancillary Disciplines.9 The future historian taught at the Theological Institute in Sibiu until 1919, with the exception of the 1916–1917 academic year, when, after Romania declared war on Austria-Hungary and its troops entered Transylvania, the authorities in Budapest decided to move the theological section of the institute to Oradea, and the pedagogical one to Arad. Silviu Dragomir and two other teachers, in Paradigms • 55 this exceptional situation, were transferred to the pedagogical department of the Arad Institute.10 The scholarly and didactic activity of the young intellectual, as well as his involvement in the national movement of the Transylvanian Romanians, led to his election as a corresponding member of the Romanian Academy on 26 May/9 June 1916, on the place left vacant after the election of Ioan Lupaº as a full member. Ioan Bogdan made the proposal and presented in detail Silviu Dragomir’s activity, insisting on his special training, the importance of his works on the Romanian-Russian religious relations of the 17th and 18th centuries, as well as on the introduction to the volume Contribuþiuni istorice privitoare la tre- cutul românilor de pe pãmântul crãiesc (Historical contributions on the history of the Romanians from the royal lands).11 In 1918, Professor Silviu Dragomir intensively participated in the actions carried out by the Romanians in Transylvania for the completion of the union with the Kingdom of Romania. Together with Nicolae Bãlan and his former colleague and friend from Cernãuþi, Ioan Broşu, he founded and led in Sibiu Gazeta Poporului (The People Gazette).12 In the pages of the newspaper were published materials supporting the achievement of national unity. Silviu Dragomir was an official delegate to the Great National Assembly, representing the Romanian press in Transylvania; he spoke at the preliminary conference held in Alba Iulia on 30 November, pointing out that the only way ahead for the Transylvanian Romanians was “unconditional union with those beyond the Carpathians.”13 On 1 December 1918, the historian was elected by acclamation as secretary of the assembly.14 He was among those who spoke on the Field of Horea before the 100,000 Romanians present. His speech was “one of the most clear and coherent, full of wisdom and communicative en- thusiasm.”15 On the same day, the Great Assembly of the Romanian Nation, consisting of 212 members, was elected. The following day its board was es- tablished: Gheorghe Pop de Bãseşti—president, Miron Cristea, Iuliu Hossu, Andrei Bârseanu and Teodor Mihali—as vice-presidents, six notary-secretaries, among them Silviu Dragomir, Caius Brediceanu, and so on.16 In this capacity, according to reports made by his wife while attending the Alba Iulia Assembly, Silviu Dragomir “was given the task and the honor to present the activity report of the last National Committee, elected in 1910.”17 The historian was elected head of the Press Office of the Ruling Council, a position he held until the end of 1919. He collected a rich and precious doc- umentary material which he made available to the Romanian delegation par- ticipating in the peace negotiations.18 Subsequently, he became the director for higher education in the Ministry of Instruction, Religion and Arts, led by Valeriu Branişte, until the beginning of 1920.19 56 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

At the Upper Dacia University, which was established in the autumn of 1919, Silviu Dragomir was proposed for employment by Sextil Puşcariu, as an aggregate professor for the history of the peoples of Southeast Europe, in the Department of History of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters.20 The young university professor held at the University of Cluj lectures on the history of the Slavic peoples, the Balkan Romanians, as well as the course on the Revolution of 1848, much appreciated by students, until 1947, when he was forced into retirement for political reasons, before the legal age.21 Silviu Dragomir showed a constant interest in the university lectures on the medieval history of Serbs and Bulgarians, as well as on the Romanians in the northern Balkans, dedicating them a number of specialized studies. His research on the Romanian population living south of the Danube, as well as on the institutions of the North-Danube Romanians, was often praised by Ioan Lupaº.22 Silviu Dragomir was appointed professor in 1923 for the history of Southeast European peoples, the examining committee being Ioan Ursu—president—and Ioan Lupaş, , Nicolae Bãnescu, Ioan Popovici—members.23 The Transylvanian intellectual held various administrative positions during the interwar period. He was elected dean in the 1925–1926 academic year and dean in the 1926–1927 academic year.24 Silviu Dragomir, during the refuge of the University in Sibiu, was one of the vice-rectors of the institution.25 He was elected a full member of the Romanian Academy in 1928. The proposal was made by Ioan Lupaş, who announced at the meeting on 28 May 1928 the deci- sion of the historical section of the academic plenum, reached by majority vote, that Silviu Dragomir be elected in the place left vacant after the death of Vasile Pârvan.26 The political changes that took place in Romania after 1945 affected the intellectuals with a prior involvement in politics. Thus, in the Official Journal of 4 October 1947 a decision was published, signed by Minister Ştefan Voitec on 2 October 1947, whereby 80 teachers from higher education had to retire from office on 1 September 1947. Most of them were thus forced through a minis- terial decision to leave university life before reaching the minimum retirement age of 65, which was provided for by the law for the members of the teaching staff in higher education. In Cluj, Gheorghe Giuglea, the sociologist Constantin Sudeþeanu, the ethnologist Romulus Vuia, and the botanist Alexandru Borza were forced to retire on this occasion. Alongside them was Silviu Dragomir, who at the time was only 59 years old.27 The year 1948 represented for Romania the institutionalization of the com- munist party state. It was the year when one of the national institutions, well respected and with a long tradition, namely, the Romanian Academy, was, in its turn, the victim of the destruction experienced by the system of values in Paradigms • 57

Romania.28 Following the exhortations, especially by C. I. Parhon and Traian Sãvulescu, for the reorganization of the academy, an unprecedented offensive against this institution was launched by the communist-Stalinist authorities. On 20 May 1948, Traian Sãvulescu presented before the plenum of the Romanian Academy a resolution requesting its abolition and the establishment of the Ro- manian Popular Republic’s Academy, as a party and state organization. Shortly after, on 9 June, Presidential Decree no. 76 turned the Romanian Academy into a state institution. According to this document, those who through their work had aided fascism and the reactionary forces, harming the interests of the country and the people, could not be members of the new academy. Claiming the guilt of the academy and its members, the authors of the decree practically sentenced them to death or lifelong labor.29 In a request addressed to Dr. , the president of the Council of Ministers, on 6 September 1948, Silviu Dragomir protested against the decision removing him from the academy on the grounds that he had been sympathetic to fascist ideas, betraying the coun- try’s interests, on account of the defeatist attitude he had displayed when Tran- sylvania was ceded.30 Silviu Dragomir, after his removal from higher education and the Romanian Academy, was sent to court, accused of committing an offense against the Law on Banks, and was convicted. The professor was arrested on 1 July 1949 in Cluj31 and then transferred to the Caransebeş penitentiary, to serve six months of correctional punishment for an offense under the Banking Act, which also came with a corrective fine of 2,600,000 lei.32 The correctional fine was subsequently changed to one year in prison, so Silviu Dragomir was to do one year and six months of correctional imprisonment.33 On 5 May 1950, Silviu Dragomir was transferred to Sighet prison, joining the politicians and intellectuals arrested and imprisoned here. Silviu Dragomir and the other dignitaries remained in Sighet until 5 July 1955, when some were released, while others were transferred to other prisons.34 After his release, Silviu Dragomir made a tentative return to scholarly activity in 1955, when he was initially employed as an external col- laborator and then as a permanent scientific researcher at the Institute of History and Archaeology in Cluj.35 Analyzing the investigations carried out by Silviu Dragomir after leaving the communist prisons, we find particularly interesting things. Thus, the historian resumed the research of some subjects such as: the Romanians in the north of the Balkan Peninsula in the Middle Ages, the Revo- lution of 1848 in Transylvania and the union of the Romanians with the Church of Rome, also investigated during the interwar period, subjects which after 1948 were forbidden by the political leadership. And yet, after incredible efforts, in a continuous battle with the censorship of the time, using the arguments accepted by the communists, Silviu Dragomir succeeded in 1959 to publish the first work 58 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) devoted to the Romanians south of Danube after the establishment of the com- munist regime in Romania.36 The historian died on 23 February 1962.37

Context and Rationale for Development

n the political-national disputes in Austria-Hungary at the end of the nine- teenth century and the beginning of the next century, an important argu- I ment raised by the Romanian representatives in support of their claims was the historic one, respectively their seniority, continuity and Latin origin. Silviu Dragomir, a Transylvanian intellectual with a positivist background, was concerned with the investigation of the history of Transylvania. The author was convinced of the Romanian character of the province and was actively involved in supporting the national wishes of the majority Romanian community.38 He knew the situation of this population and the deprivations it had been subjected to by Hungary’s political leadership before 1918. The historian was interested in the situation of the Romanian population in the new political realities that had emerged after the conquest of Transylvania by the Hungarians. His interest in the Early Middle Ages must be related to the existence of a current in Hungarian historiography which denied the presence of the Romanian population in Transylvania at the beginning of the 10th century. Dragomir directed his research in this respect, especially for the 11th–15th cen- turies, which considered to be particularly important for the his- tory of the Transylvanian Romanians.39 He returned to the issues of Romanian- Hungarian relations at the time of the investigation, between the two world wars, and of the religious union of the Romanians with the Church of Rome.40 The international political developments of the 1930s and 1940s, in particular the Vienna Dictate and the peace treaties that came after the World War, also drew the attention of the historian.41 Among his contributions, some were sci- entific works drafted by the author in order to inform the public opinion and politicians in Europe during the prewar period or during the negotiations for the conclusion of the peace treaties. Others were polemic in nature, especially those involving Hungarian historians and politicians. To understand the approach of the Transylvanian historian, we have to inte- grate it into his prior historical and political activity. Silviu Dragomir analyzed European political developments, especially in states dissatisfied with the peace treaties concluded after World War I and which threatened the territorial unity of Romania. Well acquainted with historical realities, the professor of the Universi- ty of Cluj engaged in an intensive journalistic campaign aimed at demonstrating, Paradigms • 59 on a scientific basis, the ignorance behind the claims of revisionist states. In this respect, he set up in 1934, in Cluj, the Revue de Transylvanie, a publication that would host in its pages studies written with remarkable professionalism, meant to disseminate among the European scientific and general readership the results of the Romanian historical research.42 The Revue de Transylvanie was edited un- der the moral and material auspices of the Association for Literature and Culture of the Romanian People (astra), its director being Silviu Dragomir and her first editor-in-chief D. D. Roºca, his former student at the Theological Institute in Sibiu. The purpose of the review was to eliminate the informational gap caused by the absence of a regular publication in a widely-spoken language devoted to the problems of Transylvania. The changes that took place in the architecture of Europe beginning with 1939 also affected the Romanian state. The loss of Bessarabia, northern Bukov- ina, the Hertsa region, and northern Transylvania created a profound state of discontentment in the country. It was necessary, in the new context, to intensify the journalistic action of Transylvanian intellectuals, especially since the Hun- garian propaganda, following the establishment of the Transylvanian Institute in Cluj, continued to claim that Transylvania was a Hungarian province. The establishment in 1942 of the Center for Transylvanian Studies, headed by Silviu Dragomir, was aimed at the publication of documented papers meant to demonstrate to the European political forces the unfairness of the Vienna Dictate and of the Soviet ultimatum from the summer of 1940. The works were meant to support the political efforts, so that Romania could be prepared in case the borders of Europe were redesigned. After the end of the war, Silviu Dragomir, together with other specialists, became engaged in the preparation of a vast work, published under the aegis of the Center, a true history of Transylvania. The work was intended to be a fresco of Transylvanian realities, brought to the attention of the Romanian delegation at the Peace Conference, to sensitize the political forces of the moment to the issue of the rights to Transylvania. The study was published under the aegis of the Association for Literature and Culture of the Romanian People, in the Astra Library collection and by the Astra Publishing House, an institution that sought the cultural and political emancipation of the Transylvanian Romanians. If we consider Silviu Dragomir’s involvement in the national movement of the Transylvanian Romanians and the use of history as an argument in the political debate, both before 1918 and in the interwar period,43 we have a general picture of the reasons that led Silviu Dragomir to draw up this study. This is not the only historiographical approach regarding the unification of Transylvania with Romania,44 but it is representative of those drafted by the his- 60 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) torian and politician Silviu Dragomir. The study must be judged in the context of the studies published in the Revue de Transylvanie, as well as of the contribu- tions published after 1941. Our interest is especially directed at the message sent by Silviu Dragomir and the truthfulness of the information he provided. The construction of the nation- al discourse of the historian, the significance of some terms and concepts such as the union of 1918, generations of the union, intellectuals, popular masses, historical destiny, historical truth, Romanianism, but also a series of other terms would be analyzed in political and historiographical context and in connection with the historical writing of Silviu Dragomir. The analysis pursues, from a methodological perspective, several levels of interpretation in relation to the dis- course constructed by Silviu Dragomir in a difficult moment for the Romanians in northern Transylvania.

Concepts, Meanings, Terms

he union of Transylvania with Romania was a moment with a distinct political, national and symbolic significance in the history of the Roma- T nians. As a result, Silviu Dragomir put forward the reasons why he de- cided to discuss the union of Transylvania with Romania in the first part of the study. They are indeed related to the 25 years that had passed since this impor- tant moment in the history of the Romanians, but also to a dramatic moment, namely, the subsequent loss of the provinces united with Romania.

On 1 December, twenty-five years have elapsed since the Romanians in Transyl- vania decided to unite with the Kingdom of Romania at the Alba Iulia National Assembly. The dramatic event holds today a special significance, on the anniversary of the national unity then accomplished by virtue of a historic decision. We consider useful a brief historical exposition devoted to it, especially because the evocation of the atmosphere from a quarter century ago brings forth a whole series of problems that were once discussed and properly clarified, and in the chain of events that led to the proclamation of unity the Transylvanian cause can find perennial arguments.45

By a presenting a series of contrasting moments, 1 December 1918 with its joy and happiness, and then 1943/present, with war and the loss of a part of Tran- sylvania, the author succeeds to recreate for the reader the dramatic overtones of those times. The rapidly changing historical context and the increasing tension are circumscribed by the expression ‘dramatic unfolding of the events.’ It trans- poses the reader into recent history. The author also dwells upon the role of his- Paradigms • 61 tory and the mission of the historian. In exceptional circumstances, the historian had to be a militant, a man of the city, to present to contemporaries the teach- ings that emerge from the tragic contemporary experience. Silviu Dragomir, not by accident, described the historical experience of Transylvania in the following terms: “The Transylvanian cause can find perennial arguments.” But history/the historian must encourage his countrymen. In difficult moments for the destiny of the people, the remembrance of events with a special significance in the des- tiny of the Romanians was meant to show the contemporaries that although the Romanian nation had experienced considerable hardships, it nevertheless man- aged to achieve its established goals. Silviu Dragomir presents the Romanian nation in a sinuous evolution, with ups and downs, with setbacks and successes. Then comes the historical parallel between the destiny of the Romanians in the First World War and in the Second World War. Between 1914 and 1918, as presently in 1940–1943, the Roma- nians almost lost hope. The author, using terms like the Romanians in Transyl- vania decided, the national assembly, the union, national unity, the proclamation of national unity, the national character of the 1918 union, argues that the union was the will of all Romanians, and that the act of union was legitimate. The Romanians, according to Silviu Dragomir, had historical truth on their side. In this sense, the author sets his political judgment in the wake of Greek Catholic Bishop Inocenþiu Micu, of the Transylvanian political thinkers who participated in the Revolution of 1848 and of the generation that prepared and achieved the union. Last but not least, national solidarity, the belief in an ideal, the converg- ing actions of the autumn–winter of 1918, should be emulated by the Romanian nation in the traumatic moments caused by the territorial losses. Silviu Dragomir brings to the attention of contemporaries the status of the Romanians who lived in Transylvania under different rulers. From the vantage point of his present, the historian makes a recourse to the past, to historical memory. We find here some argumentative strategies that are meant to show the legitimacy of the 1918 union and to identify the essential steps taken by the Romanian nation on the road of unity. The union of 1918 is, in Silviu Dragomir’s eyes, the quintessence of the national movement and at the same time it has symbolic value for contemporaries. Consequently, the remembrance of the stages leading up to the union gains symbolic value for recent history:

For hundreds of years, Transylvania lingered in a political configuration that was foreign to its natural traits. Subjected to the Hungarian Crown, at a time that cannot be established with precision, it could never fully fit into the idea of the Hun- garian empire. Its ethnic character remained predominantly Romanian through- out all ages, though the new masters strove to impose themselves on its soil, not only 62 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

by political force, but also by settling colonists and organizing feudal institutions that excluded the Romanians from state life. The Hungarian princes of Transylva- nia, under the suzerainty of the Turks, devised a plan of action for the spoliation the Romanian people. . . . Neither the arrival of the Habsburgs nor the creation of the Great Principality of Transylvania, linked to the Austrian lands, curtailed political and religious oppression, but rather worsened it, by adding tough taxation and the police surveillance of its cultural or spiritual aspirations. Yet the dawn of the era of freedom found Transylvania permeated by the idea of Romanianism, awakened from its sleep of death.46

The historian wants to show from the beginning that the presence of the Ro- manians in the Kingdom of Hungary and the Habsburg Empire was unnatu- ral, resorting to a series of absolute truths: it has never been able to fully fit in a political configuration foreign to its natural affinities. Further on, in pursuit of the same truthful argumentation, he explains to the reader why the Romanians did not integrate into the foreign political structures. First of all, on account of the majority Romanian element: “its ethnic character remained predominantly Ro- manian throughout the ages.” The demographic majority led, in time, after the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the imposition of the principle of self-determination, to a political majority in Transylvania. But the demographic majority of the Romanians in Transylvania had been very difficult to preserve over the centuries. Here, Dragomir, in addition to the historical arguments, proven by historical and demographic sources, calls upon terms that are meant to sensitize the reader of 1943. The preservation of identity was made with sacrifices and amid struggles against the dominant element. Expressions such as hundreds of years, the new masters . . . impose them- selves on its soil, political force, excluded the Romanians, a plan of action, political and religious oppression, tough taxation, police surveillance emphasized the conflict, the tension, centuries of struggle for the preservation of national identity. Such expressions were meant to stir and mobilize the contemporaries. Romania had great difficulties at that time, but what were three years compared to the ages of suffering of the ancestors. The historian also presents the oppressors of the Romanians: the Hungarian Crown, the Hungarian princes, the Habsburgs. The idea that emerges from the analysis of the historical evolution is that after these unfavorable experiences lived by Romanians under foreign domination, their only chance was to live in a different political configuration, together with their brothers over the mountains. Silviu Dragomir remarks, however, that “the dawn of the era of freedom found Transylvania permeated by the idea of Romanianism, awakened from its sleep of death,” alluding to the invincibility, the destiny, the naturalness to Paradigms • 63 be pursued by the Romanian nation. The terms used, such as freedom, Roma- nianism, awakened from its sleep of death (rebirth) come from different political philosophies. The concept of freedom, a term specific to the French political philosophy, also taken up by the Romanian revolutionaries of 1848, and that of Romanianism, developed especially in interwar Romania, are meant to empha- size the two major directions of freedom and nationality. The Romanians were conquered and integrated into the Kingdom of Hun- gary during the 10th–13th centuries, and had the destiny of any people under foreign domination. The position of the Romanian people, conquered and op- pressed in the Middle Ages and the Modern Age, as it appears in Dragomir’s text, fueled the national discourse and imposed among the Romanian political elite the idea that the only solution for the development of the nation was to be part of the same political configuration as the rest of the Romanian nation. At the time, the discourse on the oppression and exploitation of Romanians in the Middle Ages and the Modern Age was common. Silviu Dragomir speaks of a continuation of oppression under the Habsburg Empire, even if from a social and economic point of view the Romanians benefited indirectly from the Habsburg reformist policy. Probably Dragomir considered the realization of the religious union of a part of the Romanians with the Church of Rome an event that was perceived as a breakdown of the Romanian element in Transylvania. However, according to the historian, Transylvania, permeated by the idea of Romanianism, woke up from this sleep of death. The historian evokes the causes, but also the most important moments that contributed to the emergence of the national consciousness of the Romanians in Transylvania: “Two and a half centuries have passed since the emergence a nationalist movement of the Romanians in Transylvania. Emerged under the influence of Western culture, the brilliant pleiad of the Transylvanian scholars formulated (in 1791) a national solidarity program and, in the blaze of 1848, the political objective began to emerge, the aspirations widened, and the massively homogeneous population of the Romanian land presently demanded its natural rights.”47 We note the semantics used by the historian to highlight the important mo- ments in the national movement. Intensity and tension increase as we approach 1918. For the genesis of the national movement, the historian prefers the for- mula emerged under the influence of Western culture, the moment of 1791 is a na- tional solidarity program, and the revolutionary year 1848 is the blaze of 1848. The Revolution of 1848 is the time to clarify political aspirations. The concepts used by the author regarding the Revolution of 1848 contain elements of political philosophy (the political objective began to emerge, the aspirations widened) but also an argumentative strategy (the massively homogeneous population of the Romanian land presently demanded its natural rights). The author, with this massively homo- 64 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) geneous, gives weight and force to political aspirations, and these are placed and originated in the Romanian land. The land means endurance, eternity, and the national aspirations, being related to the Romanian land, also indirectly acquire that endurance and eternity which Lucian Blaga referred to. The beginning of the 20th century brings with it clarifications on the Roma- nians’ aspirations. This element is also present in Dragomir’s study. The tension of the phrases increases, and for the moment of the global conflict the historian evokes a special state of mind: “Finally, the outbreak of the war in the sum- mer of 1914 means the achievement of historical maturity for all the oppressed peoples of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.”48 The historian sees in the war a watershed moment of historical determin- ism, a happy ending for the wronged. The expression achievement of historical maturity has an argumentative role, but is at the same time a consecration. His- tory is full of examples showing that oppression and empires are not eternal. A moment of maturity always comes, as the legacy of historical processes. The deprivation of minorities of their national rights redefines them and determines them to seek, through their leaders, solutions for a new political and state con- struction. The phrase oppressed peoples adjoined to the Austro-Hungarian Empire creates an antagonistic, tense atmosphere, individualizing the adversaries. On the one hand, peoples, nations, natural, legitimate creatures who have the right to be free, on the other hand, the empires, remnants, relics of obsolete, retro- grade times, which by their mere existence hinder the development of peoples. “Our political evolution in the last century and the purpose of our struggle for nationality and freedom are therefore summed up, on the eve of the great battle, in these two words: national freedom.”49 The author recalls, for the eve of the great battle, the two fundamental di- mensions of the national movement, two concepts of the era: nationality and freedom. Political rights, democratic values and national rights, the author sees them in a single phrase: national freedom in the fall of 1918. The terms the purpose of our struggle expresses a certain legitimacy, and the eve of the great battle evokes the fierce, life or death clash between the oppressed and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The historian sees in this conflict a true clash between the future and the past, between good and evil. Above all, this state of uncertainty is omnipresent. The state of tension, of uncertainty during the war, is expressed as follows: The hard years of the war silenced all voices.50 We felt the angel of death passing over our heads.51 The political horizons of Romanians throughout Transylvania remain, however, covered until autumn 1918.52 Pain, fear, uncertainty! The terms: the hard years, the angel of death, silenced, covered, are meant to remind the contemporaries of the tragedy of the age. Undoubtedly, the historian’s intention is to compare two situations, that of 1916–1918 and Paradigms • 65 that of 1940–1943. Looking at the desperate situation of the Romanians in the spring–summer of 1918, Silviu Dragomir identified the chain of the external and internal events that made possible the national assembly in Alba Iulia. A true national rebirth!

The catastrophic defeat of the Austrian army at Piave in the summer of 1918, and then the increasingly clear victories of the Allies on the western front shaped the atmosphere in Transylvania prior to the final crisis.53 The subjugated peoples begin to weaken the chains of slavery, and no reorgani- zation plan satisfies them any longer within the current frontiers.54 The disintegration of the monarchy was accelerated by the request for an armi- stice, which was presented on 7 October to the President of the United States. It was based on the recognition of the peoples’ right to self-determination.55 President Wilson’s response to the peace offers of the Austro-Hungarian Mon- archy, issued on October 18, conditioned the cessation of hostilities on the recogni- tion of Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs as legitimate nations free to fully satisfy their national aspirations. The formula of national autonomies had become obsolete.56

As we can see, changing fortunes on the frontiers in Europe led to the search for solutions for an armistice. The moment is described by Dragomir as the atmo- sphere . . . prior to the final crisis. Inevitably, the weakening of the Central Powers triggered a wave of national movements. By using terms like subjugated peoples and chains of slavery, the author sensitizes the public opinion and gives legitimacy to the nations’ efforts to declare their choice for another political structure. Also, the disintegration of the monarchy, the request for an armistice, the peace offers, the cessation of hostilities are meant to highlight the failure of previous imperial poli- cies and to reveal the crisis and the lack of solutions. In opposition to this state we have national aspirations, the reorganization plan, the right to self-determination as the new concepts required at the end of the war. The unfolding events are historically seen in an interdependence of external and internal factors. Among the external ones, the author identifies two, namely, the victory of the Allies and the principle of self-determination of peoples. But there are also internal fac- tors that are equally important. The historian argues, for example, that the then generation of Romanians undoubtedly had merit, that it was perfectly prepared for the role that history had reserved for it,57 He fully understands, due to his background, the role of political and religious leaders in the great movements of Transylvanian Romanians. Dragomir also remembers the great mass of the Ro- manian population in Transylvania: “But the thought of despair was now in the souls of all. In every corner in Transylvania, long counseling is given, projects are being woven, the determined voice of the Romanian people requires to be 66 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) heard with increasingly nervous insistence.”58 The year 1918 was the moment of full convergence between political and religious leaders and the Romanian population in Transylvania. Important events that took place in the autumn–winter of 1918, such as the Oradea Declaration of 12 October 1918, the organization of the Romanian National Council, and the negotiations with the new Hungarian government, prepared the National Assembly in Alba Iulia. According to the historian, “the National Assembly in Alba Iulia definitively ended the period of enslavement for the Romanian people and proclaimed to all future generations the desire for freedom and the determination to reintegrate the nation.”59 Words like defini- tively ended, period of enslavement, and the Romanian people ascribe symbolic value to the assembly. This is the moment of the highest affirmation of the Romanian nation. It definitely breaks the ties with the past, it definitely changes the na- tion. Gains are expressed in the desire for freedom and reintegrate the nation. They introduce the National Assembly of Alba Iulia and its leaders in the National Pantheon. And with the formulations like proclaimed to all future generations, the historian brings the National Assembly into the actuality of the time. The example must encourage contemporaries, make them hope, force them to act in the same spirit, because it was the moment that brought the Romanian people out of bondage. Freedom and the reunification of the nation, according to Silviu Dragomir, become the major objectives for future generations. This is one of the aims behind the remembrance in 1943 of the union of Transylvania.

Conclusions

ilviu Dragomir considered, together with the representatives of the Tran- sylvanian Romanians, that the only realistic solution was the union with S Romania. Historical writing, in his opinion, had to provide the European political and scientific world with evidence of the legitimacy of national aspira- tions. In this sense, the purpose of the historian involved in the national move- ment was to make it known that the national ideals at the beginning of the 20th century were in line with historical truth. The model of the militant intellectual already had a tradition among Romanians. The national and cultural actions ini- tiated by Nicolae Iorga at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century had influenced many intellectuals. The scholar empha- sized, in the speech delivered on his acceptance into the Romanian Academy, that there is no incompatibility between scholarly activity and the national one.60 Such a state of mind was present especially among the Romanians who were at Paradigms • 67 that time under foreign domination. Their intellectual elite considered it its duty to support and encourage the national and political aspirations of the Romanian population. Silviu Dragomir, educated in the positivist atmosphere of the end of the 20th century, turned the historical document into the centerpiece of his work. How- ever, within the great problems of the Romanian nation, Silviu Dragomir was very much involved in the achievement of national unity, in the reunification of Romania, and after 1940 in the restoration of national unity. His work, as we can see, is a blend of scientific work and popularization text. At a difficult time for Romania, the historian felt the need to recreate the atmosphere that had preceded the Great National Assembly in Alba Iulia of 1 December 1918. Also, Silviu Dragomir identified the internal and external causes that allowed the Ro- manians in Transylvania to unite with Romania. Last but not least, the author emphasized the role played by personalities such as Vasile Goldiş, Gheorghe Pop de Bãseşti, Alexandru Vaida-Voievod, Iuliu Maniu, Aurel Lazãr, Ştefan Cicio-Pop, Ioan Suciu, Aurel Vlad and others in the preparation and organiza- tion of the main moments that preceded the Great Assembly in Alba Iulia. Last but not least, the historian highlighted the solidarity between the elite and the mass of the Romanian population in Transylvania. As we have seen, Silviu Dragomir does not analyze the reasons that led to the loss of part of Transylvania on 30 August 1940. He preferred to limit himself to a historical analysis. His active presence in Romanian politics, especially be- tween 1937 and 1940, allowed him to observe many of the negative parts of the Romanian political life that facilitated the territorial losses suffered by Romania in 1940. q

Notes

1. According to an excerpt from the register of baptisms of the of Gurasada commune, National Archives, Deva County Department (hereaf- ter cited as an-dj Deva), Silviu Dragomir coll., file 1; Nicolae Stoian, “Date privitoare la formaþia intelectualã a istoricului Silviu Dragomir,” Anuarul Institutului de Istorie şi Arheologie Cluj-Napoca 28 (1987–1988): 563; Mircea Pãcurariu, “O sutã de ani de la naşterea istoricului Silviu Dragomir (1888–1962),” Mitropolia Ardealului (Sibiu) 33, 2 (1988): 109; Sorin ªipoº, Silviu Dragomir—istoric, 2nd edition, foreword by Ioan- Aurel Pop (Oradea–Chişinãu: Ed. Universitãþii din Oradea, Cartdidact, 2008): 30. 2. Stoian, 565; ªipoº, 34. 3. Ibid. 68 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

4. “Driven by the desire to train some of our candidates to the priesthood at the Faculty of Theology of Cernãuþi, and by strengthening the spiritual canonical ties between the Orthodox metropolitan churches in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, we have advised some of our clergy to enroll at the Faculty of Theology there” (Sibiu Archbish- opric Archives, Consistoriu coll., file III/393, 1905, doc. 8597, p. 1). 5. an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 1, pp. 30–32. 6. Pãcurariu, 111. 7. Ibid., 111; Stoian, 570; ªipoº, 43. 8. an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 90. 9. “As per the Seminary Regulation, art. 2, the election is provisional until the qualifi- cation exam, respectively, until the probationary service. The benefits associated with this post are: an annual salary of 2,000 crowns and quartering money in the amount of 400 crowns, paid at the Consistory House in addition to the stamped receipt; the salary in anticipatory monthly installments, the quartering money in three monthly installments as of 1 September 1912” (Decree number 10691 of 1912, in an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 90). 10. Pãcurariu, 115; ªipoº, 49. 11. “Mr. Silviu Dragomir, whom I propose to be elected as a corresponding member of our Section in the vacant place after electing Mr. Ioan Lupaº as an active member, was born in 1888 in Gurasada, Hunedoara County. He completed his high school studies in Blaj and Novi Sad, where he learned Serbian, and studied theology at the University of Cernãuþi, where he received his doctorate in theology. He also attended some courses at the University of Vienna, then he traveled to Russia to improve his knowledge of the Russian language and to collect new materials for the history of the Romanian Church in Hungary. In 1911 he was appointed professor of Church his- tory at the Andrean Seminary in Sibiu, where he still works today. Since 1915, when he was elected deputy to the Archdiocese Synod of our Orthodox Church in Tran- sylvania and Hungary, he has also been a correspondent member of the Historical Section of the Romanian People’s Association for Literature and Culture. Therefore, Mr. Silviu Dragomir, through his situation and activity, is one of the leaders of the Romanians beyond the mountains. Although still very young, he published, besides articles of historical, literary and pedagogical content, in Transylvanian newspapers and magazines . . ., three other historical works: one in the Annals of the Romanian Academy of 1912, under the title ‘Contributions to the Relations of the Romanian Church with Russia in the 17th Century’; another self-published in Sibiu under the title ‘The Church Relations of the Romanians in Transylvania with Russia in the 18th Century’ (1914); the third one in a collective edition by Archimandrite Puşcariu and Preda, Borcia, Lupaş and Matei, under the title ‘Contributions to the Past of Roma- nians on the Royal Lands’ (1913). . . . This introduction, which is a thorough critical study of Georg Müller’s book, shows Dragomir as an excellent connoisseur of the so- cial history of the Romanians in Transylvania. I do not want to perform here a more in-depth analysis of these three papers by Mr. Dragomir. They are important to any researcher of Romanian history as first-class works. I only mention that in his studies Dragomir was helped by the knowledge of the two Slavic languages absolutely indis- Paradigms • 69

pensable for the original researches of Church history of the Romanians, the Russian and the Serbian languages, which provided the so useful skill of understanding the ancient Slavic church language. For Romanians in Hungary this knowledge is very rare. I want the title of corresponding member of the Romanian Academy to be for Mr. Dragomir not just the reward of his work so far, but the urge to work even more earnestly in the future.” Analele Academiei Române: Partea administrativã ºi Desbaterile (Bucharest), 2nd ser., 38 (1915–1916) (Bucharest, 1916): 196–198; ªipoº, 50. 12. “I was in Sibiu in 1918. Before the Union, my husband was one of the leaders of the Transylvanian youth. He was also the main founder, organizer and editor of Gazeta Poporului” (text drawn up by Flora Dragomir on the role played by Silviu Dragomir in organizing the Alba Iulia Assembly on 1 December 1918, in the Enescu family archive); ªipoº, 51. 13. Silviu Dragomir, Un sfert de veac de la unirea Transilvaniei (Sibiu, 1943), 25; Ion Clopoþel, Amintiri şi portrete (Timişoara, 1973), 197. 14. Clopoþel, 197; Ştefan Pascu, Fãurirea statului naþional unitar român, vol. 2 (Bucharest, 1983), 190. 15. Eugeniu Sperantia, “Figuri universitare: Silviu Dragomir,” Steaua (Cluj) 17, 11 (1966): 43. 16. Pascu, 225. 17. “I remember that uplifting moment when my husband read the address in the sum- mary form: ‘Honored National Assembly, on behalf of the Committee, I received the following address: The National Committee—arriving at the time of the re- lease—submits its mandate.’ The enthusiastic applause of the Assembly, which cov- ered his words, seemed endless.” (Text drawn up by Flora Dragomir on the role played by Silviu Dragomir in organizing the Alba Iulia Assembly on 1 December 1918, in the Enescu family archive, pp. 1–2). 18. Ibid. 19. Sperantia, 43. 20. an-dj Cluj, coll. Universitatea din Cluj. Facultatea de Litere. Minute 186 (1921/1922); National Archives—Central Historical National Archives Bucharest (hereafter cited as an-anic Bucharest), Onisifor Ghibu coll., doc. 1, 1919–1929, vol. 1, file 10; Anuarul Universitãþii din Cluj Anul I, 1919–1920 (Cluj, 1921): 32; Stelian Neagoe, Viaþa uni- versitarã clujeanã interbelicã: Triumful raþiunii împotriva violenþei, vol. 1 (Cluj-Napoca, 1980), 111; ªipoº, 56. 21. Neagoe, 1: 187–202. In the academic years 1919–1920, 1920–1921, Silviu Dragomir, from the Department of the History of Southeast European Peoples, held a series of lectures and seminars that familiarized him with the political, social and ethnic realities south of the Danube: Slavic-Romanian Paleography, 2 hours; History of the Serbian people until 1459, 3 hours of seminar in the first semester, and for the next semester Chapters of Serbian social and state life until 1459, 1 hour; the History of Banat, 2 hours of seminar; Slavic-Romanian Paleography, 2 hours: Anuarul Universitãþii din Cluj Anul I, 1919–1920 (Cluj, 1921): 32. In the academic year 1922–1923, the director of the Seminar of Southeast European His- tory taught the following subjects: Slavic Language and Romanian Chancelleries, 3 70 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

hours, and Slavic-Romanian Readings, 2 hours of seminar: Anuarul Universitãþii din Cluj pe anul ºcolar 1922/23 (Cluj, 1924): 112. For the academic years 1923–1924 and 1924–1925, the courses held by Professor Silviu Dragomir anticipated the re- searches devoted to Western Romanians in the Middle Ages. Thus, in the first se- mester of the academic year 1923–1924, Dragomir taught the students from Cluj Old Slavic History, 1 hour; Slavic language of the Romanian Chancelleries, 2 hours; Slavic-Romanian documents, 2 hours of seminar. In the second semester: Old Slav- ic History, 1 hour; Elements of Slavic-Romanian Paleography and Diplomacy, 1 hour; Slavic documents of Stephen the Great; Crusades in the Balkan Peninsula, 2 hours: Anuarul Universitãþii din Cluj pe anul ºcolar 1923–24 (Cluj, 1925): 124. In the academic year 1925–1926, Dragomir taught the following disciplines: His- tory of the in Transylvania in the years 1848–1849, 1 hour; The problem of Balkan Romanity, 2 hours; Criticism of the New Opinions on the Origin of the Romanians, 1 hour of seminar: Anuarul Universitãþii din Cluj pe anul ºcolar 1924–25 (Cluj, 1926): 105. In the academic year 1929–1930, Silviu Drago- mir taught the Slavic Language of the Romanian Chancellery, 2 hours a week, and the seminar on Interpreting Slavic-Romanian Documents, 2 hours a week: Anuarul Universitãþii Regele Ferdinand I Cluj pe anul ºcolar 1929–30 (Cluj, 1930): 193. In the 1930–1931 academic year, he delivered the lecture on Political Movements in Southeastern Europe in 1848, 2 hours, and the seminar Slavic Paleography Exer- cises, 2 hours a week: Anuarul Universitãþii Regele Ferdinand I Cluj pe anul ºcolar 1930–31 (Cluj, 1931): 200. In the following year, he taught the Classical Language of the Romanian Churches, 2 hours, and the Seminar Lectures in Medio-Bulgarian Texts, 2 hours: Anuarul Universitãþii Regele Ferdinand I Cluj pe anul ºcolar 1931–32 (Cluj, 1932): 219. See also an-anic Bucharest, Onisifor Ghibu coll., file 282/1919– 1929, vol. 1, doc. 10. 22. Analele Academiei Române: Partea administrativã ºi Dezbaterile, 3rd ser., 49 (1927– 1928) (Bucharest, 1929): 139–140. “You have continued, since then, year after year, with zealous research, publishing contributions of interest for the history of the Ro- manians in Arad County, for the age of the Romanian element in Banat, for the tra- ditional settlements, about which they refer to the documents related to the Vlachs in Serbia in the 12th–12th centuries, as well as for the Vlachs and morals of Istria.” Ioan Lupaş, “Activitatea istoricã a dlui Dr. Silviu Dragomir: Din rãspunsul dlui I. Lupaº la discursul de intrare în Academia românã a dlui Silviu Dragomir,” Transilvania (Sibiu) 60, 7–8 (July–Aug. 1929): 646. 23. “Dear Professor. By the High Royal Decree 1977/1923, on 1 May 1923 you were promoted to the rank of tenured professor in the Department of History of Southeast European Peoples.” an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 3; Anuarul Universitãþii din Cluj Anul I, 1919–1920, 112; Şipoş, 58. 24. “In the Ordinary Session held on 30 October 1925. Present: V. Bãrbat (president), G. Bogdan-Duicã, G. Giuglea, I. Lupaş, Th. Capidan, I. Paul, D. M. Teodorescu, Fl. Ştefãnescu-Goangã, O. Ghibu, Şt. Bezdechi, G. Kristof, P. Grimm. Prof. Silviu Dragomir, with unanimous vote, is elected dean for the 1925/1926 school year” (coll. Universitatea din Cluj, Minutes 1925–1926; Neagoe, 1: 178–179). Paradigms • 71

25. Neagoe, 2: 335. 26. “Following balloting in accordance with Article 24 of the Statutes, Mr Silviu Drago- mir receives 17 of 23 votes. Mr. Emil Racoviþã finds that Mr. Silviu Dragomir gath- ered two-thirds of the votes of the present members and proclaimed him an elected active member of the Academy, in the Historical Section.” Analele Academiei Române 47, 1927–1928 (Bucharest, 1928): 140. 27. Maria Someşan and Mircea Iosifescu, “Modificarea structurii universitãþii în anii con- solidãrii sistemului comunist,” in Analele Sighet 6: Anul 1948—instituþionalizarea co- munismului, ed. Romulus Rusan (Bucharest, 1998), 472; Toader Buculei, Clio încar- ceratã: Mãrturii şi opinii privind destinul istoriografiei româneşti în epoca totalitarismului comunist (Brãila, 2000), 91; Alexandru Zub, “Clio în derutã: Istoriografia românã a anului 1947,” in Analele Sighet 5: Anul 1947—cãderea cortinei (Bucharest, 1997), 267. 28. P. Popescu-Gogan and C. Voiculescu-Ilie, “Desfiinþarea Academiei Române şi înfi- inþarea Academiei R.P. Române,” in Analele Sighet 6, 498. 29. Ibid. 30. “I was not a sympathizer with fascist ideas. On the contrary, I have systematically fought them over the last 20 years. I voted for resistance in the Crown Council on 30 August. The Legionnaire Ministerial Commission had me suspended from the de- partment, for two years, for misconduct. As a guest of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the P. Groza government, we collaborated in preparing the material for the Peace Conference.” an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 4, p. 246; Şipoş, 88. 31. “Conceptul cererii adresatã de Silviu Dragomir Preşedintelui Prezidiului Marii Adunãri Naþionale,” in Enescu family archive, p. 1; ªipoº, 99. 32. According to the decision taken in the council meeting of 29 December 1948, the court issued the following statement: “the word ‘jointly’ is to be replaced with the words ‘each to a 2,600,000 correctional fine’.” an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 4, p. 23; ªipoº, 99. 33. “Sentenced by the Cluj Court of Appeal on 6 November 1948 for an offense to the State Bank’s Law to 6 months imprisonment and a fine transformed in a year of imprisonment, I was arrested in Cluj in July 1949, to be released on 27 December 1950.” Autobiography of the author, an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 4. 34. According to the Release Letter no. 193 534 of 1956, Silviu Dragomir was released on 9 June 1955 (an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 4). The release on 9 June is also confirmed by the special travel ticket, Sighet–Cluj, third class, series A, no. 0635301, issued to Silviu Dragomir (ibid.). Şipoş, 106. 35. According to the address of the Department of Historical Sciences of the Romanian Academy of 30 January 1956, signed by Petre Constantinescu-Iaºi, Silviu Dragomir was told that “in the meeting of 24 January 1956, your application for employment [Subsection of Historical Sciences] was approved and submitted to the Presidium of the prr Academy. Consequently, please present yourself to the Institute of History of the prr Academy in Cluj, to receive the position for which you were recommended.” an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 92; Şipoş, 109. 36. Silviu Dragomir, Vlahii din nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în evul mediu (Bucharest, 1959), 224. The work with the initial title Românii balcanici în evul mediu was proposed for 72 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

publication by the author in February 1956. In the autumn of the following year, the finalized manuscript was corrected by the specialists from the Council for the Study of the Romanian People and Language, and in the following year by the publishing house of the Romanian Academy, the history department. Silviu Dragomir expressed his reservations towards some of the corrections made by the correctors. an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 17, pp. 11–14, 62–67, 16–20, 44–52, 33–34. 37. Buculei, 92–93. “Certificatul de moarte nr. 565 807,” cause of death thrombophlebitis left leg. an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 2; ªipoº, 147. 38. We consider the political-national activity carried out by Silviu Dragomir between 1911 and 1918. In recognition of his merits, he was elected secretary of the Great National Assembly in Alba Iulia. His initiatives have often put him in conflict with the authori- ties of the time. For example, the establishment of the newspaper Gazeta Poporului by the young teacher was the subject of an investigation by the management of the Theo- logical Institute in Sibiu. Among the proposed measures to be taken against him by the Institute’s management was also his exclusion from the teaching staff. According to the survey, Professors Silviu Dragomir and Nicolae Bãlan, as well as the catechist Ioan Broşu, were accused of engaging in political actions. an-dj Deva, Silviu Dragomir coll., file 4, “Rezultatul anchetei privind activitatea politicã a lui Silviu Dragomir cerutã de Mitropolitul Vasile Mangra,” pp. 6–7. 39. Nicolae Iorga, Istoria românilor din Ardeal şi Ungaria, ed. Georgeta Penelea (Bucharest, 1989), 20. 40. Silviu Dragomir, Istoria desrobirei religioase a românilor ardeleni în secolul XVIII, 2 vols. (Sibiu, 1920–1930). 41. Silviu Dragomir, La Tranylvanie avant et après l’arbitrage de Vienne (Sibiu, 1943); id., Le Banat roumain: Esquisse historique (Sibiu, 1944); La Transylvanie (Paris, 1946). See Stelian Mândruþ, “‘Centrul de studii şi cercetãri privitoare la Transilvania’: Istoric şi ac- tivitate (1942–1948) (I),” Anuarul Institutului de Istorie şi Arheologie din Cluj 29 (1989): 317–344; Stelian Mândruþ and Liviu Ursuþiu, Historiographical Landmarks: The Destiny of an Institution (=Bulletin of the Center for Transylvanian Studies, Supplement, October 1996). 42. Stelian Mândruþ, “La ‘Revue de Transylvanie’ et l’école d’histoire de Cluj (1934– 1945),” Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai: Historia 32, 1 (1987): 65. 43. Only in the third decade he published over 60 articles in magazines and newspapers in Romania, which dealt with Transylvania and the Romanians in that region. 44. Adunarea naþionalã a unirii, 1 decembrie 1918, with a foreword by Silviu Dragomir, with 12 illustrations containing the only original images from the national assembly of 1918 (Sibiu, 1929). 45. Dragomir, Un sfert de veac, 3. 46. Ibid., 3–4. 47. Ibid., 4. 48. Ibid., 6. 49. Ibid. 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid., 7. Paradigms • 73

52. Ibid., 8. 53. Ibid., 10. 54. Ibid., 10–11. 55. Ibid., 12. 56. Ibid., 17–18. 57. Ibid., 10. “But the thought of emancipation lives now in everyone’s heart. In every corner of Transylvania meetings are held, plans are devised, the determined voice of the Romanian people demands to be heard.” 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid., 28. 60. Nicolae Iorga, Generalitãþi cu privire la studiile istorice, 4th edition, introduction, notes and comments by Andrei Pippidi, note on the edition by Victor Durnea (Iaşi, 1999), 196.

Abstract National History and Ideology: The Union of 1918 As Reflected in the Work A Quarter Century after the Union of Transylvania by Silviu Dragomir

Silviu Dragomir (1888–1962) considered, together with the representatives of the Transylvanian Romanians, that the only realistic solution was the union with Romania. Historical writing, in his opinion, had to provide the European political and scientific world with evidence of the legitimacy of national aspirations. In this sense, the purpose of the historian involved in the national move- ment was to make it known that the national ideals at the beginning of the 20th century were in line with historical truth. Silviu Dragomir identified the internal and external causes that allowed the Romanians in Transylvania to unite with Romania. Last but not least, the author empha- sized the role played by personalities such as Vasile Goldiş, Gheorghe Pop de Bãseşti, Alexandru Vaida-Voievod, Iuliu Maniu, Aurel Lazãr, Ştefan Cicio-Pop, Ioan Suciu, Aurel Vlad and others in the preparation and organization of the main moments that preceded the Great Assembly in Alba Iulia. The historian highlighted the solidarity between the elite and the rest of the Romanian population in Transylvania. Silviu Dragomir did not analyze the reasons that led to the loss of part of Transylvania on 30 August 1940. He preferred to remain focused only on historical analysis. His active presence in Romanian politics, especially between 1937 and 1940, allowed him to ob- serve many of the negative parts of the Romanian political life that facilitated the territorial losses suffered by Romania in 1940.

Keywords Silviu Dragomir, 1918, national history, ideology, Transylvania transsilvanica

The Institution of the Papal Legation (12th–14th Centuries)

R o b e r t -M a r i u s Historical and Historiographical M i h a l a c h e Benchmarks

The subject of the medieval hiero- Of the three types of legates cracy,1 generally, and the institution of (de latere, missi, nati), the papal legation between 12th and 14th centuries,2 specifically, in the western­ the first category was the most European space is not new. This his- commonly used in this period, torical stage is reproduced in the form of various materials published in the due to Rome’s universalist specialized journals edited by various tendencies, through which Western historiographical schools. In the Holy See attempted the historiography of the subject, per­ spectives are quite consistent as regards to centralize European the functioning mechanisms of the in- politics as strongly as possible. stitution of the papal legation between 12th and 14th centuries. However, there are few writings within the sphere of Romanian his- toriography that have addressed the period of medieval hierocracy. This

This work was possible with the financial support of the Sectoral Operational Pro- Robert-Marius Mihalache gramme for Human Resources Devel- Researcher at the Center for Transylva- opment 2007–2013, co-financed by the nian Studies, Romanian Academy, editor European Social Fund, under the project at the Department of Communication number posdru/107/1.5/s/76841 with the and Public Relations, Babeº-Bolyai Uni- title “Modern Doctoral Studies: Interna- versity, Cluj-Napoca. tionalization and Interdisciplinarity.” Transsilvanica • 75 aspect extends to the institution of the papal legation, wich is fairly well-known in Romanian historiography. The motivation for choosing this subject rests on the absence of historical writings reflecting the institution of the papal lega- tion between the 12th and 14th centuries. Therefore, this article aims to present diachronically a few historical and historiographical benchmarks regarding the emergence, evolution and functioning of the institution of the papal legation. The point of origin or the foundational document that enacted the practical dimension of hierocracy was the “Dictatus Papae” issued by Pope Gregory VII3 in 1075, a document that legitimized papal supremacy in relation to all terres- trial dignities.4 A classical interpretation of the impact this document exerted is found in Walter Ullmann’s exegesis.5 According to this interpretation, the European Christian world formed an ecclesia or corpus Christi, a political body that encom- passed all Christian kingdoms and even attempted to incorporate the Western empire, laying claims on the “Greek” empire as well.6 The spiritual and political leader of that corpus was the pope. The kings and the western (Holy Roman) emperor had only a ministerial-auxiliary role, that of defending the Church. This entire political system took on a pyramidal garment of monarchic extraction, in the form of Societas Christiana or Christianitas, where most of the leaders of the European kingdoms and the Holy Roman Emperor had recognized the papal supremacy and fell under papal suzerainty (patrocinium Beati Petri).7 Based on the document issued by Pope Gregory VII, papal power was universal. In short, the Bishop of Rome, who legitimized himself in the continuity of St. Peter, as vicar, “controlled” all the European kingdoms and prevailed over the Western empire.8 After all those stated above, we can see the centralizing character of medieval hierocracy. The concreteness of the popes’ power was expressed through legates.9 The papal legate (Lat. legatus) meaning an envoy who is sent or entrusted with a mission. Unlike the nuncio, who is only a transmitter of pontifical letters, the legate acts freely, according to his judgment, but on behalf of the pontiff who sent him. This means that he behaves like a pope, assuming a part of the pontifical responsibilities for the Churches entrusted to him.10 Legates thus became a key instrument in spreading the Gregorian reform and they also proclaimed the authority of the pope over all the churches, the clergy and the laity, so towards the end of the 12th century, pontifical legates could be found in all the areas of Christianitas, the underlying reason concerning the subordination of the churches and of the secular authorities. The Italian historian Paolo Prodi has associated the Curia with the formula of a “pontifical government” and even made a ranking of this “government”: 1. the Roman Pontiff; 2. the College of Cardinals; 3. the bishops; 4. the priests.11 76 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

According to the hierarchy Prodi described, the College of Cardinals12 occupied the second place, after the pope. In other words, this college functioned like a kind of Senate that constituted a powerful support for the pontiffs. It is impor- tant to highlight these aspects because most of the legates during this period came from the ranks of the cardinal-bishops and subsequently became pontiffs. According to Ian S. Robinson, in the period 1073–1198,13 there were nine- teen pontiffs and only four of them had not been legates; all the others, prior to being consecrated, had also served as legates in different regions of Europe. Urban II (1088–1099) had been a legate in the Holy Roman Empire, Paschal II (1099–1118) was specialized in legations to Spain, while Calixtus II (1119– 1124) had been a papal envoy to the kingdoms of France and England. Honorius II (1124–1130) and Innocent II (1130–1143) had both participated as legates in the negotiations with the imperial party, resulting in the 1122 Concordat of Worms (Pactum Calixtinum).14 Between 1152 and 1153 Hadrian IV (1154– 1159) had been a legate in the northern regions, where he had set up a new ecclesiastical organization, in Trondheim.15 Lucius III (1181–1185) had also actively participated in the conclusion of the Venice agreement in 1177, which resulted in the symbolic defeat of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1155–1190) before Pope Alexander III (1159–1181). Gregory VIII (1187) travelled for a legatine purpose to various German, Spanish and Adriatic regions. Celestine III (1191–1198) had two long missions to Spain between 1154 and 1174, and was mandated to the court of the French King Louis VII (1137–1180). According to the statistics16 provided, “between 1198 and 1276 there were created eighty-one cardinals, 80% of whom came from two regions: France—46 and Italy—18, and throughout the entire 13th century there was only one cardi- nal of German origin.” During the abovementioned period, there was a series of six successive popes who created cardinals. Innocent III (1198–1216) raised twenty-seven prelates to the rank of cardinal, Honorius III (1216–1227)—five cardinals, Gregory IX (1227–1241)—ten, Innocent IV (1243–1254)—sixteen, Urban IV (1261– 1264)—fourteen, and Gregory X (1271–1276) elevated five clerics to this dig- nity. Their number by regions was as follows: Italy (30), France (33), England (5), the Iberian Peninsula (6), Germany (1) Hungary (1).17 Acceding to the dignity of cardinal entailed having already filled positions such as that of chancellor or vice-chancellor, chaplain, papal notary, etc. Also, a degree in Theology or Canon Law18 obtained at a prestigious university like Bologna and Paris were considered an advantage. Turning to the subject, legates were usually the cardinals in immediate prox- imity to the pontifical throne. W. Ullmann claims that they were, in fact, the “ex- tended arm of papal power” whereby the pope was omnipresent and omniscient. Transsilvanica • 77

As regards the categorization of the legates, there were three types: de latere, missi, nati.19 Legates de latere were, most often, elected from among the cardinals. The name of these legates means that they were sent by the pope and they were an extension of his spiritual and physical body (pars corporis papae).20 Legates missi were also sent by the pope, but in most cases they were not part of the Curia, so they were only assigned less difficult missions. Legates nati were the archbishops primates, the rulers of the ecclesiastical provinces, which automatically involves assuming the title of legate.21 Of the three types of legates, the de latere ones had the highest decision-mak- ing powers also due to the pontifical power ceded to them by the pope. Legates, therefore, had full powers (plenitudo potestatis) in making decisions. The legates’ field of action was particularly large.22 All legates had sufficient authority to convene synods and councils.23 Legates could impose constitutions in the administrative and disciplinary fields, elect holders of the vacant episcopal sees and depose bishops. Also, they could distribute minor benefices, excom- municate and place interdicts, and their authority could be exercised over the religious orders as well. They also travelled to settle any conflict that required papal intervention, such as problems concerning the succession to the throne or disputes between various kingdoms. The legates’ interventions concerned not only ecclesiastical, but also political matters. We mentioned above the fact that they could depose not only bishops, but also kings, excommunication being the most serious punishment imposed in this era.24 Apostolic delegates travelled not only to the Holy Roman Empire or to the European kingdoms, but even to the proximity of Rome, where pontiffs de- manded it, as no geographic area was exempt or privileged in this regard.25 They had to be present everywhere, with a clear mission to accomplish, applying sanc- tions if the situation demanded it. Pontifical diplomacy used legates in all the extremities of Christianitas. The largest number of pontifical legates were sent in the 13th century, also thanks to the Innocentine26 conception that the pope played the role of an arbi- ter and not of a participant in any battle, so the pontificate was superior to all terrestrial dignities, which received the charisma along divine channels, bearing the title “from the Grace of God,” while the pope emerged directly from the Divine. We should emphasize once again that according to the Innocentine con- cept, the pope was the “vicar of Christ”27 because he was above all the faithful, but beneath God. During the time of Innocent III (1198–1216), the number of legates de latere increased impressively, perhaps also because he tried to keep the “Christian so- ciety” under strict control. 78 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

A concrete example of a principle defining the Innocentine conception of pontifical universalism that was put into practice occurred in 1204, when Rome “conquered” the Constantinopolitan Empire,28 and thus the hierocracy reached not only its ideological, but also its geographic apogee. The action of the Holy See sparked much discussion concerning the legitima- cy of Rome’s action to occupy Constantinople, because this too was a Christian capital and the general idea adopted by the Holy See was to liberate the Holy Places and not the Empire of Constantinople. If we look at things through the lenses of Pope Innocent III’s universalistic policy, then this was a correct ma- neuver, for he was the vicar of Christ and everyone, including the Greeks, had to recognize him as suzerain.29 Regarding the legatine institution, as of this moment there appeared a new function, that of permanent legate to Constantinople.30 In 1205, Rome sent Benedict,31 cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, as pontifical legate (Apostolicae Sedis Legatus) to Constantinople. He was mandated with spreading and imposing the idea of uniting the “Greeks” with the “Romans.” Among the later opponents of this situation, mention should be made of Patriarch Athanasius (1231–1244), who criticized Rome’s legatine institution (Lat. apocrisiarius) to Constantinople.32 The institution of the papal legation also operated in the eastern areas of Christianitas. For instance, in the 12th–14th centuries, more precisely from 1191 until 1311, there were ten legatine missions, most of them de latere, organized in the Kingdom of Hungary. Cardinal Gregory of Santa Maria in Portico served as a legate (Gregorius de sancto Apostolo Dei gratia sancte Marie in Porticu diaconus cardinalis, apostolice sedis legatus) to the Kingdom of Hungary from 1191 until 1196.33 The role entrusted to him was that of “breaking” the ancient ties of this kingdom with the Empire of Constantinople and of channeling the general “attention” of the Hungarian royalty exclusively to Rome. The legate de latere had to consolidate the influence of the Roman Curia in this area of Christendom. Specifically, papal influence was exerted by way of “tying” certain newly established ecclesiastical institutions directly to Rome—as in the case, for ex- ample, of the Provostship of Sibiu (Nagyszeben, Hermannstadt).34 As of then, the Hungarian archbishop primate of Esztergom became an “official” in the service of Rome (legatus natus), who represented the pontifical interests in the Kingdom of Hungary. Besides the archbishop primate, the Hungarian king also started to be regarded as such an “official,” in light of the fact that his corona- tion was carried out by the Hungarian primate after receiving Rome’s assent in this respect. In this context of hierocracy, it should be noted that King Andrew II (1205– 1235)35 was a monarch who did not comply with all the directives from Rome Transsilvanica • 79 and even acted against the papal Curia when the local interests demanded it. The functioning of the hierocratic current in the Kingdom of Hungary was most clearly visible during the reign of this king. After fourteen years of “royal tolerance” (1211–1225), Andrew II expelled the Teutonic Knights36 from the Kingdom of Hungary, a gesture that caused the dissatisfaction of the papal authorities because these knights upheld the pon- tifical policies in the area. As a reaction to the Hungarian king’s gesture, the papal Curia reactivated the institution of the papal legation in this region of So- cietas Christiana. Therefore, because of the tense relations between the Hungar- ian monarchs and the Holy See, three legations de latere were organized during the reign of Andrew II: the legation of Bishop Conrad of Urach in 1225,37 the legation of Archbishop Robert of Esztergom to “Cumania” in 1227,38 and the legation of Cardinal Jacob of Preneste, from 1232 until 1234.39 The son of Andrew II, Béla IV (1235–1270), did not perpetuate his father’s “rebellious” attitude to Rome; on the contrary, he strove to maintain good rela- tions with the Holy See. Thus, in 1238,40 urged by Rome, Béla IV attempted to attack the Bulgarian tsarate amid the tensions that had arisen between the Holy See and the leaders of the tsarate south of the Danube. However, the legatine mission of the Hungarian King Béla IV was cancelled on account of the Mon- gols drawing near the borders of Christianity. The Mongolian invasion of 1241, followed by a certain lack of concern on the part of the Holy See as regards the difficulties faced by the Hungarian royalty, deteriorated the good relations be- tween Béla IV and the papal authorities. The grandson of Béla IV, Ladislaus IV (1272–1290), took this royal “frus- tration” to extremes by adopting a deviant behaviour towards the centralizing policies of the Holy See. The papal Curia sent Bishop Philip of Fermo (Philippo episcopo Firmano, Apostolice Sedis Legato)41 as a legate, entrusting him with bring- ing the Hungarian King back to normality—as desired by Rome. Even though Bishop Philip of Fermo served as a legate to the kingdom ruled by Ladislaus IV for four years, from 1278 until 1282, he was unable to fulfil the envisaged objec- tive because of the particular local circumstances. Up until the beginning of the 14th century, there were three other legatine missions to the Kingdom of Hungary: the legation led by Bishop Benvenuto of Gubbio (Benevenuto episcopo Eugubino, Apostolice Sedis Legato), in 1290, the legation of Bishop John of Jesi, in 1291, and the legation of Cardinal Nicholas Boccassini, in 1301.42 However, none of these was as successful as the papal Curia had intended. The last legatine mission to the Kingdom of Hungary during the age of hierocracy (1307–1311) was the one led by Cardinal Gentile Montefiore43 (Gentilis Dei gratia tituli S. Martini, in Regno Hungariae, ac partibus illi conter- 80 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) minis Apostolicae Sedis Legatus), who was sent by the papal Curia as legate de latere at a rather difficult historical moment, during the first years of the 14th century, when a dynastic change occurred in the Kingdom of Hungary. Cardi- nal Montefiore’s legatine mission consisted in attempting to bring the situation in the Kingdom of Hungary back to normal, by proving assistance to the new king, Charles Robert of Anjou (1301–1342), the first monarch in the Hungar- ian Angevin dynasty. Compared to the previous failed legatine missions, the legation led by Cardinal Gentile Montefiore was successful and met the expecta- tions of the Holy See. In this context, for example, not all the legatine missions undertaken in the Kingdom of Hungary over the course of these 120 years (1191–1311) accom- plished their objectives. In other words, because of the peculiar local circum- stances, not all of these missions succeeded in fully complying with the hiero- cratic demands of the papal Curia. Thus, the ten legations to the Hungarian Kingdom concretely attested to the hierocratic centralization that the papal Curia endeavoured to achieve, via the legatine institution, in this monarchy situ- ated at the edges of Christianity.

s we have seen throughout this text, medieval hierocracy represented the historical timespan of the 12th–14th centuries, when most European A kingdoms accepted papal suzerainty and entered the medieval system known as Christianitas. The Bishop of Rome, who legitimized himself in the continuity of St. Peter as vicar, “controlled” the European kingdoms and exerted his guardianship over the western empire using legates or apostolic envoys. The latter acted as an “extended arm of pontifical power,” through which the papacy was omnipresent and omniscient. Most legates came from among the cardinals who formed the College of Cardinals, that is, from the immediate vicinity of the pontifical throne. Of the three types of legates (de latere, missi, nati), the first category was the most commonly used in this period, due to Rome’s universal- ist tendencies, through which the Holy See attempted to centralize European politics as strongly as possible. q (Translated by Carmen-Veronica Borbély)

Notes

1. Michele Maccarrone, Studi su Innocenzo III, Italia Sacra: Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica, 17 (Padua, 1972); Raffaello Morghen, Gregorio VII, I grandi italiani, collana di biografie, 26 (Turin, 1942); Joseph Avril, “Les institutions de la Societas Transsilvanica • 81

christiana aux XIe et XIIe siècles: diocèses, pievi et paroisses. Problèmes et recherches (Milan, 2–7 septembre 1974),” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge, Temps modernes 86, 2 (1974): 561–565. 2. Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, La cour des papes au XIIIe siècle, La vie quotidienne, Ci- vilisations et sociétés (Paris, 1995); I. S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073–1198: Continui- ty and Innovation, Cambridge Medieval Textbooks (Cambridge–New York, 1990); Bruno Gallard, “Les hommes de culture dans la diplomatie pontificale au XIIIe siécle,” Mélanges de l’École francais de Rome. Moyen Âge 108, 2 (1996): 615–643. 3. Jacques-Paul Migne, ed., S. Gregorii VII Romani Pontificis Epistolae et Diplomata Pontificia, Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Latina, 148 (Paris, 1853), 9–12; Joannes Dominicus Mansi, ed., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vol. 20, 1070–1109 (Paris, 1902), 168–169; Brian Tierney, The Middle Ages, vol. 1, So- urces of Medieval History, 6th edition (New York, 1998), 142–143. 4. Mansi, 20: 168–169: “II. Quod solus Romanus pontifex iure dicatur universalis. . . . IV. Quod legatus eius omnibus episcopis presit in concilio etiam inferioris gradus et adversus eos sententiam depositionis possit dare. . . . VIII. Quod solus possit uti imperialibus insigniis. . . . IX. Quod solius pape pedes omnes principes deosculentur. . . . XII. Quod illi liceat impe- ratores deponere. . . . XIX. Quod a nemine ipse iudicare debeat.” 5. Walter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in The Middle Ages: A study in the ideological relation of clerical to lay power, 2nd edition (London, 1962), 1–25. 6. Franco Cardini, “Impero e imperi: Una discussione aperta,” in Imperia: Esperienze imperiali nella storia d’Europa, ed. Andrea Piras (Rimini, 2008), 7–28; J. M. Hussey, Church and Learning in the Byzantine Empire 867–1185 (London, 1937), 116–132, 182–201; Krijnie Ciggaar, “Visitors from North-Western Europe to Byzantium. Vernacular Sources: Problems and Perspectives,” in Byzantines and Crusaders in Non-Greek Sources 1025–1204, ed. Mary Whitby, Proceedings of the British Acad- emy, 132 (Oxford–New York, 2007), 123–157. 7. Robert Folz, The Concept of Empire in Western Europe from the Fifth to the Fourtheenth Century, transl. Sheila Ann Ogilvie (Westport, Connecticut, 1980), passim; Kath- leen G. Cushing, Papacy and Law in the Gregorian Revolution: The Canonistic Work of Anselm of Lucca, Oxford Historical Monographs (New York, 1998), 103–122. 8. Ullmann, 271–278. “He, as the vicar of St. Peter, whom Christ had made the prince over all earthly kingdoms has the power universo orbi imperare.” 9. Lester L. Field Jr., “Christendom before Europe? A Historiographical Analysis of ‘Political Theology’ in Late Antiquity,” in Plenitude of Power: The Doctrine and Ex- ercice of Authority in the Middle Age: Essays in Memory of Robert Louis Benson, ed. Robert C. Figueira, Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West (Aldershot, Hampshire, 2006), 141–170. 10. Donald E. Queller, The Office of Ambassador in the Middle Ages (Princeton, New Jersey, 1967), 10; Şerban Turcuş, Sfântul Scaun şi românii în secolul al XIII-lea, fo- reword by Acad. Camil Mureºanu, Biblioteca enciclopedicã de istorie a României (Bucharest, 2001), 25. 11. Paolo Prodi, ed., Forme storiche di governo nella Chiesa universale: Giornata di studio in occasione dell’ultima lezione del prof. Giuseppe Alberigo, 31 ottobre 2001, Quaderni di discipline storiche, 18 (Bologna, 2003), 7–8. 82 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

12. Paravicini Bagliani, 137–138. The College of Cardinals was composed of cardinal- bishops (episcopi cardinales), cardinal-priests (presbyteri cardinales), and cardinal-dea- cons (diaconi cardinales). 13. Robinson, 146–178. 14. Mary Stroll, Symbols as Power: The Papacy following the Investiture Contest, Brill’s Stud- ies in Intellectual History, 24 (Leiden–New York–Ko⁄ benhavn, Cologne, 1991), passim; Mansi, 20: 273–274; Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, “Popes, Kings, and En- dogenous Institutions: The Concordat of Worms and the Origins of Sovereignty,” International Studies Review 2, 2 (2000): 93–118. 15. Robinson, 147. 16. Storia del cristianesimo: Religione–Politica–Cultura, vol. 5, Apogeo del papato ed espan- sione della cristianità (1054–1274), transl. Paolo Petruzzi, Italian edition by Augusto Vasina (Rome, 1997), 534–535. 17. Conradus Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi sive Summorum pontificum, S. R. E. car- dinalium, ecclesiarum antistitum series, ab anno 1198 usque ad annum 1431 perducta e doc- umentis tabularii praesertim Vaticani collecta, digesta, edita (Regensburg, 1913), 3–10. 18. Uta-Renate Blumenthal, Papal Reform and Canon Law in the 11th and 12th Centu- ries, Variorum Collected Studies Series, 618 (Aldershot, Hampshire, 1998), 70–75; Peter Landau, “Gratian and the Decretum Gratiani,” in The History of Medieval Canon Law in the Classical Period, 1140–1234: From Gratian to the Decretales of Pope Gregory IX, eds. Wilfried Hartmann and Kenneth Pennington, History of Medieval Canon Law (Washington, D.C., 2008), 22–54; Stephan Kuttner, Gratian and the Schools of Law 1140–1234, Variorum Collected Studies Series, 185 (London, 1983), passim. 19. Robinson, passim. 20. Ernest F. Henderson, transl. and ed., Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages (London–New York, 1910), 366–367; Robinson, 160–161. In the time span be- tween 1130 and 1159, the pontifical sources mention a number of 109 legates de latere, these positions being occupied by fifty-one cardinals; thus, almost half of the legates were cardinals. 21. Şerban Turcuş, Sinodul general de la Buda (1279), Latin texts translated by Vasile Rus, Bibliotheca Historica, 15 (Cluj-Napoca, 2001), 33. 22. Robert C. Figueira, “The Medieval Papal Legate and His Province: Geographical Limits of Jurisdiction,” in Plenitude of Power, 74. 23. Raymonde Forville, Latran I, II, III et Latran IV (Paris, 1965), passim. 24. Ovidio Capitani, “Cardinali e plenitudo potestatis: una difficile disputa tra i secoli XIII e XIV,” in Forme storiche di governo nella Chiesa universale, 87–93. 25. Figueira, 74. 26. Hans-Joachim Schmidt, “The Papal and Imperial Concept of plenitudo potestatis: The Influence of Pope Innocent III on Emperor Frederick II,” in Pope Innocent III and his World, ed. John C. Moore (Aldershot–Brookfield–Sydney, 1999), 305–314. 27. James M. Powell, ed., Innocent III: Vicar of Christ or Lord of the World?, 2nd, expanded edition (Washington, D.C., 1994), 79–156. 28. Stelian Brezeanu, Istoria Imperiului Bizantin (Bucharest, 2007), 301. Transsilvanica • 83

29. Jean Darrouzès, “Les documents byzantins du XIIe siècle sur la primauté romaine,” Revue des études byzantines 23 (1965): 45. 30. Pontifical legations in the Orient have been treated in a remarkable article by Leonardo Erriquenz, who demonstrates their presence even in Armenia and in the area of the Caucasus Mountains. Leonardo Erriquenz, “I legati pontifici in Oriente dal 1261 al 1334,” Apollinaris: Commentarius iuris canonici 38 (1965): 336–347. 31. Eubel, 36–48; Louis Bréhier, L’Eglise et l’Orient au Moyen Age: Les croisades, 5th edi- tion, Bibliothèque de l’enseignement de l’histoire ecclésiastique (Paris, 1928), 167. 32. Erriquenz, 336–347. 33. Documente privind istoria României (hereafter cited as dir), Veacul XI, XII şi XIII, C. Transilvania, vol. 1 (1075–1250) (Bucharest, 1951), doc. 19, pp. 361–362; Gusztáv Wenzel, Árpádkori új okmánytár. Codex diplomaticus Arpadianus continuatus, vol. 6, 890–1235 (Pest, 1867), doc. 114, pp. 182–183; Zsigmond Jakó, Erdélyi okmánytár, vol. 1 (1023–1300) (Budapest, 1997), 129. 34. dir, Veacul XI, XII şi XIII, C. Transilvania, vol. 1, doc. 19, pp. 361–362. 35. János Barta et al., Magyarország uralkodói, Magyar Századok (Budapest, 2003), 98– 105. 36. Jakó, 134; Şerban Papacostea, Românii în secolul al XIII-lea: între Cruciatã şi Imperiul Mongol (Bucharest, 1993), 31–34; Kristjan Toomaspoeg, “Les premiers comman- deurs de l’Ordre Teutonique en Sicile (1202–1291): l’évolution de la titulature, les origines géographiques et sociales,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome: Moyen Âge 109, 2, (1997): 443–461. 37. dir, Veacul XI, XII şi XIII, C. Transilvania, vol. 1, doc. 169, pp. 216–217; Thomas Ebendorfer, Chronica pontificum Romanorum, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicorum Nova Series, 16, ed. Harald Zimmermann (Mu- nich, 1994), 410; Papacostea, 35; Documenta Romaniae Historica, D, vol. 1, Relaþii între Þãrile Române (1222–1456) (Bucharest, 1977), doc. 5, pp. 10–14. 38. dir, Veacul XI, XII şi XIII, C. Transilvania, vol. 1, doc. 188, pp. 230–231; doc. 190, pp. 231–232; Ioan Ferenþ, A kunok és püspökségük, transl. Pál Péter Domokos (Bu- dapest, 1981), 93–142; Margit Beke, ed., Esztergomi érsekek 1001–2003 (Budapest, 2003), 98; Ferdinandus Knauz, ed., Monumenta Ecclesiae Strigoniensis, tomus primus, Ab a. 979 ad a. 1273 (Esztergom, 1874), 257; László Solymosi, “Egyházi-politikai viszonyok a pápai hegemónia idején (13. század),” in Magyarország és a Szentszék kapcsolatának ezer éve, ed. István Zombori (Budapest, 1996), 47–54. 39. dir, Veacul XI, XII şi XIII, C. Transilvania, vol. 1, doc. 168, pp. 214–216, 385–387; Gusztáv Wenzel, Árpádkori új okmánytár. Codex diplomaticus Arpadianus continuatus, vol. 2 (1234–1260) (Pest, 1861), pp. 33–34; Jakó, 175; Tibor Almási, “Egy ciszterci bíboros a pápai világhatalom szolgálatában: Pecorari Jakab magyarországi legáció- ja,” Magyar Egyháztörténeti Vázlatok: Essays in Church History of Hungary (Szeged) 5, 1–2 (1993): 129–141. 40. dir, Veacul XI, XII şi XIII, C. Transilvania, vol. 1, doc. 262, pp. 313–315, 411; Wenzel, 2: 65–68; Attila Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája 1000–1301, História Könyvtár–Kronológiák, adattárak, 11 (Budapest, 2011), passim; Kornél 84 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Bakay, Az Árpádok országa: Østörténetünk titkai (Køszeg, 2000), 280–348; Jakó, doc. 166, p. 175. 41. dir, Veacul XI, XII şi XIII, C. Transilvania, vol. 2 (1251–1300) (Bucharest, 1952), doc. 216, p. 196; drh, D, vol. 1, doc. 12, pp. 29–30. 42. dir, Veacul XIV, C. Transilvania, vol. 1 (1301–1320) (Bucharest, 1953), doc. 5, 3–5; 9–10, doc. 16, pp. 12–13, doc. 33, pp. 25–26. 43. Asztrik Várszegi and Ottó Fonyódi, eds., Acta legationis cardinalis Gentilis. Gen- tilis bíbornok Magyarországi követségének okiratai 1307–1311, Monumenta Vaticana historiam regni Hungariae illustrantia. Vatikáni magyar okirattár, ser. 1, vol. 2 (Budapest, 2000), passim; Joannes Dominicus Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vol. 25, 1300–1344 (Paris, 1903), 151–156; Gyula Kristó, ed., Anjou-kori Oklevéltár: Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 2 (1306–1310) (Budapest–Szeged, 1992), 95.

Abstract The Institution of the Papal Legation (12th–14th Centuries): Historical and Historiographical Benchmarks

There are few writings within the sphere of Romanian historiography that have addressed the period of medieval hierocracy. This aspect extends to the institution of the papal legation, wich is fairly well-known in Romanian historiography. The motivation for choosing this subject rests on the absence of historical writings reflecting the institution of the papal legation between 12th and 14th centuries. Therefore, this article aims to present diachronically a few historical and his- toriographical benchmarks regarding the emergence, evolution and functioning of the institution of the papal legation. Medieval hierocracy represented the historical timespan of the 12th–14th centuries, when most European kingdoms accepted papal suzerainty and entered the medieval system known as Christianitas. The Bishop of Rome, who legitimized himself in the continuity of St. Peter as vicar, “controlled” the European kingdoms and exerted his guardianship over the western empire using legates or apostolic envoys. The latter acted as an “extended arm of pontifi- cal power,” through which the papacy was omnipresent and omniscient. Most legates came from among the cardinals who formed the College of Cardinals, that is, from the immediate vicinity of the pontifical throne. Of the three types of legates (de latere, missi, nati), the first category was the most commonly used in this period, due to Rome’s universalist tendencies, through which the Holy See attempted to centralize European politics as strongly as possible.

Keywords 12th–14th centuries, hierocracy, Christianitas, centralization, institution of the papal legation Jewish Students from Transylvania at the N i c o l e t a H e g e d Ðs Ludovika Military Academy

The Ludovika Military Academy opened its doors in 1872 in order to train officers for the Honved Army, newly established after the compro- mise signed in 1867 between Emperor Franz Joseph and the Hungarian politi- cal elite. Among the Transylvanian stu- dents of the academy, we find represen- The Ludovika Military Academy tatives of the main ethnic and religious (postcard, 1913) groups in the provinces that make up today’s Transylvania, their number strongly varying according to the polit- ical and socio-economic status of each ethnic group. In the following paper, we propose a prosopographic study of Jewish students from Transylvania. The analysis of their geographic and social origin, of previous studies, and of the military careers pursued by the gradu- ates make it possible to identify the specific characteristics of this group, its Nicoleta Hegedðs comparison with the whole Honved of- Research assistant at the Faculty of ficer corps, and establish the position of History and Philosophy, Babeº-Bolyai Jewish officers from Transylvania with- University. Author, among others, of in the framework of the Jewish career the vol. Imaginea maghiarilor în cul- officers of the Austro-Hungarian army. tura româneascã din Transilvania (1867–1918) (The image of Hungarians This paper was written within the frame- in the Romanian culture in Transylvania, work of the project uefiscdi Romania 1867–1918), 2 vols. (2012). pn-iii-p1-1.1-te-2016-0432. 86 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Jews in the Austro-Hungarian Army

he Habsburg army began to receive Jews after the Edict of Toleration issued by Joseph II in 1788. At first, their access was allowed only in the T transport and artillery units, and one year later in the infantry as well. The first Jewish officers were appointed during the Napoleonic Wars, and in 1848 the Jews were present both in the revolutionary camp and in the impe- rial army. The number of Jewish soldiers increased with the introduction of the compulsory military service in 1868. If in 1872 their number represented 1.5% of the military personnel, in 1902 the percentage grew to 3.9%, at a time when Jews represented about 4.5% of the population of the dual monarchy. After this period, and until the First World War, there is a decline in the number of Jews in the army, a phenomenon that is explained not only by socio-demographic fac- tors, but also by anti-Semitism (individual and local, not institutional).1 At the grassroots level, ethnicity and religion did not impede access to of- ficers’ training courses or to promotion in military rank. The presence of Jews in the officer corps is often invoked as an argument for the much more liberal character of the Austro-Hungarian army compared to other European armies of the time (in the Prussian army, for example, there were no Jewish officers during peacetime,2 but they existed in the Italian, French or English armies, the previous statement being possibly valid in relation to the Prussian and Rus- sian armies, which were more or less openly anti-Semitic3). Statistical analyses should be done with caution, to highlight regularity rather than exceptions.4 Official statistics record the nationality and religion of officers only since 1897, but nationality statistics do not treat Jews as a particular ethnicity, their presence being reflected only by religion.5 In 1898, the percentage of Jewish career of- ficers in the joint army was 1%, and in 1911 it stood at 0.6%.6

Table 1. Religious configuration of the 1911 Austro-Hungarian army (%)

Religion Population Troop Reserve officers Career officers Roman Catholics 65.9 66.2 68.2 86 Greek Catholics and Armenian Catholics 10.6 10.9 1.2 1 Greek Orientals and Armenian Orientals 8.7 9.1 1.7 2.7 Lutherans 3.5 4.3 8,6 7.8 Calvinists 5.4 5.5 3 1.8 Unitarians ? 0.2 0.1 – Other Christians ? – 0.1 – Jews 4.4 3 17 0.6 Mohammedans 1.2 0.8 – – Without religious confession ? – 0.1 –

Source: Deák, Mai presus de naþionalism, 205. Transsilvanica • 87

While the percentage of Jewish career officers is below 1% in 1911, we notice the large number of Jews in the reserve officer corps, almost four times big- ger than their percentage in the total population. Among the career officers born in Hungary, Tibor Hajdu appreciated the percentage of Jews before 1890 to 2.80% and after 1890 to 0.75% (including here those converted along the way).7 The same specialist estimated the percentage of career officers of Jewish origin in the Honved corps throughout the dualist period at 1.2% (as no new Honved Jewish officers were appointed in the years prior to World War I), and among the reserve officers born in Hungary the Jews accounted for 26%.8 The decline in the percentage of Jewish career officers over the two centuries cannot be attributed to the institutional anti-Semitism of the army, since in the auxiliary departments the percentage of Jews among military officers is 12% at the end of the nineteenth century (mostly doctors, veterinarians and fiscal officers).9 The large number of Jews as reserve officers and among the auxiliary military staff is explained by the high level of schooling of the men from the Jewish community, their percentage being by far the highest in the distribution of denominations among those with higher education.10 The dualist period is one of intense social transformations generated by mod- ernization and progress. We witness the consolidation of a strong and dynamic middle class, eager to associate and engage in public life in order to influence the political decision-makers and serve some group interests, its efforts leading to the crystallization of modern civil society.11 These transformations are also noticeable in the social composition of the officer corps, which slowly but surely loses its noble character, as it visibly starts to include more and more elements of the middle class. The disinterest of the aristocracy and the great nobility in a military career (caused to a great extent by the successive reforms by which the status as an officer was conditioned by the graduation of specialized stud- ies, conducted within rigid military conditions), the numerical increase of the educated class, but also the strict regulation of promotions in rank helped to imprint a “bourgeois” character on the officer corps. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the officer becomes the representative and the yardstick of the middle class, which is self-defined through education, way of life, posture and behavior, through a specific honor code, all of which grant him social pres- tige. For those with a more modest social background, access to the officer corps equals the access to the “gentleman” category.12 For the Jews who, through their education and income, belonged mostly to the middle class, but who—because of prejudice—did not enjoy the social prestige they deserved according to their economic position, the accession to the officer status represented a great path towards social integration. That is why the institution of reserve officers, orga- nized in 1868 after a Prussian model, was highly attractive to them. 88 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

After 1869, young middle school graduates could become reserve officers after (at least) a year of volunteering in the army and after passing an exam. Then, they could be appointed officers in the reserve corps (the exam itself was not enough, only those who had a job or a social position likely to provide enough income for living an officer-worthy life and those who did not do physical work and were married to a woman who met the same requirements became officers).13 The one- year volunteering system was introduced to the Honveds only in 1883.

The Honved Army and the Ludovika Military Academy

fter the dualist pact of 1867, the Austro-Hungarian army consisted of three branches: the imperial-royal joint army and the two “national” A armies—the Austrian Landwehr and the Hungarian Honvédség. The creation of the Honved corps was an important victory for the Hungarian ne- gotiators of the pact, even if Franz Joseph wanted to make it more a militia than a genuine army, refusing to equip it with artillery and a technical department. The fears expressed by the Austrian side about allowing the establishment of a “national” Hungarian army proved inadequate in the years to come, as the Honveds demonstrated their loyalty and competence in the campaign for Bosnia and Herzegovina.14 An important point of the military reforms of the ’60s was the introduction of compulsory military service in 1868. Of all the Hungarian recruits in the monarchy, one fifth was enlisted in the Honved army, but half of the officers in Hungary were still assigned to the joint army. In the first decades of existence, the Honved Army faced a shortage of officers. At first, the Honved officer corps was composed of officers that were former forty-eighters (now commissioned, but only up to the rank of colonel), and of transferred or reactivated officers belonging to the joint army. To deal with the lack of officers, in the ’70s, many of the capable Honveds were appointed lieutenants after a course of just three to four months with the Honved Division Commands. In the early years, even at Ludovika, promising recruits sent by their commanders from the regiments were accepted (as is the case of the Jewish Samuel Kohn, sent to Ludovika in 1873, who then became a Christian, changed his name to the Hungarian Hazai, and had an exceptional military career; after the outbreak of the Great War he became minister of defense).15 Over time, the Honved officers’ instruction reached standards similar to those in the joint army, the admission conditions at the academy and cadet schools were tightened, an age limit was set that prevented talented recruits from gain- ing access to these institutions, previous military education became a mandatory Transsilvanica • 89 condition, etc. During 1881–1884, the was restored within the Honved army, which in terms of organization and personnel training belonged to the Ministry of War, and in terms of use, to the Ministry of the Interior. War Minister Géza Fejérváry turned the Honved battalions into regiments, and ex- tended the training period to two years, from only a few months, thus turning the Honveds into a real army. By the end of the nineteenth century, the training and prestige of the Honved officers had reached the level of their comrades in the joint army, and in 1912 the last major difference between the two armies was canceled by the endowment of the Honveds with their own artillery.16 In the continuous training of new officers for the Honved corps, a very im- portant role was given to the Ludovika Military Academy. The idea of setting up a Hungarian upper military school emerged at the beginning of the nineteenth century; in the 1808 diet there were numerous donations for this cause, and among the supporters were Emperor Francis I and the Empress Maria Ludovika. In gratitude for the donation of 50,000 forints, it was decided that the future institution would bear her name. After a series of difficulties encountered with the purchase and outfitting of a proper building, the project materialized only in 1872, when Law XVI established the Honved military academy.17 In the first decade of its operation, Ludovika held training courses for young cadets who chose to become Honved officers (but also for talented recruits sent here by regimental commanders) and training courses for active officers. By Law XXXIV/1882, the training of officers was split into two courses: one for career officers and one for reserve officers. The career officers’ course was intended for young people aged 14–16, graduates of at least 4 middle classes, who after 4 years of study were appointed non-commissioned cadet officers and only excep- tionally lieutenants. After 1889, the Ludovika graduates were appointed directly to the Honved corps; they were not first enlisted in the joint army and then transferred. In 1890, the course for reserve officers was suspended because it be- came useless after paragraph 25 of Law XXIII/1890 established that 15% of all volunteers regularly enlisted in one year should be transferred to the Honveds.18 Ludovika became a true academy following its reorganization in 1897, when it was decided to accept only students who graduated all the middle school class- es. After three years of training, the graduates were appointed lieutenants (those with modest results in the exams became non-commissioned officers). Sopron, the real Honved school, was presently set up, designed as a preparatory institu- tion for the academy (it provided half of those admitted at Ludovika), alongside the cadets schools in Pécs and Oradea (Nagyvárad). Henceforth, some gradu- ates would be assigned to the joint army, especially to the cavalry. The superior preparatory training for officers who wished to be admitted to the Kriegsschule continued to operate.19 90 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

By law, there were 100 places for new admissions to Ludovika, but after the reduction of the officer corps only 70–80 new students were received.20 There were state-funded places (25 in number in 1900), places funded by private foun- dations created for this purpose, and tuition-paying places.21 Through the activity of the military academy and the two cadets’ schools in Oradea and Pécs, the Honved officer corps continuously increased. In 1910, the number of Honved career officers was 2,800, plus 300 gendarmerie officers. The auxiliary departments included 731 doctors, veterinarians, pharmacists, judges, accountants and other military officials. The number of reserve officers was 5,157 in 1911, 80% of them being lieutenants. Between 1891 and 1914, already 34% of the active Honved officers and 18% of the non-commissioned cadet officers were graduates of the military academy. The percentage of enabled reserves stood at 15%. The analysis of the social composition shows that the Honved officer corps was, like the one in the joint army, an exponent of the middle class. The number of those of aristocratic and noble origin was below 10%, and those coming from the inferior class of peasants and workers barely exceeded 10%. The vast majority of Honved officers were sons of civil servants (notaries, tax inspectors, priests, teachers, railway officials, postmen etc.), mili- tary men, merchants, financial workers, people in the liberal professions, etc.22 Official statistics do not record the national composition of the Honved corps, except for the nationality data of the Ludovika students, from the two cadets’ schools and the Sopron Superior Real School, published in Statiszti- kai évkönyv since 1907. These statistics are, however, unreliable, as they show an overwhelming majority of Hungarians and a very small number of German students, and do not even converge with the statistics on religions. Based on the analysis of the evaluation sheets of 248 randomly selected Honved officers, Tibor Hajdu estimated the percentage of Hungarians at 81.5% and that of Ger- mans at 11.7%, the rest being of Croatian, Serbian, Romanian, Slovak origin, etc. The same sample analyzed from the religious point of view shows that the Roman Catholics were 62.1%, Calvinists 19.4%, Lutherans 13.7%, Unitarians 0.4%, Greek Catholics 1.6%, Orthodox 1.6%, and Jews 1.2% .23 In 1906–1909 there is only one Jew listed in the Ludovika students’ statistics on religion, and none after this period. This statistic does not indicate those already converted, but if we corroborate it with cadet schools statistics, we can see, with the assumption of the exceptions that strengthen the rule, that at the beginning of the 20th century there are no new Jewish career officers in the Honved Army.24 Transsilvanica • 91

Jewish Students from Transylvania at Ludovika

etween 1883 and 1918, about 580 students from Transylvania, Banat, Crişana and Maramureş (from the territories that we now call Transylva- nia and which, after the First World War, returned to Romania) studied B 25 at the Ludovika Military Academy. The institution’s records indicate the place of birth, the father’s occupation, religion and previous studies, the nationality of the students being deducted on the basis of this information, corroborated with the name. Jews can be easily identified, being 17 in number, which represents 2.93% of all Transylvanian students.

Table 2. The religious configuration of the Transylvanian students at the Ludovika Academy between 1883 and 1918

Religion Number of students Percentage (%) Roman Catholic 290 50 Reformed (Calvinist) 166 28.62 Evangelical (Lutheran) 37 6.37 Unitarian 18 3.10 Orthodox 18 3.10 Greek Catholic 14 2.41 Jewish 17 2.93 Unknown 20 3.44 Total 580 100

As far as the place of birth is concerned, the students come from all Transyl­ vanian counties, the highest percentage being held by those from the counties of Bihor (Bihar), Arad, Caraº-Severin (Krassó-Szörény) and Timiº (Temes), that is, Banat and Crişana.26 If we analyze the geographic origin of the 17 Jew- ish students, we can see that 4 come from Arad County, 4 from Caraş-Severin, 2 from Timiş, 2 from Satu Mare (Szatmár), 2 from Cojocna (Kolozs), and one from Alba de Jos (Alsó-Fehér), Hunedoara (Hunyad), and Turda-Arieş (Torda-Aranyos). Most of them also come from the western parts, the counties of Caraş-Severin and Arad being the place of origin of almost half of them, and only 5 come from historical Transylvania. By comparing the proportion of Transylvanian Jewish students at the mili- tary academy in Budapest with the percentage of Jews in this area, we observe similar values. In 1870 in the provinces that today compose Transylvania the number of Jews was 105,000, representing 2.48% of the population, most of them (58.98% in 1880) being located in Crişana-Maramureº.27 The Jewish pop­ ulation of Transylvania experienced a spectacular numerical growth between 1870 and 1930, in 1910 it already reached 184,508 (3.49% of the total popula- 92 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) tion), a growth that is due, in addition to demographic growth, to the massive immigration before 1914 from Galicia, Bukovina, and the Tsarist Empire. The Jews living there were persecuted, so they continuously emigrated to the “liber- al” Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.28 This demographic growth was not reflected in the Honved officer corps, since in 1910 the military academy and the two cadets schools no longer had any Jewish students. The social origin of the Transylvanian students shows the general characteris- tics identified in the case of the Honved officers as a whole, since most of them came from the middle class: civil servants, people in the professions, estate hold- ers, traders, officers.29 Of the 17 Jewish students, 10 were the sons of merchants and industrialists, 3 the sons of estate holders, and the remaining four were the sons of an entrepreneur, a cashier, a jeweler, and a school principal. The analysis of pre-admission studies shows that 3 of the 17 students only had a minimum of 4 middle school classes, the others had more advanced stud- ies, as three had attended the law academy, 3 had attended commercial acad- emies, and 3 the polytechnics, while one of them was the graduate of 5 years of medical school. These data seem natural considering the requirements for participation in the one-year volunteering system, but they are also in line with the level of schooling of the Jewish community. In 1910, 11.9% of the Jew- ish men in Transylvania graduated at least 8 grades (the highest percentage in the statistics by religion on male education level, followed by Roman Catholics and Lutherans, with 6.9 and 6.1 %), and in 1900, 62% of Jews were trained in private-sector jobs recently developed as a result of the modernization process and the free economic market (industry, commerce, banks).30

Table 3. The military career of the Jewish graduates from Transylvania of the Ludovika Academya

Did he change Name Year of Year Type Last identified Year his name into and surname birth of graduation of service rank of retirement Hungarian? Jakab Liblich [Libick, Yes 1862 1885 Reserve Lieutenant 1897 Liblich, Lieblich] “Lengyel”b 1st Class General József Tyrman Auxiliary Staff doctor 1850 1885 No 1916 [Tyrmann]c service (equivalent to the rank of colonel) Károly Tyrman 1861 1886 Reserve Lieutenant No 1896 [Tyrmann] József Assael 1865 1889 Reserve Lieutenant No 1899 (rank con- Zsigmond Naményi 1866 1891 Active service Lieutenant-colonel No firmed in 1919) Active service Yes József Breit 1863 1886 Lieutenant-general 1919 (active reserve) “Bánlaky” Transsilvanica • 93

Did he change Name Year of Year Type Last identified Year his name into and surname birth of graduation of service rank of retirement Hungarian? Lázár Löbli 1864 1887 Reserve Lieutenant No – Armin Rosne 1862 1886 Reserve Lieutenant No 1909 Yes Albert Klein 1865 1890 Reserve Lieutenant 1901 “Krassó” Yes Lázár Weisz 1864 1889 Reserve Lieutenant 1899 “Verø” Miksa Rosenvald Yes 1865 1889 Reserve Lieutenant 1904 (Rosenwald) “Róna” Ignácz Schwarcz 1861 1889 Reserve Lieutenant No 1894 (Schwartz, Schwarz) Mór Weisz 1865 1889 Reserve Lieutenant No – Ignácz Kohn 1866 1890 – – – – Izsák Herkovics Ignácz Auxiliary Administrative 1864 1887 – 1903 (Herskovics, Herskovits) service first lieutenant Henrik Krausz (Krauss) 1865 1888 – – – – Yes Miksa Gyula Weil 1866 1890 Reserve First lieutenant – “Délmár” a. The data on the military career of the Transylvanian Jewish graduates from Ludovika are mainly collected from Rendeleti Közlöny a Magyar Királyi Honvédség számára, the official Ministry of De- fense newspaper, published weekly since 1874, in order to communicate the changes made to the Honved army personnel and the ordinances and decisions of the ministry. Given the continuous development of the Honved corps and the numerous changes in personnel and regulations, the sheet became too bulky, and at the end of 1893 it was decided to divide it into two publications while retaining the same main title. One had the subtitle Szabályrendeletek (Regulation provisions) and contained circulars, decisions, basic rules, notices etc. issued by the ministry. The other had the subtitle Személyes ügyek (personnel issues) and contained data on appointments and promotions, transfers, retirements, decorations, redundancies etc. The sheet appeared in this form until 31 October 1918, after which it had successive names, and in 1924 it received the new name of Hon- védségi Közlöny. See https://dtt.ogyk.hu/hu/gyujtemenyismertetok/jogforrasok/agazati-kozlonyok/ item/285-honvedsegi-kozlony. b. This name change is mentioned in Magyar Ujság 7, 43 (1898): 12. c. The military doctor József Tyrmann, born in Carei, in 1850, is mentioned among the Ludovika students in 1885, when he was 35. He worked in the joint army, and the details related to his career were found in the newspapers Budapesti Közlöny and Pesti Hírlap, which regularly published information about the changes in the military personnel.

Analyzing the type of courses followed by the Jewish Transylvanian students from Ludovika, we notice that the vast majority of them attended courses for reserve officers (11 reservists, only two career officers, one of whom was an active reservist), many benefiting from the one-year volunteering system. All 17 began their studies at Ludovika in the 1880s, a period during which the training courses of the future officers at the academy were suspended and the one-year volunteering system was introduced for the Honveds as well. The last 94 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Jewish student graduated in 1891—the only one to follow the four-year course for career officers (between 1887 and 1891). After this date, we no longer find any Transylvanian Jewish student in Ludovika. As we have already seen, be- tween 1907 and 1909 there was only one Jewish student, and after that there were none. We note, however, that between 1884 and 1891, which covered the study years of the 17, only one of them followed courses for career officers, the percentage of 2.93% of the total number of Transylvanian students was due to the young scholars who opted for the status of a reserve officer. The abolition in 1889 of Ludovika’s training for reserve officers is one explanation for the disap- pearance of the Jews from the military academy. Zsigmond Naményi, born in Arad on 10 October 1866, was admitted to career officers’ training courses in 1887, when he was 21, after graduating from 4 gymnasium classes, and was registered as a Honved corporal. He came from a middle class family, as his father was a school principal. In accordance with the regulations in force at Ludovika between 1883 and 1897, after completing the four years of study for career officers, he was appointed in 1891 as a non-com- missioned cadet with the 8th Honved Infantry Regiment in Lugoj, becoming an officer by advancing to the rank of lieutenant a year later, in 1892, at 26 years of age. Successively transferred to the Honved infantry regiments in Székesfehérvár, Oradea and Nyitra, the beginning of the war found him with the Honved In- fantry Regiment in Cluj, having the rank of captain first class. In August 1914 he was promoted to major, and on 1 February 1916, to lieutenant-colonel, being confirmed in this rank in 1919. In Horthy’s army we lost track of him.31 Of the 17 Jews from Transylvania, graduates of the Ludovika Military Acad- emy, the one who reached the highest rank in the military hierarchy was József Breit. He was born in Lugoj in 1863, and his father was an estate holder. He attended law courses at the University of Sciences in Budapest, then graduated the one-year voluntary course of Ludovika in 1884–1885, receiving the rank of lieutenant in the reserve corps. After a short trial period and after passing the examination for career officers, in 1888 he was appointed lieutenant in the active service. After successfully attending the superior school for officers in Budapest, in 1888–1889, and the Kriegsschule in Vienna between 1889 and 1891, he worked for a while at the Ministry of Defense, from where he was assigned in 1893 to the main headquarters of the 77th Honved Infantry Brigade, and the following year he was transferred to the headquarters of the Honved district no. 1 in Budapest, as first lieutenant. In the following years, he worked as a profes- sor in the senior officers’ course. Alongside his career as an officer, József Breit built a career as a military historian, and in 1899 his first book was published: Az egyetemes hadtörténelem vázlata (Brief military history of the world). In 1902 he received the rank of major, and in 1904 he was appointed commander at the Transsilvanica • 95 headquarters of the Honved command district no. 3 of Kassa (Košice). A pro- fessor of the training course for Honved officers who sought staff rank, József Breit became a lieutenant-colonel in 1906 and a colonel in 1910. Shortly after the outbreak of World War I, he was promoted to the rank of major-general, be- ing repeatedly decorated and receiving the title of nobility in 1906, with the par- ticle “Doberdói.” In August 1917 he was appointed lieutenant-general, a rank with which he retired on 1 January 1919. In the interwar period, he changed his name to the Hungarian Bánlaky and he devoted all his resources to military history, his most important work being the monumental book in 24 volumes entitled A magyar nemzet hadtörténelme (The military history of the Hungarian nation).32 Most of the 17 students held the rank of reserve lieutenant,33 a rank which was undoubtedly desired primarily for the social prestige that came with it, which in the case of Jews was translated into a desire to be assimilated, to confirm the economic position by being accepted in “the good society.” The phenomenon of changing the name into Hungarian, largely present among Jewish officers from Transylvania, graduates of the Ludovika Military Academy (6 out of 17), is explained by the same search for social integration. The name change, coupled with conversion to Catholicism or one of the Reformed religions, mixed mar- riages,34 renunciation of the mother tongue, and the adoption of the Hungarian language, were methods widely used by the Jews in Hungary, even though the cost of integration was often the increased sense of alienation and identity crisis. Changing the name into Hungarian as a form of assimilation was a process that began in the 1820s and spread mostly during 1880–1890, reaching the climax in the decades before the First World War. It is estimated that 2,000–3,000 such name changes took place annually and that between 1848 and 1917 about 60,000 Jews opted for Hungarian names.35 József Breit changed his name to Hungarian during the interwar period, when anti-Semitism practically became state policy, but the best-known high- ranking officer who chose to demonstrate the adoption of Hungarian identity by changing his name to one with patriotic resonances was Samu Hazai, who became a general and minister of defense during the World War. The example of an officer of Jewish descent who reached the highest positions of a military career cannot counterbalance the small number of Jews accepted in the corps of career officers. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Jews disappeared from the military academy and from the two Honved cadets schools.36 In order to explain this phenomenon, it is necessary to consider the ideological climate of the period, without completely eliminating the possibility of a low interest in the Jewish community for a career as an active officer. 96 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

he dualist period was an economically prosperous one for the Jews in Hungary, when they effectively contributed to the modernization of Hun- T garian society, following their civil and political emancipation through Law XVII of 1867. The state considered Jews as Hungarian citizens with full civil and political rights, their only specific identity marker being the Mosaic religion. In 1868–1869 the Jewish community split into two main groups: the Orthodox Jews, devoted to tradition and opposed to any religious modernization, and Jewish neologists, reformists, representatives of the Jewish middle and upper class, open to assimilation in the sense of liberal politics.37 Emancipation opened the possibility of the active participation of Jews in political life, and in 1869 the first deputies of Jewish origin were elected. Converting or remaining faithful to the Jewish religion, they had to cope with the increasing presence of anti-Semitism on the political stage. The birth of political anti-Semitism in Hungary was symbolically marked by the speech held in the Chamber of Deputies in 1875 by Gyøzø Istóczy, known for his openly anti-Jewish views. However, liberal governments took action to combat anti-Semitism, and the anti-Jewish discourse did not have a significant echo until the Tiszaeszlár affair of 1882.38 The accusation of ritual murder, the trial that re- sounded throughout Europe and the acquittal of the defendants generated a strong wave of anti-Semitism. In the summer of 1883 there were anti-Jewish revolts in 83 localities in 31 counties, including the capital, undoubtedly planned and supported by anti-Semitic politicians. In the 1880s, numerous anti-Semitic petitions were dis- cussed in the Chamber of Deputies, submitted by various civil organizations. The “Jewish question” was raised in almost all meetings, and in 1883 the Anti-Semitic Party (Országos Antiszemita Párt) was created, led by the same Gyøzø Istóczy.39 After this virulent demonstration, political anti-Semitism was held in check until the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, but the Tiszaeszlár case brought to light the mentality of the Hungarian society, demonstrating the survival of prej- udices and stereotypes in the collective mentality of the common people, justice officials, but also among parliamentarians. With the dualist compromise, the Jews in Transylvania opted for a unitary institutional organization alongside those in the entire Hungarian part of the monarchy. Emancipation opened for them the possibility of affirmation in all fields (economic, social, cultural etc.), many Jews trying to combat the social stigma by adopting the dominant Hungarian culture and nationality (by 1910, 74% of the Jews in Transylvania spoke Hungarian40), but they also had to face the manifestations of modern anti-Semitism. Even though the state policy was a liberal one, and this vision was in theory behind the organization of all its institu- tions, the Jews’ access to the local county administration was restricted (as they were not accepted in the nobles’ clubs), and the restrictions gradually extended to other areas where society felt threatened by the “Jewish competition.”41 Transsilvanica • 97

The Austro-Hungarian army and the Honved corps as a part of it declared their liberal attitude concerning the nationality and religion of the officers, set- ting previous education (especially knowledge of the official language of the army) and social origin (as a guarantee of the possibility of maintaining a living standard proper for an officer) as admission requirements. These conditions were particularly valid for the corps of career officers, an elite institution that placed great emphasis on social prestige. Although in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century this body gradually lost its aristocratic character and became associated with the middle class, the presence of officers of Jewish origin is modest, despite the examples of Jewish officers holding the highest military ranks. Initially accepted in the corps of Honved career officers in a larger number (in the early decades, when the Honved army faced a lack of officers), and then in smaller numbers, the Jews were present in a proportion that exceeded their share of the total population among the reserve officers and in the auxiliary branches of the army (which did not enjoy the same prestige, neither in the army, nor in society). Their consistent presence in these positions is justified by the high educational level of the Jewish community, alongside their desire to be assimilated. The Jewish students from Transylvania at the Ludovika Academy can be generally integrated into the profile of the Jewish officers of the Honved army. Their disappearance from this institution after 1891 is explained by the aboli- tion of the course for reserve officers, possibly in light of the limited appeal of a military career among the middle and upper class Jews, but also by the manifes- tations of modern anti-Semitism in Hungarian society. q

Notes

1. István Deák, Mai presus de naþionalism: O istorie politicã ºi socialã a corpului de ofiþeri habsburgici, 1848–1918, transl. Eugenia Bîrlea, rev. by Ela Cosma, afterword by Liviu Maior (Cluj-Napoca: Academia Românã, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2009), 207–209. 2. Ibid., 110. 3. Tibor Hajdu, Tisztikar és középosztály 1850–1914: Ferenc József magyar tisztjei (Buda- pest: História. mta Történettudományi Intézete, 1999), 183. 4. Tibor Hajdu, “A tisztikar helye a polgárosuló Magyarország társadalmában (1867– 1944),” in Zsidóság—tradicionalitás és modernitás: Tisztelgø kötet Karády Viktor 75. születésnapja alkalmából, eds. Zsuzsanna Hanna Biró and Péter Tibor Nagy (Buda- pest: Wesley János Lelkészképzø Føiskola, 2012), 163–174. 5. Statistics according to religion are safer than those according to nationality, as na- tionality is based on the language that the subject claims to use most frequently or 98 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

speaks best, and in the joint army non-German officers tended to designate German, while for the Honveds, non-Hungarian officers often designated Hungarian. 6. Hajdu, Tisztikar, 180–181. 7. Hajdu, “A tisztikar helye,” 167. 8. Ibid., 168. 9. Ibid. 10. See Viktor Karády, Allogén elitek a modern magyar nemzetállamban: Történelmi-szocioló- giai tanulmányok (Budapest: Wesley János Lelkészképzø Føiskola, 2012), 132–144. 11. See Gary B. Cohen, “Nationalist Politics and the Dynamic of State and Civil Society in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1867–1914,” Central European History 40, 2 (2007): 241–278. 12. Hajdu, Tisztikar, 227–254. 13. Hajdu, “A tisztikar helye,” 169–170. 14. Hajdu, Tisztikar, 255–288. 15. Tibor Hajdu, “Transformations of the Officer Corps in Hungary (1900–1940),” Historical Social Research 33, 2 (124) (2008): 214–220. 16. Ibid. 17. A M. Kir. Honvéd Ludovika Akadémia (Budapest, 1900), 4–5. 18. Ibid. 19. Hajdu, Tisztikar, 255–288. 20. Ibid. 21. A M. Kir. Honvéd Ludovika Akadémia, 34–37. Here is a list of the private foundations offering study scholarships to the military academy. 22. Hajdu, Tisztikar, 255–288. 23. Ibid., 278–279. 24. Ibid., 277. 25. These Transylvanian students were identified by Cornel Sigmirean on the basis of the academy’s records, and their list was published in Cornel Sigmirean, Elevi din Transilvania la Academia Militarã de Honvezi “Ludovika” din Budapesta (Sibiu: Astra Museum, 2013). The records for the period 1872–1882 were not preserved. 26. Ibid., 28–29. 27. Ioan Bolovan, “Evreii din Transilvania între 1870–1930: Contribuþii demografice,” Anuarul Institutului de Istorie G. Bariþ din Cluj-Napoca: Series Historica 44 (2005): 539– 550. 28. Ibid. 29. Sigmirean, 30–31. 30. Victor Karady, “Denominational Inequalities of Elite Training in Transylvania dur- ing the Dual Monarchy,” in Cultural Dimensions of Elite Formation in Transylvania (1770–1950), eds. Victor Karady and Borbála Zsuzsanna Török (Cluj-Napoca: Cen- trul de Resurse pentru Diversitate Etnoculturalã, 2008), 65–94. 31. Biographical data collected from Rendeleti Közlöny and Magyar Királyi Honvédség számára. For the transformations that took place in the Honved officer corps in the interwar period, see Hajdu, “Transformation of the Officer Corps.” 32. Besides Rendeleti Közlöny a Magyar Királyi Honvédség számára, for József Breit’s mili- tary career we also used Révai nagy lexikona: Az ismeretek enciklopédiája (Budapest: Transsilvanica • 99

Révai, 1911–1935), 717 and Magyarország az elsø világháborúban: Lexikon A–Zs, eds. Jolán Szijj and István Ravasz (Budapest: Petit Real, 2000), 86. 33. Two of the students were not ranked when they graduated; it is possible that they did not pass the exam at the end of the course. 34. Mixed marriages between Christians and Jews were allowed by law starting only from 1895. 35. Tibor Frank, “Asszimiláció és konverzió a 19. század végi Közép-Európában,” in Zsidóság—tradicionalitás és modernitás, 21–30. 36. Statistics do not show the number of converted students of Jewish origin, but it is known for certain that these schools no longer had students who assumed their Jew- ish origin. 37. Miklós Konrád, “Jews and politics in Hungary in the Dualist Era, 1867–1914,” East European Jewish Affairs 39, 2 (August 2009): 167–186. 38. See György Kövér, A tiszaeszlári dráma: társadalomtörténeti látószögek (Budapest: Osiris, 2011). 39. Árpád Welker, “Between emancipation and anti-Semitism: Jewish presence in par- liamentary politics in Hungary 1867–1884,” Jewish Studies at the Central Europe- an University: Public Lectures 2, 1999–2001, eds. András Kovács and Eszter Andor (Budapest: Central European University, 2002), http://web.ceu.hu/jewishstudies/ pdf/02_welker.pdf. 40. Karady, “Denominational Inequalities,” 68. 41. Ladislau Gyémánt, Evreii din Transilvania: Destin istoric/The Jews of Transylvania: A Historical Destiny, transl. Simona Fãrcãºan (Cluj-Napoca: Institutul Cultural Român, Centrul de Studii Transulvane, 2004), 102–104.

Abstract Jewish Students from Transylvania at the Ludovika Military Academy

Starting with 1872, Ludovika Military Academy (Magyar Királyi Honvéd Ludovika Akadémia, Ludoviceum, Ludovika-Akademie) was one of the most prestigious institutions that was dedi- cated to the preparation of officers for the Honved army. In the dualist period, its courses were followed by students coming from historical Transylvania and from the Western provinces, which belonged to Romania after the treaties signed after World War I. Among these students, who in the period 1883–1918 numbered about 580, 17 belonged to the Mosaic religion. Prosopographic studies show that they fit into the socio-economic profile of the Honved officer corps, but they also show the general characteristics of the military career chosen by the Jewish officers in the Austro-Hungarian army, given the small number of career officers and the large number of the reserve contingent. After 1891, no Jewish student from Transylvania was registered at Ludovika, among the causes of this disappearance being the abolition of the courses for reserve officers, but also the manifestation of modern anti-Semitism in Hungarian society.

Keywords Habsburg army, Honved army, Jewish officers, Transylvania, career officers, reserve officers, Ludovika Military Academy A Database Model for Social History Historical Data Grinder and

A n g e l a C r i s t i n a the Transylvanian Society of th th L u m e z e a n u 19 and 20 Centuries

Premises and Motivation The hdg database has the possibility­ to accommodate mid the rise of new historio- historical information inde- graphical orientations in the A last two decades, and also pendent of the chronological due to the rapid advance in informa- period, geographic area or tion technology, the historiography of Transylvania at the present time ben- thematic range to which efits from a multitude of digital and reference­ is made, which also biographical information search tools. The most advanced of these tools is makes it crowd-source friendly the Historical Population Database and suitable as a teaching of Transylvania (hpdt, http://hpdt. ro:4080/), a historical population da- and experimental tool. tabase that includes over five hundred thousand people. Most of them are inhabitants of the Transylvanian rural area from 1780–19141 and the data- base was built based on the informa- tion provided by the parish registers.2 Other small databases, presently in different stages of development, are Angela Cristina Lumezeanu dedicated to some socio-professional Ph.D. candidate, Doctoral School Popula- categories or specific research topics: tion Studies and History of Minorities, the middling clergy, invalids, widows Center for Population Studies, Babeº- and orphans from the First World Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca. War, testaments etc. Transsilvanica • 101

The massive digitization of the nineteenth and twentieth-century periodicals (both historical and contemporary), and to a limited extent of the historical studies, allows the rather fast identification of biographical information about people who until recently were unknown and thus facilitates the work of re- searchers focused on Transylvania in the period 1848–1948.3 Coexisting with these digital solutions there are also a relatively high number of biographical and prosopographic instruments (books, dictionaries, various lists),4 unfortunately accessible only in printed format or, at best, in electronic versions made available by the authors. Easy access to information does not mean, however, any ease when it comes to data collection methods, or to data processing and analysis, namely, the areas of research which are time consuming and often dictate the scale and depth of the research process. At this stage more problems are generated both by the diversity of sources and by the unrelated work of several historians on the same source. In the absence of a unitary system of information gathering and storage, the easy access to the sources is effective only on the level of individual research, as each historian builds their own work systems, according to their interests and knowledge. Even when historians are working together these systems may be in- compatible with the ones used by their colleagues and require considerable time and effort in harmonizing the datasets, or even repeated turns to the source.5 Another problem of working with historical sources is the lack of a digital methodology. Until 2014 there were no historical databases in Romania whose building architecture followed a rigorous methodology and construction prin- ciples on which the Western literature has agreed in the last decades.6 That does not imply that Romanian historians did not work in a meticulous manner, but only that they did not follow a common set of good practices, which led to a very heterogeneous outcome of their work. As a result, to standardize the exist- ing prosopographical lists or biographical collections required, first and fore- most, the development of a harmonization methodology based on a common framework to host the multitude of typological sources. Taking these conditions into consideration, we are proposing a database model whose main objective is to accommodate information from any area of historical research; in our opinion, the model would prove more suitable for integrating the information that has been organized so far in multiple databases or independently built spreadsheets. The concept and model of the database have already been circulating for about a decade in the Western literature in the field of population studies under the name of ids—Intermediate Data Structure. The need to build an homogeneous system for storing information on historical populations has occurred because, in the last 40 years, a multitude of population databases have been developed independently in the West, containing tens of 102 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) millions of records.7 In order to be able to analyze and compare the data they collected, they proceeded to its integration in a common framework which en- sures the unity of the data.8 The database model presented herein is also indebted to the Mosaic project for the idea of gathering and harmonizing datasets of various origin, and most importantly, for highlighting the large quantity of data still in spreadsheet for- mat and its widespread use among historians.9 In Transylvania, in the last two decades, researchers followed the tradition of publishing biographical and prosopographic collections in printed form, which raised similar problems of data organizing however on a much smaller scale.10 It is very possible that, in the absence of a common framework, these instru- ments will not be interconnected in the next decade, which would be a major disadvantage for the Romanian historiography in terms of complying with the requirements of current research. At the present moment, the local practice of historical research also has to be taken into account. Despite some initiatives of historical database building, there are actually very few historians in the Romanian scientific milieu who have at their disposal a rigorously constructed tool. The great majority of them are not familiarized with database construction, nor have they interacted with a relational database or any other kind of databases. Most of them are still work- ing with datasets preserved in spreadsheets (ms Excel/Libre Office Calc) or non- related ms Access tables. A rigorous methodology of data cleaning and stan- dardization is rarely applied, while linkage is being done exclusively manually. Furthermore, most of the datasets they are using are stored locally on their own computers, or circulate by means of personal interactions in a small circle. They are not subjected to peer review, nor introduced into a wider access circuit and, in particular, cannot be associated with other similar sets, likely to contain iden- tical or highly similar historical entities but with different attributes and values.11 The abovementioned premises also open the path to overlaps and duplica- tions in data recording. Multiple historians can create datasets which overlap or complete each other to a certain degree. Sometimes they are extracted from dif- ferent sources covering the same event/area/timespan, without the possibility of interconnecting the datasets, cross-checking them, or linking various common entities, for purely technical reasons, from the poor understanding of database functionality to more or less incompatible differences in the different databases/ datasets architecture. Following the general historical research methodology and practices, Romanian historians would generally be able to successfully compare the results of their researches, but to a far lesser degree the datasets these results were based on. Transsilvanica • 103

Therefore, the realities of the Transylvanian research environment require the development of a tool that would be able to interconnect the information from multiple databases and also accommodate and harmonize a variety of datasets for historians with different interests, knowledge and objectives. Making such an instrument would also be an incentive for the historians to make available their datasets, in exchange for access to a much wider amount of interconnected information. Last but not least, in order to make this instrument both useful and attractive for researchers less familiar with technology, it would need to function both as an aggregator of information from existing collections/ databases and as a means to manually insert the information from any historical sources.

The Theoretical Model

he development of a conceptual model that brings together in a com- mon framework the information found in multiple and varied sources T from modern and contemporary Transylvania, some digitized, started in 2016. The initial aim was to study how different groups, mainly political ones, emerged and interacted at the level of the Romanian upper classes in Hungary and Transylvania during the second half of the nineteenth century, by research- ing the business, social, and kinship relationships of their members, previously subjected only to limited approaches.12 The sources that cover such a social network are numerous and varied. If best practices were to be applied in building a conventional database, a first version of it should be a faithful replica of the sources, or at least should allow the reconstruction of the original source content at any time, if need be, and this would imply the creation of a custom-made table for each type of source. However, there are instances when sources, even if belonging to the same typo- logical category, present so much diversity and so many minor differences that they require the development of a very complicated database architecture in an attempt to fully cover the ever increasing number of variables. Then, there is also the question of connecting the information with the already existing databases. Considering these factors, we believe that the Entity-Attribute-Value (eav) model responds much better to the needs of the project mentioned above and takes better into account the specificity of historical information.13 The eav model is also best suited for the computer knowledge of Romanian historians. In relational databases the conventional way of defining attributes is by using one column for each attribute. This is useful when the number of attributes is 104 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) not large and they can be applied to a vast majority of entities. However in the situation described above the sources are so diverse and the attributes numerous and specific to one source that we cannot apply the classical model. In most cases we would end up with a large number of columns, most of them with empty values. To solve this problem we applied the Entity-Attribute-Value (eav) mo­ del. The eav model was first used and defined in bio-medicine and it is consid- ered the best solution when dealing with heterogeneous data with continuous changes of attributes, as Prakash Nadkarni and his team contend in their study.14 In the eav model only the non-empty values are preserved into the database. Each attribute-value pair describes a single attribute of a given entity. These tables are usually characterized as being “long” and “skinny” because there are multiple rows describing the same entity and they do not use too many columns.15 At the basis of eav model is the so called “row modeling”—a standard com- ponent of a database design set. Row modeling means that all the facts related to an entity are recorded in a single table across the database containing a column for the entity, one for the attribute and another one for the value. Each attribute of the same entity is recorded in a separate row.16 The eav design generalizes the “row modeling” standard using different ta- bles for entities, attributes and values. It is more efficient when dealing with large classes of attributes and entities, when we need to differentiate between data-types (string, integer, date-time, decimals etc.), or when the database is in constant change in order to adapt to new attributes.17 The main advantage of the eav system is its flexibility. The simplest form of this design contains only three tables for entity, attribute and value, and the metadata table. Adding a new attribute to the entity does not require creating new columns and redesigning the database by the programmer. It is a simple task of adding another row to the attribute table, which can be done by the researcher. The data format is very clean, the relations are very clear and it is much more suitable when new attributes need to be stored in the database on a regular basis.18 For the historian, the main challenge is understanding how the eav design works. In order to insert the data, the historian has to decompose and assign the information from the primary source according to the specificity of the eav model. We created a model named Historical Data Grinder (hdg) where the in- formation is decomposed according to the eav design (see the Diagram below). With complex and diverse types of sources and information, the simple mod- el of three tables was not enough. We also added a few tables created in the conventional relational model that help in dealing with large classes of entities and with the relationships between them. diagram. Design model of mixed-schema in hdg

Source: Historical Data Grinder database architecture. 106 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

This mixed-schema design is often used when we have complex entities and relationships that cannot be separated in just three tables, but the core of the database is still the eav tables.19 For hdg any given historical information, independently of the type of source that provides it, can be ground into these basic elements and subsequently re- ordered and integrated into a simple structure of variables. The historian’s job is to carefully assign each type of historical data to the aforementioned three categories, to correctly transpose the historical relations into the database and to add the timestamp and the source to this aggregate.20 Entities may be of various types: beings (human or animals, real or imagi- nary), places (geographical or administrative units, localities, etc.), institutions or any other physical or social entity whose characteristics or activity are record- able, measurable, or can be ordered (e.g. objects). They are managed through the Entity table that contains the main facts about the entity, such as name and alternatives names, source, source_page, and re- marks. Each entity has a unique identifier, assigned by the computer, which is to be used across the database to describe it. The entities from the hdg can be organized in several classes found in the EntityType table, such as Locality, In- dividual, Document etc. This is of a mixed design and it helps in organizing the diversity of entities.21 Values are the qualitative or quantitative characteristics of entities. A value may be the same for a virtually infinite number of entities. Values cover a broad spectrum, from a person’s eye color to the geographical extension of an adminis- trative unit. Professions, body measurements (respectively, the technical specs of a machine, or the area of an administrative unit), pathological details (including the cause of death), school results, all fall into this category. Attributes are a more versatile category. On the one hand, they can group large sets of values and thus define the relation between an entity and a value. For example, “Profession” is an attribute that defines the relationship between a particular individual (the entity) and the type of activity he performs at a given time (the value = the professional title). On the other hand, they can define the relation between two entities. “Residence” or “Birthplace” are attributes that link an individual (entity no. 1) to a particular topographic location (entity no. 2), whether it is a country, a county, a sub-county, a city, a neighborhood, a street, a house, etc. It is possible for the same attribute to link an entity to both a value and another entity. “Education” is an attribute that links a person with the different values defining his or her position in a schooling process, from school results to its school status, but it can also link the same person to a specific edu- cational facility (school, university, etc.). “Health” is an attribute that binds a Transsilvanica • 107 person to all pathological manifestations recorded throughout her/his life (val- ues), but it can also link the respective person to a hospital (entity). Because of this particularity we have two types of relationships. One is the normal eav relation connecting the entity with the value through an attribute. The second follows the connection between two different entities, and in this case we have a conventional relational design. Chronological consistency is provided by a timestamp marking the moment in time, or the period of observation of a relationship. The timestamp is associ- ated directly in the relations table, and only through these with entities or values, because a source captures a relation between an entity and a value, or between two entities, for a very specific period: ante quem, post quem, or in between. A distinct set of tables allows for the information to be linked to the source, including common hyperlinks, if the source is available online. It was not inte- grated in the eav model because the easy access to the primary source is very important to historians, and in this way it is ensured that every row of the eav table has a direct connection to it. Each table that records entities, attributes, and values is provided with a man- ual coding system that does not necessarily involve the existence of a codebook when inserting information into the database. In this way, the variety of the information that enters the database is in no way restricted, the codebooks for all three types of variables can be easily developed alongside data gathering and, more importantly, can be changed at any time without affecting the structure, the functionality or the coherence of the database. It can also be added at a later time. Thus, in the current structure, the base can theoretically accept any kind of historical information, from the reconstruction of family relations in small circles or in local or geographical clusters, to the reproduction of the evolution of administrative changes, with their modifications in time and even with the re- lated population if desired (the latter in turn divided into categories, as needed). The history of social relations, public administration systems, medical his- tory, military history, political history, or the history of science and technology can be also integrated with this database model. In addition, they can all be integrated at the same time, by different people, not necessarily sharing a com- mon research goal, each working on their own narrow subject, and it only needs a supervisor to harmonize, standardize and code the data. If need be, of course, multiple coding systems can be implemented concomitantly, one for users with individual research interests and another one for the administrator in charge of standardization. In this way, anyone can use the database according to their own interests, necessities and expectations, making it ideal for crowd sourced data gathering as well as teaching activities. 108 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Operating Mode

here are two methods of inputting information into the hdg: by massive ingestion of previously processed information from spreadsheet files, or T by manual input. For the first method the data have to be harmonized and highly standardized, since the general intent is to eliminate redundancy. The combination of the two methods makes it possible to retrieve data from almost any relatively structured electronic system file, from encoded text to spreadsheets, while at the same time allowing public access and manual data entry—the latter essential for manual linkage.

Envisioned Benefits

he hdg database has the possibility to accommodate historical infor- mation independent of the chronological period, geographic area or T thematic range to which reference is made, which also makes it crowd- source friendly and suitable as a teaching and experimental tool. It has an increased ability to act both as an aggregator, and as a stand-alone database. Having a simple design, the costs for construction and maintenance are very low; the simplicity of the architecture also makes it very easy to replicate and use offline, which in its turn opens the way for collaboration and eases future datas- ets integration. It is also very easy to transfer the data to xml format. As we mentioned above, the hdg has flexibility in relation to the sources: instead of adapting the database and the number of variables to each new source (which means constant financial investment and horizontal database expansion), it suffices to adapt the attribute, entity, and value tree codebooks. It is obviously much easier and cheaper to adapt the codebook than the database architecture. Based on the reconstructed biographies, the hdg also offers the possibility of better understanding the relationship between the family environment and an individual’s social trajectory. This type of interconnection provides not only more complete biographic information but it also opens up the path to a deeper level of analysis based on a larger set of variables. Questions concerning the influence of family life on one`s studies and career or the underlying reasons of university dropout rates may be answered by such more detailed knowledge. For its great flexibility, the eav model gives up a few advantages. A major disadvantage is that the retrieval of the information in complicated relations is less efficient than from relational databases. The information is very fragmented, Transsilvanica • 109 so working with large quantities of data requires a lot of join tables and pro- gramming skills. This is why the historian has to decide based on a very good knowledge of the sources when the eav model is to be used. If the data is hetero- geneous, with numerous attributes and with new ones often needed, and they do not apply to every entity, then the eav model might be the best solution. It is simple and efficient, does not occupy a lot of physical space and can be easily adapted to the needs of the research.

Conclusions

he Entity-Attribute-Value (eav) model responds much better to the needs of the historians who use various sources and need to integrate T them into a complex analysis. Flexibility is the main advantage proposed by the eav model, while the main challenge is understanding how the eav design works and how to join multiple data into a coherent model that allows complex analyses. It can support multiple projects with broad subjects in a single build form, thus making it accessible for a large community of researchers. q

Notes

1. Angela Lumezeanu, “Insights into Designing and Building a Historical Population Database,” Romanian Journal of Population Studies 12, 2 (2018): 77–98. 2. Vlad Popovici,“Parish Registers from Transylvania—Sources for the History of Medicine (Late 18th–Early 20th Centuries),” amha: Acta medico-historica Adriatica 13, 2 (2015): 287–302; Bogdan Crãciun, Crinela Elena Holom, and Vlad Popovici, “Historical Population Database of Transylvania: Methodology Employed in the Selection of Settlements and Micro Zones of Interest,” Romanian Journal of Popula- tion Studies 2, 9 (2015): 17–30; Elena Crinela Holom, Oana Sorescu-Iudean, and Mihaela Hãrãguş, “Beyond the Visible Pattern: Historical Particularities, Develop- ment, and Age at First Marriage in Transylvania, 1850–1914,” The History of the Family: An International Quarterly 23, 2 (2018): 329–358. 3. Among the largest collections covering Transylvania: https://www.arcanum.hu/en/; http://dspace.bcucluj.ro/; http://www.transilvania100plus.ro/index; http://www.di- gibuc.ro/. 4. Cornel Sigmirean, Istoria formãrii intelectualitãþii româneºti din Transilvania ºi Ba- nat în epoca modernã: Studenþi români la universitãþi din Europa Centralã ºi de Vest (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, 2000); id., Intelectualitatea ecleziasticã: Preoþii Blajului (1806–1948) (Târgu-Mureº: Ed. Universitãþii Petru Maior, 2007); 110 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

id., Formarea elitelor militare ale Imperiului Austro-Ungar: Studenþi transilvãneni la Academia Militarã ‘Ludovika’ din Budapesta (Târgu-Mureº: Ed. Universitãþii Petru Maior, 2011); Vlad Popovici, Studies on the Romanian Political Elite from Transylva- nia and Hungary (1861–1918) (Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2012); Mirela Popa-Andrei et al., eds., Canonici, profesori ºi vicari foranei din Biserica Românã Unitã (1853–1918): Dicþionar (Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2013); Judit Pál, Vlad Popovici, Andrea Fehér, and Ovidiu Emil Iudean, eds., Parliamentary Elections in Eastern Hungary and Transylva- nia (1865–1918) (Berlin: Peter Lang, 2018). 5. Although they used an overlapping sample of people, namely the priests of the Ro- manian Greek Catholic Church, extracted from similar archive records, the methods employed by C. Sigmirean (Intelectualitatea ecleziasticã) and distinctly by the team of the project directed by M. Popa-Andrei (Canonici, profesori), as well as their way of presenting the results of the research, are completely different. 6. Kees Mandemakers and Lisa Dillon, “Best Practices with Large Database on Histor- ical Populations,” Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History 1, 37 (2004): 34–38. 7. For an extensive approach regarding the existing European population databases we recommend browsing the list compiled for the European Historical Population Samples Network, at https://ehps-net.eu/databases. 8. George Alter, Kees Mandemakers, and Myron P. Gutmann, “Defining and Dis- tributing Longitudinal Historical Data in a General Way through an Intermediate Structure,” Historical Social Research/Historische Sozialforschung 3 (109), 34 (2009): 78–114. 9. For a detailed presentation on Mosaic database creation and the main issues the crea- tors had to deal with, see Mikołaj Szołtysek and Siegfried Gruber, “Mosaic: recover- ing surviving census records and reconstructing the familial history of Europe,” The History of the Family 21, 1 (2016): 38–60. 10. See note 4. 11. As an example, we mention two volumes that include the lists of victims and mate- rial losses among the Romanians in Transylvania during the 1848–1849 Revolu- tion, as compiled by the Greek Catholic and Orthodox Churches. They use various archive records, but the comparisons are difficult, since the data is not integrated. See D. Suciu, coord., Alexandru Moraru, Iosif Marin Balog, Diana Covaci, Cosmin Cosmuþa and Loránd Mádly, eds., Revoluþia transilvanã de la 1848–1849: Date, real- itãþi şi fapte reflectate în documente bisericeşti ortodoxe (Bucharest: Asab, 2011) as well as Dumitru Suciu, coord., Alexandru Moraru, Iosif Marin Balog, Diana Covaci, Vlad Popovici, Loránd Mádly, and Cosmin Cosmuþa, eds., Rãzboiul naþional de la 1848–1849 reflectat în documente bisericeşti greco-catolice (Cluj-Napoca: Argonaut, 2014). 12. Vlad Popovici, “Family relations and group mobilization within the Romanian po- litical elite in Transylvania (1861–1900),” Transylvanian Review 21 (2013), suppl. no. 2, Economic and Social Evolutions at the Crossroads of the World-System, eds. Iosif Marin Balog, Rudolf Gräf, and Cristian Luca: 107–118; I. M. Balog, “The Clergy’s Involvement in the Romanian Credit System from Transylvania during the Late Transsilvanica • 111

Nineteenth and the Early Twentieth Centuries. Case Study: the Greek-Catholic Clergy,” in Recruitment and Promotion among the Romanian Greek-Catholic Ecclesias- tical Elite in Transylvania (1853–1918): A Collection of Studies, eds. M. Popa-Andrei et al. (Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2014). 13. Prakash M. Nadkarni, Luis M. Arenco, Roland Chen, Emmanouil Skoufos, Gordon Shepherd, and Perry Miller, “Organization of Heterogeneous Scientific Data Using the eav/cr Representation,” Journal of the American Medical Informatics Association 6 (1999): 478–493. 14. Ibid. 15. Robert Raszczynski, “The eav data model,” https://inviqa.com/blog/eav-data-mod- el, accessed 23.04.2019. 16. Valentin Dinu and Prakash Nadkarni, “Guidelines for the effective use of entity- attribute-value modeling for biomedical databases,” International Journal of Medical Informatics 76, 11–12 (2007): 769–779. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid.; Prakash Nadkarni and L. Marenco, “Database Architectures for Neuroscience Applications,” in Neuroinformatics, ed. Chiquito Joaquim Crasto, Methods in Mo- lecular Biology, 401 (Totowa, New Jersey: Humana Press, 2007), 37–52. 19. Dinu and Nadkarni. 20. A brief presentation of hdg’s structure, focusing on the usefulness of the database for prosopographical research, rather than the actual conceptual model, has been published by Vlad Popovici and Rada Varga, “Building Life Courses and Explaining Life Choices with the Help of Digital Prosopography,” Studia Universitatis Babeº- Bolyai: Digitalia 63, 2, 3–4 (2018): 55. 21. Nadkarni et al., “Organization.”

Abstract A Database Model for Social History: Historical Data Grinder and the Transylvanian Society of 19th and 20th Centuries

The study presents a new model for building a historical database, namely, the Historical Data Grinder (hdg). It is based on the eav design model developed in bio-medicine and it offers some advantages for the historian especially when dealing with a large variety of heterogeneous sources. The database is very flexible and has a simple architecture, with fewer tables and relations when compared to a relational database. The hdg database has the possibility to store any kind of his- torical information with no limitations regarding the time period, geographic area or thematic range to which reference is made, and is also suitable as a teaching and experimental tool.

Keywords eav design model, historical population database, Historical Data Grinder, Transylvania, hetero- geneous sources literature

Eminescu

O v i d i u M o c e a n u et l’esprit transylvain

Dès les premiers moments de l’af­ firmation­ de Mihai Eminescu sur la scène de la littérature roumaine, on remarque, chez le jeune poète, une véritable fasci- nation pour l’esprit transylvain tel qu’il s’est rendu manifeste, historiquement et spirituellement, dans les personnali- tés et les œuvres de certains savants et érudits transylvains ou dans le destin historique, les faits de culture et certains endroits transylvains emblématiques. Ainsi les débuts poétiques d’Eminescu sont-ils marqués par deux figures qui étaient devenues des symboles du com- bat pour les droits des Roumains en Transylvanie. Il s’agit, en effet, d’Aron Pumnul1 et d’Andrei Mureºanu.2 Quant à Iosif Vulcan3, le directeur de la revue Mihai Eminescu photographie par Nestor Heck (1884) Familia (La Famille), même si celui-ci a joué un rôle important dans la promo- tion d’Eminescu sur la scène littéraire, sa relation avec le jeune Eminescu n’a pourtant pas eu un rôle vraiment signi- Ovidiu Moceanu ficatif ou formateur. Écrivain, professeur universitaire à Braºov Le succès immédiat qu’Eminescu (Roumanie). Auteur, entre autres, du vol. connaît dès la publication, en février Tratatul despre vis (Le Traité du rêve) 1866, de son poème De-aº avea... (Si (2012). j’avais), dans la vingt-cinquième livrai- Literature • 113 son de la revue Familia va marquer tout le parcours poétique ultérieur du poète. Les textes publiés dans diverses revues jusqu’à l’époque des Convorbiri literare (Conversations littéraires) (1870) appartenaient à une expérience littéraire échouée dont Eminescu se séparera bientôt. D’ailleurs, dans les appréciations que Titu Maiorescu fait sur Eminescu dans son étude La Nouvelle direction de la poésie et de la prose roumaines (1872), le critique les ignore complètement.4 Le modèle poétique quarante-huitard – folklorisant – était vétuste. Les posthumes attestent de l’émergence d’une nouvelle direction poétique de la part d’un poète qui cherchait encore sa voix authentique. Le code poétique quarante-huitard ayant été soumis à une sollicitation accélérée, le véritable laboratoire de l’œuvre à venir est voué à d’autres textes. Dans la personne d’Aron Pumnul les « gymnasiens » voyaient « l’apôtre des Roumains », un combattant énergique pour l’accomplissement des aspirations nationales, sociales et culturelles des années 1848. L’absence d’une œuvre lit- téraire impressionnante (son titre le plus connu est celui d’une anthologie de littérature roumaine, Lepturariu românesc) est compensée par sa promotion au rang d’un symbole dont la présence animait le combat pour les idéaux natio- naux. C’est dans une telle atmosphère de vénération qu’Eminescu écrit son ode funéraire consacrée Au tombeau d’Aron Pumnul, parue dans la brochure que les élèves font imprimer à la mort de leur maître. Les Souvenirs de Teodor V. ªtefanelli, collègue et ami du poète, évoquent les circonstances dans lesquelles Eminescu rédige son poème : « Toute la Bucovine était en deuil, les étudiants y compris. Eminescu en était inconsolable car il aimait ce grand homme comme s’il s’agissait de son père. Quand j’ai appris la mort de Pumnul, j’ai couru à sa maison pour voir une dernière fois mon professeur bien-aimé. Je suis entré, tout d’abord, dans la chambre d’Eminescu. Il me raconta les derniers moments de ce grand apôtre des Roumains de Bucovine ; ce fut la première fois que je vis Eminescu pleurer de douleur. Le soir, je suis allé de nouveau chez lui et je l’y ai rencontré en train d’écrire un poème. »5 Dans l’atmosphère d’après 1848, marquée par l’extinction des grands idéaux et par la perte du sens suprême de la vie, à savoir le sacrifice pour l’idéal national, Aron Pumnul appelait, grâce à son exemple personnel, à un réveil du sens du devoir quant au bien commun. Sans aucun doute, le désir de visiter les endroits où Aron Pumnul et Andrei Mureºanu ont vécu et ont combattu a eu un rôle important lorsque le jeune Eminescu com- mença ses voyages en Transylvanie. Eminescu n’eut plus l’occasion de connaître personnellement Andrei Mureºanu, l’auteur de la poésie Un rãsunet (Deºteaptã-te, române…) (Retentis- sement), le véritable manifeste des Roumains de Transylvanie et l’hymne de la Révolution de 1848. En 1864, lorsqu’il arrive à Braºov avec la troupe de Fanny Tardini, Andrei Mureºanu n’était plus vivant. L’appréciation qu’Eminescu lui vouait se superpose sur l’admiration qu’il avait pour tous les combattants qua- 114 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) rante-huitards de Transylvanie. Après la tournée avec la troupe de Pascaly, réa- lisée en 1868 et une fois arrivé à Braºov, Eminescu rédige le poème Mureºanu (1869), un texte fondamental pour la compréhension de l’état d’esprit du jeune poète, marqué par les grandes figures de ses débuts littéraires.6 Une notice placée en marge du manuscrit précise le contexte spirituel dans lequel le poème est né : « Je l’ai écrit à une époque où mon âme était imbue de la propreté des idéaux, où le doute ne m’avait pas encore blessé. Le monde tout entier se présentait encore, à mon esprit, sous la forme d’un ensemble harmonieux, comme il se présente à n’importe quel œil visionnaire, pas encore éveillé, à n’importe quelle subjectivité heureuse… »7 Une grande distance sépare ce moment-là et le moment consigné en 1876, l’année de la rédaction de la troisième variante du poème. D’un combattant ro- mantique et exalté, le personnage est devenu un philosophe ou un contemplatif marqué par la crise des rapports entre la pensée et l’existence. En fait, ce poème correspond à une étape nouvelle du parcours poétique d’Eminescu, de plus en plus orienté vers une dimension réflexive. On pourrait même dire que la figure d’Andrei Mureºanu accompagne les métamorphoses poétiques éminesciennes jusqu’à ce moment de 1876. Pour le poète-prophète, le mal dépasse désormais les confins de la nation pour prendre des dimensions cosmiques et corrompre l’existence humaine en général. La voie est ouverte vers les grands poèmes phi- losophiques de l’œuvre à venir. Sans se faire remarquer comme une « figure phare » du poète, le métropo- lite Andrei ªaguna a pour autant retenu son attention. C’était un homme pro- videntiel pour la destinée des Roumains transylvains, dont on admira surtout l’habileté dans le combat sur le plan politique. Dans un article paru le 6 février 1877, Eminescu démonte les calomnies que Louis Kossuth avait avancées à l’adresse d’Andrei ªaguna et qu’il avait exposées dans une lettre datant du 26 avril 1849. En bon connaisseur des règles de la rhétorique, Eminescu transcrit même, dans son commentaire, une bonne partie de ce texte dans le but d’édifier et de convaincre ses lecteurs. Kossuth considérait qu’Andrei ªaguna avait « abusé d’une manière infâme de sa haute position ecclésiastique de même que de la confiance de son peuple, en trahissant honteusement ses devoirs envers Dieu et envers sa patrie ». Il aurait « trompé le peuple roumain » en l’instiguant « à la rébellion » et, par cela, il aurait « exhorté à des ravages et à des massacres ». « Assez vilain », « il a joué le rôle d’un menteur hypocrite […] afin d’endormir par ses douces paroles l’atten- tion de ma vigilance et celle de mes compagnons du gouvernement » de sorte qu’« on ne saurait point le lui pardonner sur cette terre ».8 Tandis que, pour Eminescu, le métropolite, accusé à tort s’est avéré être « l’un des gens les plus modérés » qui existent, un véritable héros surtout pour avoir dépassé l’obtusité de ses compatriotes : Literature • 115

Mais, d’un autre point de vue, cette lettre est encore plus intéressante. Un parti roumain de la Transylvanie a traité ªaguna à la fois de traître aux intérêts rou- mains et de magyarophile. Il est maintenant évident quels étaient ses vrais senti- ments. En fait, le métropolite transylvain, un politicien de la tête aux pieds con- naissait si bien son peuple, ses gens et leur intelligence qu’en 1866 il ne les crut pas capables de résister à la mise en place du dualisme. Comme tous les politiciens doués, ªaguna était pessimiste et il choisissait toujours les pires circonstances et non les meilleures afin de faire ses calculs. Il se méfiait non de l’énergie, mais du jugement sain et en quelque sorte réaliste de ses combattants, et le temps lui donna raison dans une certaine mesure.9

Le grand mérite de ªaguna a été d’avoir fait de l’institution ecclésiastique la vraie patrie des Roumains transylvains, la citadelle qu’ils étaient censés défendre et d’où ils pouvaient réfléchir à des stratégies afin d’accéder à leurs droits légi- times. Avec le passage du temps, ses intuitions se sont avérées correctes. C’est non par hasard que la politique des « ministres modernes de Hongrie » a été orientée vers un rétrécissement de l’autonomie ecclésiastique et scolaire, observe Eminescu en analysant les documents de la Conférence roumaine de Sibiu dans un article datant du 4 novembre 1882 : « Dans ce moment de malheur et de dégoût, le monarque s’est souvenu des Roumains ; la garantie de leur autonomie ecclésiastique et scolaire avait érigé la citadelle derrière laquelle la nation pouvait encore lutter contre l’oppression. Mais c’est précisément cette autonomie que les ministres modernes de Hongrie tâchent de diminuer et ils le feront encore peut-être jusqu’au moment ou le si patient peuple roumain fera sombrer leurs tentatives dans les ruines et le sang. »10

es voyages d’Eminescu dans le pays de ces figures invoquées dans ses poèmes font partie de l’expérience fondatrice11 de sa formation. On doit L les voir surtout comme des quêtes de savoir et non comme de simples aventures d’un adolescent épris de liberté ni comme des voyages initiatiques, comme certains pourraient le penser. L’expérience révélatrice du voyage est plus qu’un acte d’initiation puisqu’elle apporte, grâce aux informations, aux sensa- tions, aux idées et au vécu accumulés un infléchissement majeur de l’être dans un sens créateur. Il ne s’agit pas de l’assimilation d’un code qui générerait un comportement particulier mais de découvrir des sens que le poète transforme, tout en les assimilant, dans des actes de volonté créatrice. Cherchant ces véri- tables « lieux de mémoire », Eminescu veut rencontrer des gens ou leur sou- venir, connaître l’esprit transylvain dans ce qu’il possède de caractéristique. À Braºov, comme les recherches établies jusqu’à présent le prouvent12, Eminescu fait la connaissance de l’atmosphère spécifique du bourg de la moitié du XIXe siècle, des oasis de l’esprit roumain et de la foi, des traditions folkloriques ou de 116 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) l’église St. Nicolas. C’est à cette époque-là qu’il écrit, selon toute apparence, le poème Învia-vor voievozii (Les voïvodes ressusciteront) que Perpessicius place dans la catégorie des apocryphes.13 C’est le début de la connaissance du visage réel de la Transylvanie. Eminescu passera par des localités des plus diverses, allant de la cité de Blaj et de Sibiu jusqu’à certains villages qui gardent de nos jours encore les traces de son passage. Plusieurs volumes et de nombreux articles ont été consacrés aux séjours du poète à Braºov14, à Blaj15, à Beiuº, à Sibiu, à Lugoj, à Timiºoara ou à Cluj, promouvant l’image d’un « Eminescu des… Transylvains ».16 Tous ces sites ont leur rôle dans l’émergence d’une modalité particulière du prosateur et du journaliste Mihai Eminescu d’appréhender la pro- blématique de l’existence dans l’espace transylvain. Dans ce sens, la remarque de Zoe Dumitrescu-Buºulenga, selon laquelle Eminescu a eu à Blaj « l’intuition de la totalité intégratrice de l’histoire, même à l’âge adolescentin » alors que l’expé- rience de Blaj « a considérablement infléchi la réflexion de l’œuvre de jeunesse d’Eminescu »17, est essentielle. D’ailleurs, une possible synthèse entre l’esprit moldave et celui transylvain était remarquée, à son tour, par Nicolae Iorga dans son Histoire de la littérature roumaine.18 Plusieurs textes ont été ou semblent avoir été rédigés à Blaj : C’est ce que je veux, mon cher (un texte inédit), De l’étran- ger, À Bucovine, L’Espoir, Les Mystères de la nuit, Les jeunes corrompus, Ce que je te souhaite, ma douce Roumanie, Pour se souvenir, au frère Grégoire Dragoº, Amicului F. I. (À l’ami F. I.), les poèmes Horia et Mureºanu. C’est pendant son séjour à Blaj qu’Eminescu conçoit également un roman plus vaste, Geniu pustiu (Génie désert) que nous pouvons concevoir à la fois comme une synthèse supérieure de toutes les lignes de fuite de ses impressions et de ses états de conscience et comme une expression littéraire de ses réflexions journalistiques consacrées à la Transylvanie. Dans une lettre envoyée à Iacob Negruzzi, Eminescu avoue avoir fondé ce roman « en partie sur ses impressions de 1868, quand [il] étai[t] en Bucovine » et « en partie, sur un épisode raconté par un étudiant transylvain ».19 Prototype de Toma Nour, cet « étudiant transylvain » ne pouvait être que Filimon Ilea, à qui Eminescu consacre d’ailleurs une poésie (À l’ami F.I.).20 Eminescu commence sa carrière journalistique dans la presse transylvaine par trois articles qu’il fait paraître en 1870 dans la Federaþiunea (La Fédération) d’Alexandru Roman (Faisons un congrès, Dans l’union c’est le pouvoir et L’Équi- libre). Aucun journaliste roumain de l’époque n’avait manifesté un intérêt si sou- tenu pour la vie des Roumains transylvains. La connaissance « sur place » d’un certain état d’esprit a continuellement alimenté l’énergie de ce combattant infa- tigable pour la justice et la vérité. q Literature • 117

Notes

1. Aron Pumnul (né le 27 novembre 1818 à Cuciulata, dans le département de Braºov et mort le 24 janvier 1866 à Cernãuþi) héberge le jeune Eminescu à partir de l’automne 1865 lorsque celui-ci revient à Cernãuþi afin de poursuivre ses études. 2. Andrei Mureºanu (né le 19 novembre 1816 et mort le 11/23 octobre 1863). 3. Iosif Vulcan (né le 31 mars 1841 et mort le 8 septembre 1907). 4. Dans le magazine littéraire Familia, Eminescu fait paraître jusqu’en 1869 les poésies suivantes : Si j’avais… (le 25 février/le 9 mars 1866), Une chevauchée à l’aube (le 15/ le 27 mai 1866), De l’étranger (le 17/le 29 juillet 1866), À Bucovine (le 14/le 26 août 1866), L’Espoir (le 11/le 23 septembre 1866), Les Mystères de la nuit (le 16/le 28 octobre 1866), Ce que je te souhaite, ma douce Roumanie (le 2/le 14 avril 1867), À Heliade (le 18/le 30 juin 1867), À une artiste (le 18/le 30 août 1868), L’Amour d’un marbre (le 19 septembre/le 1er octobre 1868), Les Jeunes corrompus (le 31 janvier/le 11 février 1869), À l’ami F.I. (le 30 mars/le 11 avril 1869). 5. Teodor V. ªtefanelli, Amintiri despre Eminescu, édition établie, préface, bibliographie et index de Constantin Mohanu, Iaºi, Junimea, 1973, p. 77. 6. La présence symbolique de ces figures dans l’imaginaire de Mihai Eminescu infléchit la perception de certaines valeurs et oriente la pensée et la sensibilité d’un être en for- mation. V. notre étude Figures inspiratrices, parue dans le volume Disciplina lecturii, Braºov, Ed. Universitãþii « Transilvania » din Braºov, 2010, p. 142 et suiv. 7. Mihai Eminescu, Opere, t. V, Poezii postume, édition critique établie par Perpessicius, Bucarest, Ed. Academiei, 1958, p. 252. 8. M. Eminescu, « Oricare ar fi soarta dezbaterilor… », in Opere, t. IX (Publicisticã 1870-1877), édition critique établie par Perpessicius, avant-propos d’Al. Oprea, Bu- carest, Ed. Academiei, 1980, p. 322. L’article en question parut dans le magazine Curierul de Iaºi (Le Courrier de Iaºi), X, no 13, le 6 février 1877, p. 5. Il a été re- produit dans Telegraful român (Le Télégraphe roumain) (XXV, no 12, le 10/le 22 févr. 1877, p. 45) et, un peu plus tard, sous la forme d’un fragment intitulé Sibiu (le 9/le 21 févr. 1877). En volume, il paraît pour la première fois in M. Eminescu, Scrieri politice ºi literare. Manuscrise inedite ºi culegeri din ziare ºi reviste, vol. I (1870- 1877), édition critique par Ion Scurtu, Bucarest, Institutul de Arte Grafice ºi Editurã « Minerva », 1905, p. 195 et suiv. 9. Eminescu, « Oricare ar fi soarta dezbaterilor… », art. cit., p. 322 et suiv. 10. Ibid., p. 215. L’article est paru dans Timpul (VII, no 242, le 4 nov. 1882, p. 1), en éditorial à Bucarest, le 3 nov. 1882 et il sera reproduit également dans Telegraful român (XXX, no 130, le 6/le 18 nov. 1882, p. 517-518), dans Gazeta de Transilvania (Gazette de Transylvanie) (XLV, no 131, le 10/le 22 nov. 1822, p. 2 et no 132, le 12/le 24 nov. 1882, p. 2) et dans Luminãtorul, III, no 95, le 26 nov./le 8 déc. 1882, p. 2-3. Il paraît en volume, pour la première fois, dans M. Eminescu, Opere, t. IV, Studii şi articole politice : 24 Mai 1879–30 Dec. 1880, édition soignée par Ion Creþu, Bucarest, Cultura Româneascã, 1939, p. 496-501. L’article est aussi publié dans le volume Sfântul pãmânt al Transilvaniei. Transilvania sub dualismul austro-ungar, 2e édition, 118 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

anthologie, préface, notes et commentaires de D. Vatamaniuc, Bucarest, Saeculum, 2013, p. 64 et suiv. 11. L’idée d’expérience fondatrice a été lancée, tout d’abord, par le critique Dumitru Caracostea, désignant par là « ce vécu intense qui, en dévoilant une valeur par- ticulière de la vie, tend vers l’expression » (Experienþã ºi poezie), in Creativitatea lui Mihai Eminescu, édition établie par, avant-propos et notes de Ion Apetroaiei, Iaºi, Junimea, 1987, p. 16. Le concept d’« expérience révélatrice » a été développé par Virgil Podoabã dans sa thèse de doctorat Experienþa revelatoare ºi tematizarea ei în literatura românã contemporanã (Université Babeº-Bolyai de Cluj-Napoca, 2003) et dans Fenomenologia punctului de plecare, Braºov, Ed. Universitãþii « Transilvania » din Braºov, 2008, p. 29 et suiv. 12. Voir Ion Itu (dir.), Eminescu ºi Braºovul, s.l. [Braºov], Centre éditorial Coresi, 1990. 13. Eminescu, Opere, éd. cit., t. I, p. 689. 14. Itu, Eminescu ºi Braºovul, op. cit. 15. Ion Buzaºi, Eminescu ºi Blajul, Bucarest, Iriana, 1994; 2e édition, révisée et élargie, Cluj-Napoca, Ecou Transilvan, 2016. Voir aussi Dr. Elie Dãianu, Eminescu în Blaj. Amintiri ale contemporanilor, Sibiu, Tiparul Tipografia Poporului, 1914. 16. Voir D. Vatamaniuc, Eminescu ºi Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca, Dacia, 1995; Ion Buzaºi, Eminescu ºi Transilvania, Alba Iulia, Bãlgrad, 1997. 17. Zoe Dumitrescu-Buºulenga, « Mitul civilizator european », Astra (Braºov), no 6 (juin), 1989, p. 1. 18. N. Iorga, Istoria literaturii române. Introducere sinteticã, Bucarest, Minerva, 1977, p. 230 et suiv. 19. Eminescu, Opere, t. XVI, Corespondenþã. Documentar, édition critique établie par Perpessicius, coord. D. Vatamaniuc, 1989, p. 40. 20. Pour plus de détails concernant cette hypothèse, voir Buzaºi, Eminescu ºi Blajul, op. cit., 1994, p. 88.

Abstract Eminescu and the Transylvanian Spirit

Fascinated by Transylvania, Mihai Eminescu (1850–1889) sought to come into contact with its outstanding personalities­ and with the land itself, whose image would later leave an imprint upon his work. His contacts included Aron Pumnul, on whose death he wrote an ode, Andrei Mureşanu, and somewhat later Iosif Vulcan and the Metropolitan Bishop Andrei ªaguna. The present article looks at Eminescu’s travels across Transylvania. The author analyzes, on the one hand, the relations between this enlightening experienceand Eminescu’s debut as a journalist, and, on the other, the emergence of a particular sensitivity towards essential experiences, in a word, the foundations of Eminescu’s ideology.

Keywors Mihai Eminescu, Transylvania, personalities, experiences, Braşov, Blaj Theology

Ecumenism in Dialogue J e a n N e d e l e a Karl Rahner and Dumitru Stãniloae

Preamble

true classic of Catholic the- ology, Karl Rahner (1904– A 1984) deeply influenced 20th century Catholic thought. He was trained in the Jesuit spiritual and aca- demic environment, becoming a mem- ber of the Society of Jesus when he was 18 years old. After studies in philoso- phy at the universities of the Jesuit Or- der in Tisis (Austria) and Munich, he studied theology at the Jesuit Univer- sity of Valkenburg (the Netherlands). Between 1934 and 1936 he was a doc- toral student in philosophy at the Uni- versity of Freiburg, where he studied with the famous philosopher Martin Heinrich Fries and Karl Rahner, Unity of the Churches: An Actual Possibility, Heidegger. He became a doctor of transl. Ruth C. L. Gritsch and Eric W. Gritsch Theology in 1936, and in 1937 he (Philadelphia: Fortress Press; New York: started his academic career in Inns- Paulist Press, 1985). bruck, where he taught Dogmatic Theology and the History of Dogmas until 1964. He continued his didac- tic activity in Munich (1964–1967), Jean Nedelea teaching courses on the Christian out- Assistant professor at the “Justinian the look on the world (Christliche Weltan- Patriarch” Faculty of Orthodox Theology, schauung) and Religious Philosophy in University of Bucharest. Münster (1967–1971), where he was 120 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) the head of the Department of Dogmatic Theology and History of Dogmas. His monumental work—published in the series Sämtliche Werke, in 32 volumes (40 tomes)—marked the shift from a highly speculative scholastic theology, reluc- tant towards philosophy and generally towards modern thinking, to a theology that is mindful of “the signs of the times” and of the life of late-modernity man. Karl Lehmann, one of his disciples and assistants, considered that his master had succeeded in taking down the “bastions” of scholastic rationalism and had achieved a great victory against the “sclerosis of thought modes and empty for- malism.” In his turn, the famous Reformed theologian Jürgen Moltmann con- sidered Rahner the “architect of the new theology.” About Karl Rahner it has been rightly stated that he was part of the avant- garde of Catholic ecumenism.1 His theology maintains, at least in the back- ground, a fresh and sustained ecumenical dialogue with Protestant theology. His last book, Einigung der Kirchen—reale Möglichkeit (1983) (Unity of the Churches: An Actual Possibility, 1983), written together with the Catholic theo- logian Heinrich Fries and published a few months before his death—deemed by some a testamentary work2—, is the expression of his efforts to contribute to the unity of the Christian denominations and, at the same time, the expression of his conviction that the unity of the Churches is truly possible. The project for the unity of the Churches proposed by the authors of this book is, naturally, marked to a great extent by the stylistics of Catholic theology. Among Rahner’s ecumenical theological writings, The Unity of the Churches: An Actual Possibility is the only work that exceeds the strict confines of the Cath- olic-Protestant dialogue, being also relevant for the dialogue between Catholi- cism and Orthodoxy. The authors of this book intended to put forth a project for the unity of the Churches, being convinced that the “ecumenical project has become an urgent existential issue for Christianity and for the Churches” and that “this unity is a matter of life and death for the Christians of our time, a time when the faith in God and in His Christ is threatened by a militant and worldly atheism and by a relativist skepticism even in countries where atheism is not a state religion.”3 In order for the unity of the Christian Churches to pass from the speculative sphere into concrete life, Rahner and Fries formulated eight tenets, presented in the form of theses, widely commented at the time. Except for the first thesis and the fourth, which have a high relevance in understanding the entire approach of the authors, hereinafter I will insist particularly on those theses commented on by Karl Rahner.4 Theology • 121

(Syn)Theses for the Unity of the Churches

he 1st thesis: The foundational truths of Christianity, as these are ex- pressed in the Holy Scripture, in the Apostles’ Creed and in the Nicene- Constantinopolitan Creed, are mandatory on all particular Churches T 5 (Teilkirchen) within the future single Church.

From the commentary related to the first thesis, we learn that the Church of the future may exist only in the form of a community of faith. The faith of this community of the future may not be “an act of faith of any kind,” but an ob- jective, determined faith. From the perspective of the Christian faith, there is a pre-eminence of the community of faith over the individual faith. However, this community has transferred the faith in Jesus Christ into the Holy Scripture, which has thus became “an original document of the Church’s faith,” a norma- tive document for all future generations. But since the Christian message must reach the people of every historical age, in order to liberate and save them, it must be always retransmitted and retranslated, always taking into account the specific context and the problems of each and every age.6 The authors thus plead for the cultivation of an ever-renewed faithfulness to the origins, to the Early Church. And, if faithfulness to the origins implies faithfulness to the Scrip-­ ture, this faithfulness may always be renewed by the interpretation of God’s Word in different historical contexts. From the ever-renewed interpretation of the Scripture were born the Confessions of faith of the Church: first the Apos- tolic Creed, and, later, the Creed of Nicaea-Constantinople, to mention only the most famous symbols of faith of the Church. The place of origin of these Con- fessions of faith is the Baptism, as a Sacrament of faith, and the divine service.7 Within the divine service, these Confessions of faith become, at the same time, acts of honoring, praising and glorifying God. The authors further pointed out that if in the West the Apostolic Creed was normative, in the East the normative one was the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed. Although it was not represented at the Council of Constantinople, Western Christianity acknowledged the Creed thanks to the “quality of its content and its compliance with the Scripture.”8 This Creed later received special honor both in the East, and in the West. The Re- formed Church and the Ecumenical Council of the Churches also acknowledge the value and the special importance of this Creed for the faith.9 “The permanent validity of the Confession of faith of Nicaea and Constantinople is the guarantee of the continuity and identity of the Church in time.”10 However, the insertion of the Filioque addition to this Creed, at the lo- cal Synod of Braga (675), caused the “violent theological disputes that have 122 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

not been fully settled until the present, al- though ecumenical solutions are currently being sought.”11 If the Eastern Churches do not remove the Filioque addition as heretical, neither should the Roman Cath- olic Church ask them to insert Filioque in their Confessions of faith.12 By the Creed of Nicaea-Constantino- ple, the faith in the Holy Spirit as life- giving Lord was particularly proclaimed. And since the Church appears as a “cre- ation and as a work of the Spirit,” “cre- do in Spiritum Sanctum” implies “credo Ecclesiam.” In its capacity of creation and Sacrament of the Spirit, the Church is protected from immobility and rigidity, because the Holy Spirit is a Spirit of liv- ing dynamism. Through the Holy Spirit, the Church becomes, therefore, an event Karl Rahner (1904–1984) and Ecclesia semper reformanda, that is, a Church always open to renewal.13

The 2nd thesis: On the above basis, a realistic faith-principle (Glaubensprinzip) can be introduced: in no particular Church may a doctrinal proposition (Satz) be rejected in a deliberate and confessional way if that doctrinal proposition is a man- datory dogma in another particular Church. Moreover, beyond what is comprised in the 1st thesis, no express, positive confessional statement in one particular Church is to be required as mandatory in another particular Church. Rather, it is to be left to a wider-reaching future consensus (Konsens). In the first place, this concerns authoritative (authentisch) but non-defined doctrinal declarations of the Roman Catholic Church. It is especially to be observed in ethical questions. In accordance with this principle only that is to be done which is the current practice in each Church with regard to its own adherents.14

Throughout their history, the Christian denominations have had their own faith, theology and dogmas. The unity of the Churches, say the authors, may not be reached solely based on the mutual recognition of the Scripture and of the aforementioned Confessions of faith, as the theology of all the denomina- tions has historically undergone an evolution that must be taken into account. Theology • 123

In order to better understand this thesis, the author resorted to a brief de- scription of the current political-intellectual situation, also drawing a parallel with the periods when the separations between the Christians occurred. In the past, theological debates were conducted on the basis of a rather limited concep- tual and experimental (spiritual) material, and therefore those involved in the dialogue could easily understand one another’s statements, even though this did not mean they were always also agreeing with each other or that they were not contradicting one another. The theological debates were reserved to the learned people, and the uneducated popular masses would accept the doctrine imposed by decrees. But at present, no matter how educated one is, he/she cannot con- sider himself/herself otherwise but ignorant in relation to the vastness of today’s science. Even the experts in certain fields are ignorant in relation to the totality of the knowledge in their own field. The pluralism of contemporary knowledge does not tolerate mere systematizations, as it happened in the past.15 Rahner then noted that the contemporary theological language has become more and more specialized and that is why a biblicist, an expert in dogmatic theology and a canon law expert, for instance, find it increasingly difficult to understand one another. Naturally, such a specialized language also makes the inter-denomina- tional dialogue difficult.16 In such a pluralist context, formulations of faith as concise as possible and focused on the unifying essence are absolutely required. But in order to be able to achieve this identification and focus on the essential truths of faith (the Holy Trinity, Christ, the Mediator of salvation and the Church founded by Christ), we can resort to a “hierarchy of truths.” In this “hierarchy of truths,” for in- stance, the truth about the mandatory magisterial authority in the Church is not one of the fundamental truths of the Christian faith. The believers live in the Church, although they neither negate, nor can explicitly state certain truths of faith, as, for instance, this one about the ecclesiastical magisterium. But this “ru- dimentary,” inexplicit faith does not exclude the believer from the community of faith. Rahner suggested that there was a certain specific “hierarchy of truths” even in large social groups and in the cultural circles within Catholicism. More- over, even the doctrine of the Second Vatican Council, as the famous theologian believed, confirmed, starting from the “hierarchy of truths,” the legitimate dif- ference between the theology and the spirituality of the Eastern and Western Churches.17 Whereas in the times of the Reformation the Christians argued among them- selves from irreconcilable positions, at present we can speak about a gnoseo- logical-theoretical tolerance that might make possible the unity of Churches. A mandatory pre-requisite for this unity is, however, to emphasize that common, 124 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) clear and explicit faith which can afterwards create a climate conducive to dis- cussing the controversial issues.18 According to Rahner, his ecumenical project was also confirmed by the pre- fect of the Roman Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith of that time, Joseph Ratzinger,19 who had stated (it is true, as a theologian, and not as a pre- fect) that in the event of the union with Rome, the Eastern Churches (and here he referred strictly to the Orthodox Churches) may keep the doctrine they had at the time of their separation.20

The 3rd thesis: In the one Church of Jesus Christ, made of the united Churches, there are regional particular Churches which can continue to keep their previous structures. These particular Churches can remain in one and the same territory, since this is quite possible in Catholic ecclesiology and in the actual practice of the Roman Catholic Church, for example in Palestine.21

Before commenting on this thesis, Rahner stated that until Pope Pius XI, the Roman Catholic Church did not know the path of interconfessional dialogue and of actual unity, either in the relationship with the Eastern Churches, or in the relationship with the communities of the Reform, but employed only the path of conversion. But such path to unity is an unrealistic one because it abol- ishes the specificity of faith and worship. In his commentary, the famous theologian resorted to two decrees of the Second Vatican Council: Lumen gentium (13) and Unitatis redintegratio (14, 16, 17, 18). Both council documents speak about the relationship between the Catholic Church and the Eastern Churches and about the concrete possibility of restoring their unity.22 Starting from these council documents, Rahner wrote that in the future united Church there may and even must exist “a legitimate pluralism of the particular churches, with their own Liturgy, with their own constitution, and their own theology.”23 A homogenization of the particular churches may no longer be a Catholic ideal, and the autonomy of the Eastern Churches is legitimate within the unity. However, Rahner acknowledged that this legitimate autonomy was practically violated by Catholics many times, as even the Council admitted.24 The German theologian then spoke about national Catholic Churches such as the French or the German Church, the Polish or Italian Church, each with its own history and tradition, which may be seen as particular Churches in the one Church. Then the Churches in North America or South America, which have acquired or are still defining their own identity, based on the history of the nations that constitute them, may become great regional particular Churches in the same one Church. These great national or regional Churches do not have a Theology • 125 unity commanded by Rome, nor are they the sum of the eparchies within their territory, but “are theological entities that Rome cannot ignore within the dia- logue.”25 We are reminded then that, according to the newer Church Law of the Cath- olic Church (can. 372§2), “on the same territory may be established several particular churches, that differ from one another by the believers’ rite . . . and this does not oppose Church’s being.”26 Accordingly, in the single Church of the future, on the same territory may coexist several particular Churches with different rituals, ethos or canonical rules.27 The institutional representatives of the theologies of particular Churches should merge for a more efficient activity. The authority which should determine the validity and applicability of these theses of the Churches’ unity is represented, according to Rahner, by the pope and the bishops. Similar things could also be said for the Orthodox churches. But to recognize this authority will be much more difficult in the Churches of the Reformation. As in these Churches the human factor and individual faith have such a significant role, unity might be rejected. As to sacramental life, Karl Rahner believed that from this point of view the Roman Church and the Ortho- dox Church may reach unity without too great difficulty, because both Churches acknowledge the validity of seven Sacraments.28

The 4th thesis: All particular Churches shall recognize, as a truth and as a law (Sinn und Recht) the Petrine ministry of the Roman pope as a concrete guarantee of the unity of the Church in truth and love.

Although this thesis was commented on by Fries, we note several relevant ideas. 1. The actual reason for the separation of the Eastern and Western Churches was the domestic and foreign policy of the pope; 2. The separation of the Western Churches in the 16th century was far more serious than that between the East- ern and the Western Churches, as it affected faith in its very core. 3. In the 19th century the Imperial Church came to an end, but the Restoration occurred and brought a sort of a worship of the pope pushed to the verge of tastelessness and blasphemy. 4. The definition of Vatican I on the pope’s primacy as ius divinum occurred at the time when the period of the state Church ended and, by this, pope’s political power came to an end. When the Church state could not be kept any longer, the pope’s moral authority and his primacy within the Church had to be emphasized urgently and the statements regarding papacy (summepis- copate) had to become mandatory for the Catholic faith. 5. Vatican II Council resumed the formulations of Vatican I and kept even its mistakes, such as, for instance, the statement regarding the authority ex sese of the decisions ex cathedra of the pope, and not based on the consent of the Church. 6. In “Nota praevia” 126 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) to Lumen gentium there is a statement that proves a wrong understanding of the papal ministry, even greater than those of Vatican I: “The pope, as a supreme shepherd of the Church, may exercise his full power at will at any time, as his ministry requires.” 7. In a visit to the Geneva headquarters of the World Coun- cil of Churches, Pope Paul VI declared: I am Peter—Peter’s ministry, created for the unity of the Church, has become one of the great obstacles to achieving this unity. 8. Ten years after the removal of anathemas by the Orthodox and Catholic Churches, Pope Paul VI kneeled and kissed the feet of Metropolitan Meliton to demonstrate “in an extreme form” how much he is willing to do for the unity with the Orthodox Church. 9. According to Ratzinger, Fries reminds us, in order to achieve unity between Orthodoxy and Catholicism, the mutual recognition of the legitimacy of their specific developments is required. 29

The 4thb thesis: The pope for his part expressly binds himself to recognize and respect the independence (Eigenständigkeit) of the Teilkirchen. He declares (iure humano) that he will exercise his highest teaching authority (ex cathedra), as de- scribed in the First Vatican Council and in Catholic theology (nach katholischen Prinzipien) in such a way that juridically and in fact it will correspond to a general Council of the whole Church. Thus his future ex cathedra definitions will be ar- rived at through contacting (Fühlingnahme) the world-wide Catholic episcopate.30

In the unified Church, commented Rahner, the particular Churches are called to acknowledge pope’s Petrine ministry. But this acknowledgement, although it must come from the recognition of the need for papal ministry for the unity of the Church, does not mean to recognize the decisions of Vatican I with respect to the pope’s ministry in the Roman Church. In his turn, however, the pope is obliged to acknowledge the full indepen- dence of the particular Churches, an independence consistent with the very be- ing of the Church. And this recognition of the independence of the particular Churches as a “fundamental basis of ecclesiology,” is not, of course, at the pope’s discretion, since it relates to the very being of the Church, it is ius divini.31 Rahner then remarked that a special rule should be found for the exercise of the Roman magisterial primacy in the unified Church. The pope’s fundamental right to make decisions ex cathedra may not be refused in the unified Church either. This right will be exercised directly, at least in the Western particular Church, at the head of which he will remain as the patriarch of the West. As a matter of fact, a bishop or a patriarch will be able to make decisions that are valid in his particular Church, as his authority comes from the ministry of di- vine right: “It is possible, as well, that an episcopal or even patriarchal leader of another particular Church make magisterial decisions that apply first only in his Theology • 127 own Church, as such a leader of a particular Church must have and exercise such a teaching authority he has through his very ministry and which is not actually given to him, through delegation, from the pope.”32 The Jesuit theologian believes that, in the future, papal encyclicals might be addressed to the particular Churches, but he warns that they must take into account the great differences of mentality, of faith and of theology of their addressees. There might even exist a sort of Congregation of the faith which should maintain, from the institutional point of view, the unity and purity of the doctrine in the entire Church. But this Congregation will have to observe the specificity of the particular Churches. It will exercise its teaching ministry in the particular Churches and also on their teachers through the bishops.33 Highly original is Rahner’s proposal that the pope’s decisions ex cathedra be subjected to the analysis of a “higher instance” than the papal authority. This instance would be the College of Bishops, made of bishops elected from and by various particular Churches, which will have the mission to check popes’s statements ex cathedra. They should carefully analyze and then explain these decisions as clearly as possible, in such a way that any potential suspicions with respect to the wish of imposing certain papal teachings by excess of authority be removed.34 However, Rahner stated: “Such a study and its transparency should not necessarily mean that future definitions will not be juridically possible oth- erwise except by the consent of the College of Bishops as such, like in a Council proper. Even under the premises of such studies, the pope could permanently issue such definitions in which his full power is obvious compared to the other bishops.”35 The difference between the magisterial authority of the College of Bishops united with the pope and the authority of the pope “alone,” Rahner wrote, is such a subtle thing that it is very hard to notice. Also in the future unified Church, the pope will be the leader and head of all the particular Churches. To elect the pope, the partner Churches will participate through their representa- tives, in a sort of electoral College, and the pope will continue to have the right to propose a successor for himself.36

The 7th thesis: Without prejudice to the theological legitimacy of the now existing ministries in the separated Churches as judged by a given Church, all particu- lar Churches commit themselves from now on so to undertake ordination through prayer and the laying-on of hands that the recognition of such ordination presents no difficulty to the Roman Catholic Church.

This thesis brings into discussion one of the delicate issues of the inter-Christian dialogue: the issue of the mutual recognition of priestly ministry. Rahner noted 128 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) that, in this respect, between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church there is not a sacramental issue, but only a legal issue. However, the mutual recognition of priesthood by the Catholics and the Reformed raises great issues. The Roman Church has not recognized either the Anglican or the Reformed priesthood. Therefore, as long as the priesthood is not recognized, the other Sacraments cannot be deemed valid.37 But, Rahner wrote, if the prem- ises proposed in the 2nd thesis are accepted—namely, if disputes on controversial topics are dropped in the hope of a wider future consensus—, we can hope for a common agreement in respect of priesthood as well.38

Brief Evaluation from the Perspective of Dumitru Stãniloae’s Theology

ather Stãniloae involved himself both theoretically, as well as practi- cally in the inter-Christian dialogue, often commenting on ecumenical F events or elaborating on themes in an ecumenical spirit.39 Unlike Karl Rahner, who spoke about a hierarchy of dogmas and about a dog- matic “neutrality” for a full dogmatic agreement in the future, Father Stãniloae rejected any form of dogmatic relativism, even if strategically used, as well as the distinction between main and secondary dogmas.40 In point of fact, dogmas are the expression of the genuine experience of life in Christ, and not a sum total of theoretical, speculative interpretations about God. They are grounded in the very communion of perfect love of the Holy Trinity41 and are, therefore, expres- sions of the divine life bestowed over the world. Father Stãniloae proposed a project of Christian unity which is fundamen- tally different from that submitted by Rahner and Fries, essentially because it sees the unity of the Church in the unity of faith and in the unity in Sacraments, and not in papacy. This ecumenical project was developed by the Romanian theologian particularly in his study entitled “Coordinates of Ecumenism from the Orthodox Point of View.”42 We learn from this study that Father Stãniloae envisaged “a Christianity unit- ed in faith, not an administrative or organizational one” (520), but a Christian- ity open to the world, to the people of any denomination and religion, to believ- ers and unbelievers, as Christ the Lord assumed in Himself the entire human nature and came to serve each man, regardless of race or creed (535). The exchange of visits that took place in 1967 between Pope Paul VI and the Patriarch Athenagoras of Constantinople, by which it was intended to restore the “full communion” between the Orthodox and Catholics, prompted Father Theology • 129

Stãniloae to express his point of view with re- spect to the union of the two Churches. From the very beginning, the Romanian theologian expressed his reservations about what he termed “the Athenagoras doctrine,” which consists in cultivating a dialogue of love that may cause “waves of sentimental words, which ignore the important truths of faith, without which Christianity may not last for a long time” (497). Moreover, he pointed out that the dia- logue between the Orthodox and the Catholics must be conducted on equal footing, reminding that the sons of Zebedee had been admonished by the Savior for their wish for primacy (499). Father Stãniloae also criticized the position of Metropolitan Meliton of Chalcedon, in which he saw “a certain disregard for theology” (also Dumitru Stãniloae manifest in Rahner’s project), obvious in his (1903–1993) avoidance of the theological discussions about the differences between the two denominations43 and in his references to only what unites us. At the same time he warned that some Orthodox theologians erroneously believed that the schism had been caused by terminological inaccu- racies, and “not by doctrine and acts”:

Unfortunately, however, the Churches’ separation was not caused by formal and minor, non-doctrinal efforts, but by serious differences in understanding Christ’s teaching. And these differences did not concern only the theologians, but the entire Church. Avoiding an open theological discussion about these differences, undoubt- edly in the spirit of love, would arouse in the broad circles of the Orthodox believers the suspicion that their deception is sought, their deprivation of the belief they in- herited from generation to generation from the Apostles, their being imperceptibly carried into the stable of Peter’s successor. (508)

Similar to the Rahner–Fries project, the Vatican has proposed since that time a communion in the Sacraments by circumventing and relativizing the doctrinal differences. To the call of Pope Paul VI—“Unite with Us, beloved sons, gather around Our unique person and our supreme office . . . Nolite timere (Do not be afraid!),” Father Stãniloae answered: “We confess that we are afraid of the man who declares himself the sole representative of Christ, depriving the Church of the possibility of a direct communication with Him” (503). To this unity, 130 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) proposed both by Pope Paul VI and by the Rahner–Fries ecumenical project—a unity finally given in the person and office of the pope—, Father Stãniloae op- posed a completely different view on the unity of the Church. In the opinion of the Romanian theologian, the unity of the Churches must be achieved solely in “the integrity of the apostolic teaching” (513), in “the un- impaired apostolic typology” (514), present in the New Testament and in the Early Church. Unlike Rahner, who emphasized the diversity of the ecclesiologi- cal conceptions that existed in the Early Church, Father Stãniloae confessed that in the single Church highly contradictory interpretations are not justified, as, for instance, some people speak about a special magisterium, and other people deny it, some people deem worship necessary for salvation, while others deem it irrelevant (515). The unified Church needs the institutional dimension, but it should not be defined primarily by the legal aspect, but rather by the sacramen- tal aspect and by the sacramental and pastoral role of the magisterium, acknowl- edged by all its members (516). Observance of the apostolic tradition and, therefore, the recourse to the single Church is achieved particularly through sobornicity, understood both as universality, as well as integrity of the doctrine, namely, both as extensive sobor- nicity (sobornost), as well as, particularly, intensive sobornicity. The apostolicity and sobornicity of the Church interpenetrate and determine each other. Faith- fulness toward the apostolic teaching implies the “ecumenical” experience by all the members of the Church of the Truth experienced and proclaimed by the Apostles. Sobornicity does not imply understanding and imposing the truth by the ecclesial magisterium and, eventually, by a single person, but experiencing and deepening it by way of each and every believer of the Church. The pope’s infallibility, Father Stãniloae believed, is not just an added doctrinal tenet alien to the apostolic Tradition, but “a tenet that deforms and narrows that integ- rity,” a distortion of sobornicity by replacing the interpretation of the truth by the entire Church with its “absolutist” interpretation by one person (518). In exchange, “the episcopal synodality is merely the organic reflex of the general sobornicity of the Church” (519). Gathered in synod, the bishops make decisions in communion with their own believers and with the other Churches, and the synodal decisions return then to the local communities, to be endorsed by “testing/putting them into practice,” by having the entire Church experience them. Only in this way unity and diversity, the institutional aspect and the charismatic one are kept in a per- fect balance. Which means that sobornicity is in real harmony with the existence and independence of the local Churches (519). Only a greater rapprochement in faith may bring a more genuine spiritual communication, and not an admin- istrative, organizational unity “of this world.” Finally, the Romanian theologian Theology • 131 noticed and pointed out a Roman centralism which he deemed a “burden” both for the Roman Catholic Church, as well as for the other Christian denomina- tions in dialogue with it (521). This papal centralism causes tendencies of sepa- ration and of community autonomy of the Protestant type (523) or, as Rahner himself remarked, of the charismatic type in the Roman Catholic Church itself. As an alternative to the centralist or sentimental-relativist ecumenism, Father Stãniloae proposed an ecumenism grounded on “open sobornicity,” an ecumen- ism according to which: a) God works even beyond the frontiers of the Church and b) Churches can come closer to one another through unity in diversity, learning from God’s work in a world that becomes increasingly unified in its diversity (527).

Conclusions in the Horizon of “Open Sobornicity”

ew books on Christian unity have aroused such a keen interest among ecumenists, theologians and Church leaders as the work of Heinrich Fries and Karl Rahner. The rich literature produced in response to this project F 44 is clear evidence in this respect. From the perspective of Dumitru Stãniloae’s theology, the entire ecumenical project proposed by Rahner and Fries is extremely relativistic and diplomatic and is focused on the idea of Church unity seen in the person and authority of the pope. The two Catholic authors depart from a certain doctrinal relativism to devise a very uncertain future unity. That is why we are not surprised that none of the three great Christian confessions essentially found its place in this project, although, as it was to be expected, there were also some theologians who ap- preciated this ecumenical vision.45 In his analysis of the ecumenical project proposed by Rahner and Fries,46 J. Ratzinger pointed out that we are dealing here with “a form of ecumenism of authority,” to which Protestantism is not alien either. When he remarked, how- ever, that true ecumenism is neither that of the “the base,” cultivated a lot by the Churches of the Reformation, nor that “of authority,” typical of Catholicism, but the one that cultivates the close unity between the “action of authorities and the genuine life of faith,”47 the future Pope Benedict XVI acknowledged the profound vision of Stãniloae on ecumenism understood as “open sobornicity.” q (Translated by Anca Mãlureanu) 132 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Notes

1. Karl Rahner’s ecumenical works were collected in Sämtliche Werke (sw) 27, Einheit in Vielfalt: Schriften zur ökumenischen Theologie, eds. Karl Lehmann, Johann Baptist Metz, Albert Raffelt, Herbert Vorgrimler, and Andreas R. Baltogg (Freiburg i.Br.– Basel–Vienna: Benzinger-Herder, 2002). Detailed information about Karl Rahner’s ecumenical involvement is offered by Karl Lehmann and Albert Raffelt in “Edi- tionsbericht,” sw 27: IX–XXV. Among the studies about Rahner’s ecumenical theol- ogy we mention: Robin Christopher Ryan, The Quest for the Unity of the Christian Churches: A Study of Karl Rahner’s Writings on Christian Ecumenism (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America, 1992); Karl Lehmann, “Karl Rahner als Pionier der Ökumene,” discourse at Karl Rahner Akademie Köln, 2003; Birgitta Kleinschwärzer-Meister: “‘Katholisch und (deswegen) ökumenisch’: Karl Rahner und die Ökumene,” Una sancta: Zeitschrift für ökumenische Begegnung 60 (2005): 164–177; Hans-Joachim Schulz, “Karl Rahners Sakramententheologie: Zugang zu Ostkirche und Ökumene,” in Wagnis Theologie: Erfahrungen mit der Theologie Karl Rahners, ed. Herbert Vorgrimler (Freiburg–Basel–Vienna: Herder, 1979), 402– 416. In the Romanian theology, the Baptist theologian Ciprian Simuþ presented and evaluated Fries’ and Rahner’s joint ecumenical project in the work Unitatea bisericii în teologia lui Karl Rahner ºi Heinrich Fries, eds. Corneliu C. Simuþ and Ramona Simuþ (Oradea: Ed. Universitãþii Emanuel, 2009). 2. Bernd Jochen Hilberath, Karl Rahner: Gottgeheimnis Mensch (Mainz: Matthias- Grünewald-Verlag, 1995), 185. Hilberath offers in this volume a very suggestive account of Rahner’s contribution to ecumenical dialogue (183–208). 3. “Einigung der Kirchen—reale Möglichkeit,” in sw 27: 287. 4. The 1st, 4th, 5th, 6th and 8th theses are commented by H. Fries, while the 2nd, the 3rd, the 4th and the 7th by K. Rahner (sw 17: 291). Obviously, as it is a work written “by two hands,” each of the authors subscribed to the other’s interpretations. For the presentation and comment on these 8 theses, see Ryan, 351–391. 5. sw 27: 294. For the English translation of the theses, I used Heinrich Fries and Karl Rahner, Unity of the Churches: An Actual Possibility, transl. Ruth C. L. Gritsch and Eric W. Gritsch (Philadelphia: Fortress Press; New York: Paulist Press, 1985). 6. Ibid., 294–295. 7. Ibid., 296. 8. Ibid., 298. 9. Ibid., 299. 10. Ibid., 300. 11. Ibid., 299. 12. Ibid., 300. 13. Ibid., 302. 14. Ibid., 303. 15. Ibid., 305–306. See also Simuþ, 27–28. 16. Ibid., 306–307. 17. Ibid., 310–312. Theology • 133

18. Ibid., 314–315. 19. See Joseph Ratzinger, Theologische Prinzipienlehre: Bausteine zu einer Fundamen- taltheologie (Munich: Kösel-Verlag, 1975), 209: “Unity may be achieved, in this case, on the following basis: on the one hand, the East should renounce to fight against the Western evolution of the second millennium as a heretical evolution and accept the Catholic Church as legitimate and orthodox in the form in which it has been in its evolution, while on the other hand, the Westerners should recognize the Church of the East in the form in which it was kept.” 20. See sw 27: 316. 21. Ibid., 317. 22. See, particularly, articles 16, 17 of “Decree on ecumenism,” Unitatis redintegratio. 23. sw 27: 319. 24. Ibid. “Eine moglichst weitgehende Homogenisierung der Teilkirchen ist kein katho­ lisches Ideal, wenn das Konzil auch zugibt, daß in der konkreten Praxis Roms auch nicht selten gegen die legitime Eigenstandigkeit der Kirchen des Ostens innerhalb der Einheit der ganzen Kirche verstoßen worden ist.” 25. Simuþ, 42. 26. sw 27: 323. 27. Ibid., 324. 28. Ibid., 326–328. 29. Ibid., 330–331, 332–333, 339. 30. Ibid., 351. 31. Ibid., 351–353. 32. Ibid., 354. 33. Ibid., 353–354. 34. Ibid., 355–356. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid., 354, 359. 37. Ibid., 377–378. 38. The other three theses, commented by Fries, have the following content: The 5th thesis: Following ancient tradition, all particular Churches have bishops at the head of their larger sub-divisions. The election of bishops does not need to be made in the way cur- rently normal in the Roman Catholic Church. (In any case, canon 377.1 knows other ways of appointing bishops than the free choice of the pope). The 6th thesis: The particular Churches live in mutual brotherly exchange in all dimensions of their life, so that the ear- lier history and experience of the once separated Churches can bear fruit in the life of each and all. The 8th thesis: Between the particular Churches there is sharing of pulpit and altar (ibid., 360, 371, 383). 39. The most important studies of Dumitru Stãniloae on ecumenism are “Miºcarea ecu- menicã ºi unitatea creºtinã în stadiul actual,” Ortodoxia (Bucharest) 15, 3–4 (1963): 544–589; “Documentele doctrinare de la Montreal,” Ortodoxia 16, 4 (1964): 577– 597; “Posibilitatea reconcilierii dogmatice între Biserica Ortodoxã şi Vechile Biserici Orientale,” Ortodoxia 17, 1 (1965): 5–27; “Concepþia Bisericii Romano-Catolice despre alte Biserici şi atitudinea ei faþã de acestea în condiþiile ecumenismului ac- 134 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

tual,” Ortodoxia 17, 2 (1965): 267–283; “Iubire ºi adevãr: Pentru depãşirea dilemei ecumenismului contemporan,” Ortodoxia 19, 2 (1967): 283–292; “Coordonatele ecumenismului din punct de vedere ortodox,” Ortodoxia 19, 4 (1967): 494–540; “Relaþiile Bisericii Ortodoxe Române cu Bisericile Vechi Orientale, cu Biserica Romano-Catolicã ºi cu Protestantismul,” Ortodoxia 20, 2 (1968): 209–224; “Pro­ blema uniatismului în perspectivã ecumenicã,” Ortodoxia 21, 4 (1969): 616–626; “Întrebãri ale ecumenismului contemporan,” Ortodoxia 22, 2 (1970): 296–300; “În problema intercomuniunii,” Ortodoxia 23, 4 (1971): 561–584; “Sobornici- tatea deschisã,” Ortodoxia 23, 2 (1971): 165–180; “Relaþiile ecumenice ale Bisericii Ortodoxe Române în ultimul sfert de veac,” Ortodoxia 25, 2 (1973): 166–175. On how ecumenism was reflected in Father Dumitru Stãniloae’s work, see Ronald Roberson, “Ecumenism in the Thought of Dumitru Stãniloae,” Symposium, 6/1, The Theological Legacy of Fr. Dumitru Stãniloae and its Ecumenical Actuality (New York: The Romanian Institute of Orthodox Theology and Spirituality, 1999): 43–54; id., “Dumitru Stãniloae on Christian Unity,” in Dumitru Stãniloae: Tradition and Mo- dernity in Theology, ed. Lucian Turcescu (Iaºi–Oxford–Palm Beach–Portland: The Center for Romanian Studies, 2002), 104–125; Ion Bria and Dagmar Heller, eds., Ecumenical Pilgrinus: Profiles of Pioneers in Christian Reconciliation (Geneva: wcc Publication, 1995), 226–230; id., “The Impact of Father Dumitru Stãniloae’s The- ology on Ecumenical Movement,” The Word of Truth 3–4 (2000): 25–30; id., “Te-­ ologia Pãrintelui Dumitru Stãniloae şi hermeneutica ecumenicã,” Caietele Univer- sitãþii “Sextil Puşcariu” (Braşov) 3, 2 (2002): 28–37; Pr. Conf. Dr. Nicolae Moºoiu, “Viziunea Pãrintelui Profesor Dumitru Stãniloae despre ecumenism—o introducere,” Caietele Universitãþii “Sextil Puşcariu” 32, 2 (2002): 77–105; id., “Sobornicitatea deschisã—paradigma pentru ethosul ecumenic—viziunea creatoare a Pãrintelui Pro- fesor Dumitru Stãniloae,” in Hermeneutica ortodoxã ca dezvoltare teologicã în Tradiþie (Sibiu: Astra Museum, 2013): 460–516. 40. The Romanian theologian quoted St. Basil the Great, who wrote: “Therefore no dis- crimination in dogmas is allowed, because dogmatic belief is a unitary and organic whole, of which, if we tried to pull out and throw away those issues we deem ‘petty’ and as ‘not having a great power,’ according to the arbitrary judgment of each of us, we could not remark the important dogmas among them, but we would injure the faith, or better said, we would reduce preaching to an empty notion.” Preotul Profe- sor Dumitru Stãniloae, Teologia Dogmaticã Ortodoxã, 3rd edition, vol. 2 (Bucharest: Ed. Institutului Biblic ºi de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Române, 2003), 272. 41. Ibid., 1: 81. 42. Stãniloae, “Coordonatele ecumenismului,” 494–540. I mentioned the pages quoted from this study directly in the text, between brackets. 43. “As there has been created in some circles, through a certain propaganda, such a mood which deems as ‘non-ecumenical,’ in ‘bad taste,’ ‘retrograde,’ or lacking in Christian love any mention made by the Orthodox theologians with regard to the differentiating aspects that separate us from Catholics and which must be openly debated” (ibid., 509). Theology • 135

44. See Patrick J. Cogan, S.A., “H. Fries and K. Rahner’s The Unity of the Churches: Three Responses,” Ecumenical Trends 14 (1985), 97, apud Ryan, 392. 45. Ryan offers a brief survey of the positive and negative ways in which the ecumenical project of Fries and Rahner was received (395–403). 46. In 1984, while he was a prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Cardinal J. Ratzinger formulated one of the toughest criticisms against the ecu- menical project presented, bluntly declaring that, although ingenious, this project “remains an artificial exploit of theological acrobatics which, unfortunately, does not live up to reality.” Joseph Ratzinger, “Luther and the unity of the churches: an interview with Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger,” Communio: International Catholic Review 11 (1984): 216. 47. Joseph Ratzinger, “Zum Fortgang der Ökumene,” Theologische Quartalschrift 166, 4 (1986): 245.

Abstract Ecumenism in Dialogue: Karl Rahner and Dumitru Stãniloae

In a time of rising religious pluralism and multiculturalism, the ecumenical project proposed by the Catholic theologians Karl Rahner and Heinrich Fries, materialized in the joint work Unity of the Churches: An Actual Possibility, reminds today’s Christians that the desire for reconciliation and unity in love and truth is a sacred evangelic ideal. This study sets forth the theses of the most chal- lenging ecumenical project of the 20th century, as well as a critical evaluation of this project from the perspective of the Orthodox theologian Dumitru Stãniloae. Through this study the author wishes to contribute to what the President of the Romanian Academy, Ioan-Aurel Pop, called the shift from “I tolerate” to “I respect,” with reference to the sincere engagement of Christians in their joint endeavor to reach the unifying truth by means of love, at a time when the surge in relativism undermines any identity.

Keywords ecumenism, K. Rahner, D. Stãniloae, H. Fries, unity, Churches, “open sobornicity” editorial events

Iuliu Maniu As Seen D o r u C r i s t i a n T o d o r e s c u by American Romanians

“ merican Romanians, often thin­ A king about their ethnic roots and places of origin, have seen in Iuliu Maniu the embodiment of the most honest and pure patriotism, of the unconditional love for Country. In his turn, Maniu looked at American Romanians as see­ kers of new paths leading to prosper- ity, democracy, and advanced civiliza­ tion.” Professor Vasile Puşcaş ends the

, Iuliu Maniu vãzut de românii americani evocation of one of the most impor- ª

c a tant figures of Transylvanian Roma- ª u

P nians and Romania with these two phrases featured on the back cover of asile V (Iuliu Maniu as seen by American Romanians) (Cluj-Napoca: ªcoala Ardeleanã, 2018). his volume. Published in the centenary year of Greater Romania, the work of Profes­ sor Puşcaş highlights for interested readers a few less known aspects re- garding Iuliu Maniu (1873–1953), namely, his connections with the Doru Cristian Todorescu United States of America and with Associate teacher at the Faculty of His- tory and Philosophy, Department of the Romanians who chose to settle International Studies and Contemporary there. The reader finds out that both History, Babeº-Bolyai University, Cluj- before 1918, but also after the forma- Napoca. tion of Greater Romania, Iuliu Maniu Editorial Events • 137 supported the interests of Romanians and of Romania in the United States of America, assisted the organizations that they established beyond the ocean, their cause, and even involved them in a series of events organized in the coun- try. So it was, for example, in 1929 when, while leading the government, Iuliu Maniu decided to celebrate a decade from the Great Union and invited and arranged the arrival into the country of a delegation consisting of several hun- dreds of American Romanians. One year later, the Calendarul America (Cal- endar of America) newspaper recounted the presence of American Romanians during the celebrations in Romania dedicated to those ten years of existence of Greater Romania. Today’s readers may find out more about this event, and about many others, from the writings of Vasile Puşcaş featured in his volume. The book’s structure is somewhat surprising. Right from the beginning, just by browsing it, the reader may easily notice that there is a part dedicated to Maniu’s personality, and a part containing published opinions and documents of the age regarding the great politician. There is also a brief summary, but also appendixes and an index of proper names and names of localities. The biographical information on Iuliu Maniu, with an emphasis mostly on his political career, is included in the first chapter. It mentions the politician’s ancestors, and many people may find out by reading Professor Puşcaş’s book that Iuliu Maniu’s roots lead directly to Simion Bãrnuþiu, who was one of his grandparents. Afterwards there is a citation of his school years and, as stated before, most of the chapter’s pages are devoted to Maniu’s political role, as the leader of Transylvanian Romanians within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and then the leader of one of Greater Romania’s most important political parties. Naturally, the evocation of Iuliu Maniu’s activity during his years in govern- ment, or as leader of the opposition and defender of constitutional democracy, concurrently with the instauration of authoritarian and dictatorial regimes in Romania, was not neglected. Other tens of pages in Vasile Puşcaş’s book are grouped into two parts: “About Iuliu Maniu and the American Romanians,” respectively an “Edito- rial Note” before this first chapter. What Vasile Puşcaş included in these two parts are significant historical summaries and analyses of some periods and events which probably forever sealed our national history. Right at the begin- ning of his inquiry, Professor Puşcaş insisted on the fact that the topic of Iuliu Maniu’s interactions with the United States of America is one of great impor- tance for understanding the political and state concepts of the Transylvanian political leader. Furthermore, one may more easily decipher and understand Maniu’s options and political decisions adopted both during the interwar pe- 138 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) riod, as well as during the period of the Second World War and in the immedi- ately subsequent years, up until his arrest by the communists. For the American Romanians, Iuliu Maniu was the embodiment of Romanian values and of the anticommunist resistance. He was not simply one of the founders of Greater Romania, but he was a politician who wanted his country to resemble more to the West, to assume the values of democracy, civilization, Western economic and political development. And the United States of America were one of Ma- niu’s models. Iuliu Maniu enjoyed more than just the attention of the Romanian immi- grants on the other side of the Atlantic. The analyses and reports of Ameri- can diplomats and journalists who wrote about Romanian internal and external politics also often mentioned him. The pages of the present volume provide an abundance of information about Maniu’s actions, especially at the end of the interwar period, during the war, and in the years when the communists assumed power. During that difficult time for Romania, Iuliu Maniu’s interest for Ameri- cans was huge, he counted on their support in defending the Romanian cause and never ceased to militate for democracy and constitutionalism, always main- taining his belief that the Anglo-Americans would triumph in the War. As much as he could, he opposed the ascension of communists in Romania. When he no longer found support in the country, he turned to those already in the West, and through his messages influenced the Romanian resistance in Paris, London, and Washington. He was finally defeated by the communists and news of Maniu’s arrest and trial shocked not only the Romanians in the country but also those in the United States of America who, after finding out about his arrest, attempted to support him by turning to the press and to their congressmen. Details about all the events briefly mentioned in this short presentation of Professor Puşcaş’s volume will transpire after reading the book. The chapter ends with the publica- tion of Iuliu Maniu’s trial. Under the heading “Opinions about Iuliu Maniu,” in the second chapter of his book, Vasile Puşcaş chose to publish, without adding his own comments, the views on Iuliu Maniu of some important figures from the country and abroad. One may find notes of the journalists Reuben F. Markham and Theodore Andrica; the position of Pierre Fr. Thomas about Iuliu Maniu’s conviction, pub- lished in the 1962 Calendarul America; the position of Ambassador R. H. Hoare about Maniu’s conviction; the opinions of Alexandru Cretzianu and Constantin Vişoianu about Maniu, etc. Professor Puşcaş includes here articles or fragments from American publications, or from publications of Romanians from the usa. The third chapter is also one exclusively dedicated by the author to docu- ments regarding Iuliu Maniu’s personality and activity. The documents, written Editorial Events • 139 in Romanian or in English, originate for the most part from American sources, but there are also documents from collections existing in the country. The vol- ume ends with a brief summary in English, a few tens of pages with many pho- tographs, and an Index. These are merely a few aspects highlighted by us, but in this volume readers will find several interesting and unpublished descriptions which will contribute to a more complex understanding not only of Iuliu Maniu’s personality, but of the age in which he lived and activated. q Book Reviews

ligious promises, the former uses reason, Ion Irimie Socrate şi Isus: Personalitãþi polare the latter faith. Socrates invokes God but (Socrates and Jesus: Polar personalities) without institutionalization (the church), Cluj-Napoca: Grinta, 2016 without rituals, he does not talk about sin. Jesus continues the Jewish ethical thought for which sin is the fundamental measure of moral human behavior. Jesus Professor Ion Irimie’s meditation about the complementarity and the polarity of introduced, among the other sins, the Socrates and Jesus begins with a series of possibility that one sins by thought, but reminiscences from his childhood and ado- Jesus also forgave where Moses’ God was lescence. The child Ion Irimie does not un- merciless. For Socrates love is one’s quest derstand why Romanians celebrate Easter for his other half. Socrates loves like any at a different date than the Hungarians and other human. For Jesus love is connected the Germans if Jesus died only once and he to forgiveness, he forgives people because sacrificed himself for all of us. The recom- he loves them. Jesus loves like a God, not mended or the random readings from the like a human. Ion Irimie considers that the high school years Ion Irimie spent in Blaj Evangelists and those who further edited brought him even closer to these huge per- the texts of the New Testament were very sonalities, Socrates and Jesus. careful to repress any sexual element in Jesus is interpreted by Ion Irimie as a Jesus. “Jesus the man had to remain asexu- reformer of Judaism who understood that al. Rather doubtful this position. It could the monotheistic values should be main- inspire great doubts about the human side tained but the message given to Moses had in the man-God combination” (87–88). to be overcome. After Jesus passed away, At this point in Irimie’s demonstration, I the Evangelists combined, according to think that we should mention an impor- Irimie, the little historical evidence with tant characteristic of Judaism. From the a lot of fantasy. “If God made man in his Jewish perspective, Jesus was a dissident image, why wouldn’t it be possible to have rabbi, or marriage was a duty for a Jew, a God in man’s image?” (51). Socrates, and even more so for a rabbi. The Jews did on the other hand, was a real man about not valorize celibacy as a sign of virtue and whose historical existence there is credible holiness. Even the greatest Jewish mystics information in the writings of Plato. Jesus got married, had a family, had children. does not exist outside faith, or he exists “Breed and multiply,” says God in the Old only as the essence of a religion. “Plato Testament. The idea that you should with- gave us a strongly credible personality, the draw in the wilderness, in the deserts of Evangelists a strongly doubtful one” (52), Judea, fast or even torture your body in concludes Professor Irimie. Socrates be- order to purify your mind and spirit, came longs to philosophy; Jesus belongs to re- only with the Christians. Consequently, Book Reviews • 141 we may very well presume that Jesus was fore them. Ion Irimie mentions then the ep- married but his followers, keen on making isode from Luke 7.47 when the sins of the him a God rather than an enlightened man sinful woman are forgiven by Jesus because only, expurgated his wife from the Scrip- she has shown great love. Irimie interprets tures and probably lowered her to the sta- this episode in a very liberal sense: Jesus tus of a prostitute. thinks that sex is not a sin if committed out Coming back to the comparison be- of love. This woman has loved a lot, she is tween Socrates and Jesus, Irimie insists no sinner. I think the Romanian translation that both are interested in morality. In is problematic here. Jesus forgives the sinful “Meno,” Plato’s dialogue dedicated to vir- woman because she has shown great love tue, the views of Socrates on woman are for him, not because she has loved many a presented. She must take care of the house, man (see this episode in King James’ Bible, protect it and submit to man. Socrates is the famous English translation). Jesus for- a “good” representative of the patriarchal gives a lot because he loves people a lot, but Greek society. The woman’s place is in the this does not mean that his love is sexual. gynaeceum. Socrates’ wife, Xantippe, has a Any discussion about Christian love bad image but she may have been left home must include St. Paul and his First Letter to with the chores of the household while the Corinthians. “For now we see through Socrates indulged himself in the com- a glass, darkly; but then face to face: now pany of his sophisticated friends without I know in part; but then shall I know caring about the daily needs of the family. even as also I am known” (1 Corinthians No wonder she scolded Socrates when he 13:12). Ion Irimie mentions that St. Paul finally deigned to come back home. Jesus, talks about loving one’s neighbor but he on the other hand, treated women with a accuses him that he neglects to mention lot of respect and sympathy. He forgave our obligation, as good Christians, to love the prostitutes; he understood the plight our enemies as well (cf. 105). But St. Paul of women in a very aggressive patriarchal wrote his famous first Epistle to the Cor- society. That is why many women fol- inthians exactly as the moment when there lowed him and believed in him. were contentions in the community and Professor Ion Irimie expresses some in- former friends, companions into Christ, teresting considerations about Eve and Je- were about to become enemies or even sus. Firstly, he notices that Eve, the great became enemies. When we see through a sinner from the Garden of Eden, is not glass darkly, we see not only the Christians mentioned at all in the four Gospels. How we have quarreled with but also our en- can this omission be explained? Ion Irimie emies, and this is how our enemies see us. considers that the act of forgiveness which A terrorist who is willing to take his own is fundamental for Jesus should also include life in order to kill other people undoubt- Eve. “She did not take heaven from us, she edly sees through a glass darkly, the glass gave it to us. She gave us the foolishness of of his own prejudice, stereotypes, and fi- love, the audacity of knowledge, the joys of nally hatred. On the other hand, St. Paul’s creation” (91). Irimie considers Eve as “the role in editing the message of Jesus is very great co-author in our genesis” (91). When well caught by Ion Irimie who fully agrees the first couple are expelled from the Gar- with the following appreciation of Michel den of Eden, they begin history. They have Onfray. But for St. Paul, Christianity would each other and they have a whole world be- have been “a kind of Palestinian version 142 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) of Buddhism” (109). In other words, St. Gheorghe Cliveti Paul universalized Christianity but altered România modernã şi « apogeul Europei », some of the founder’s very generous ideas. 1815-1914 Commenting on Socrates and ethics, (La Roumanie moderne et « l’apogée de Irimie considers that the Greek philoso- l’Europe », 1815-1914) pher does not rely too much on gods in his Bucarest, Editura Academiei Române, ethical quest. Humans must lead their life 2018 according to wisdom. As the son of God, Jesus puts himself as the guarantee of mo- rality. Ion Irimie brings St. Paul himself in omme attendu, en 2018 on a vu en favor of this difference between Socrates C Roumanie une riche production historio- and Jesus. “For the Jews require a sign and graphique matérialisée par la publication the Greeks seek after wisdom” (1 Corinthi- de centaines de volumes de documents, ans 1.22). Socrates advises us to know our- d’ouvrages mémorialistiques, de livres et selves and pursue balance in everything. He de monographies dédiés aux événements, does not impose upon people. His maieu- mais aussi aux personnalités associées avec tic method helps us find the way towards la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale et la truth. Socrates teaches us humans that we Grande Union de 1918. Au-delà des ou- must incessantly look for the truth. vrages dédiés à la guerre et à l’année astrale The book ends with a beautiful conclu- 1918, on a publié aussi des monographies sion. Socrates influenced, profoundly, the qui ont abordé une séquence chronolo- way to philosophize, Jesus influenced reli- gique plus ample, qui suit le parcours de gion profoundly. The similarities between la nation roumaine durant l’époque mo- Socrates and Jesus are superficial, exteri- derne. Par conséquent, l’initiative du pro- or to their beliefs and ideas. They wrote fesseur Gheorghe Cliveti est non seulement nothing, both were sentenced to death, naturelle dans l’historiographie roumaine both were interested in the moral aspects contemporaine de l’année du Centenaire, of human lives. The differences between mais elle mérite aussi d’être appréciée pour them are more profound. Socrates want- l’immense quantité de travail dans l’élabo- ed to surpass mythology via philosophy. ration de cette synthèse de valeur d’envi- Jesus wanted to prolong Judaism into a ron 1 200 pages. L’auteur s’est proposé et new religion, Christianity. The relation- a réussi à présenter le destin des Roumains ship between these two enlightened spir- et de l’État roumain dans le contexte des its and minds is defined by Ion Irimie as relations internationales de l’Europe entre dynamic polarity. To sum up: Ion Irimie’s 1815-1914, plus précisément à partir du essay is a challenging book written with Congrès de Vienne, qui a donné une cer- conviction and intelligence. Last but not taine direction à l’histoire du continent least, it is an invitation to find the truths of pour presqu’un siècle, jusqu’au déclen- our lives following such great examples as chement de la Grande Guerre, à la fin de Jesus and/or Socrates. laquelle le système politique international q établi il y a un siècle sera remplacé, tandis Mihaela Mudure que l’architecture géopolitique de l’Europe connaîtra des changements majeurs. L’au- Book Reviews • 143 teur de cette monographie est un spécia- nant dans l’histoire des relations interna- liste consacré dans le domaine de l’histoire tionales entre 1815 et 1914 la perspective des relations internationales et dans la des- de l’histoire de la diplomatie, de l’analyse cription professionnelle de l’époque mo- comparatiste des traités internationaux derne ; les nombreux livres qu’il a publiés durant la période annoncée, l’auteur a les dix dernières années recommandent réussi à recomposer la manière de laquelle Gheorghe Cliveti pour une recherche telle les Roumains, et après 1862 la Roumanie, le sujet de ce livre. ont réussi à capter l’attention de l’agenda L’architecture du livre correspond aux public sur cet espace. Bien sûr, cela a impli- objectifs de la recherche, l’ouvrage étant qué une démarche soutenue de la part des composé de trois grandes parties, chacune élites politiques et culturelles roumaines, divisée en quatre ou cinq chapitres (Pre- qui ont su exploiter toute opportunité mière partie. La cause roumaine – p. 13- internationale, valoriser toute relation per- 270; Deuxième partie. La formation de la sonnelle ou institutionnelle pour maximi- Roumanie et la garantie collective des pouvoirs ser le statut juridique de leurs pays jusqu’en européens – p. 271-606; Troisième partie. Le 1856 et, plus tard, celui de la Roumanie. Vieux Royaume, « Les Grandes alliances » et L’auteur a réussi à déchiffrer et systéma- les origines de la Première Guerre mondiale – tiser quelles ont été, d’une perspective eu- p. 607-1110), ainsi qu’un Avant-propos, des ropéenne, mais aussi nationale, les thèmes Conclusions, un Synopsis un Index nécessaire majeurs des relations internationales, mais et très utile. Cette synthèse inestimable que aussi la politique externe de l’État roumain l’historien Gheorghe Cliveti nous offre avec entre 1878 et 1914, à mettre en évidence générosité et après tant de travail durant le spectre large des contacts diplomatiques l’année du Centenaire décrit, sans aucun roumains le long d’à peu près un siècle, à doute, la place et le rôle des Roumains et de démontrer la justesse de l’action politique la Roumanie dans le contexte des relations et diplomatique roumaine afin de changer internationales, du statut de « cause euro- le statu quo d’après le Congrès de Paix de péenne », défini plutôt pendant la première Vienne de 1815 jusqu’au commencement moitié du XIXe siècle, jusqu’au statut inter- de la première conflagration mondiale. national honorable acquis par la Roumanie Le professeur Gheorghe Cliveti ne s’est (Le Vieux Royaume) entre 1878 et 1913 pas limité à collecter des informations et à (commençant par la reconnaissance de l’in- analyser les évolutions politiques et diplo- dépendance, la transformation du pays dans matiques, mais il s’est aussi proposé une un royaume reconnu et l’affirmation totale nouvelle vision interprétative, essayant de la Roumanie dans le système interna­ d’énoncer de nouvelles hypothèses concer- tional pendant les guerres balkaniques). nant la politique externe de la Roumanie Gheorghe Cliveti a employé une im- dans ce siècle des nationalités, utilisant mense bibliographie nationale et inter- plusieurs méthodes propres aux reconstitu- nationale, ainsi que beaucoup de sources tions du domaine de l’histoire des relations d’archives, internes et internationales, à internationales : la méthode systémique et côté de documents publiés provenant des la méthode comparative, la méthode histo- principaux corpus documentaires internes rique-factologique etc. Ainsi, on a combi- portant sur l’époque moderne. En combi- né dans le livre, de manière organique, des 144 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) approches différentes et interdisciplinaires, main sources of the investigation, segment- ce qui confère plus d’originalité à cette ed into categories. Therefore, in the first démarche. Sans doute, le nouveau livre de category of the introductory chapter (pp. l’historien Gheorghe Cliveti fera carrière 11–47), the author distinguishes between: dans l’historiographie roumaine et nous public health reports (pp. 12–14), reports sommes convaincu qu’il deviendra un des of District Health practitioners (pp. 15– ouvrages les plus lus et cités. 17), county medical officers (pp. 18–21), q the higher medical council (pp. 22–23), Ioan Bolovan public health inspectors (pp. 23–25), met- ropolitan health and medical services (pp. 26–27), doctors from rural hospitals (pp. 27–28) and regimental medical personnel Constantin BÃrbulescu (pp. 29–33), offering examples and un- Physicians, Peasants, and Modern derlining the differences between them, Medicine: Imagining Rurality contending that by presenting the realities in Romania, 1860–1910 found in the territory, the doctors contrib- Transl. Angela Jianu Budapest–New York: Central European uted to the development of the rural space. The second part of the thematic unit (pp. University Press, ceu Press Studies in the History of Medicine, 11, 2018 34–47) is dedicated to the memoirs of the doctors where, based on their experience, they speak about the rural space and the perception of the people from the inves- Published initially at Humanitas Pu­ blishing­ House of Bucharest in 2015, the tigated space about medicine, and present book of Professor Constantin Bãrbulescu their way of life. The chapter is not only from the Faculty of History and Philosophy, an interesting and well-written presenta- Babeş-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca, tion that brings together and surveys the was, thanks to Angela Jianu, translated­ sources, thus offering a basis for future and offered also to the English-speaking­ research dedicated to similar topics, but it readers by the Central European Univer- is also a useful tool that proves the profes- sity Press in 2018. sionalism of the author. Known for his previous research dedi- The second part (pp. 51–224) is dedi- cated to the anthropological space and the cated to the medical discourse on the peas- Romanian people of contemporary Tran- ant and the village that can be found in sylvania, the author presents here the rela- the investigated sources. Here, Professor tionship between peasants and doctors in Bãrbulescu offers a detailed description of Wallachia and Moldavia between 1860 and the peasant, bringing to attention details re- 1910. The main sources of the approach lated to the color of his skin, alimentation, are the reports written by doctors who ac- hygiene, living space, problems like alco- tivated in this space in the aforementioned holism or the diseases that arrive as a con- period. They are compared with the scant sequence of his way of life. For example, historiography of the topic in an interest- quite interesting is the 5th unit of the part ing work. Structured into three big parts, (pp. 146–171), where he presents the way the book starts with a presentation of the in which a malady spread and its causes (the Book Reviews • 145 excessive consumption of corn), but also its sufficiently investigated topic pertaining social and cultural impact. to Romanian history (with relevance for In a space dominated by illiteracy, su- anthropological research), the book of perstition and bad nutrition like the inves- Professor Constantin Bãrbulescu brings to tigated one, the role of traditional medi- the attention of foreign specialists impor- cine was a very important one. Aware of tant aspects of Romanian research and will this fact, the author dedicates the 3rd part surely create bridges of debate between of his approach (pp. 227–268) to the com- our cultural space and others. parative analysis of the way in which medi- q cal culture and peasant culture were seen Iuliu-Marius Morariu by the people from different villages. His conclusions are based on the observations of the doctors who tried to visit different Ana Victoria Sima and Teodora-Alexandra places and to contribute to the improve- Mihalache, eds. ment of daily life. Also, attention is paid to Persuading Minds: Propaganda and the legislation and its role in changing life- Mobilisation in Transylvania during styles and mentalities. The author under- World War I lines the fact that, for the investigated pe- Berlin etc.: Peter Lang, 2018 riod, “The creation of a modern health sys- tem is inconceivable without a legislative and normative framework, which forms ocusing on the impact of the Great the topic of the present chapter. Even a F War upon the multiethnic Transylva- rapid survey of the health legislation will nian population, the book edited by Ana reveal the massive scale of the modern Victoria Sima and Teodora-Alexandra state’s efforts in setting up and managing Mihalache is of great interest for the his- the health services in the last three decades torians who research the European history of the nineteenth century and in the early of the “long nineteenth century” and the twentieth century. But what do these pre- beginning of the “short 20th century.” In scriptive texts tell us? They present an ideal situation, a this-is-how-things-should-be recent years, more and more research on scenario. Alongside this Belle Époque rep- the Great War has outlined the importance resentation of Romanian society as envi- of these events, not only as a turning point sioned by health legislators, there is anoth- in world history, but also from other per- er, apparently very different, picture. This spectives, such as the political, economic, chapter aims to analyze the two images social and gender relations dimensions of comparatively. I am not, in fact, interested the war. Historians dealt with the trans- in legislation as a social projection. I want formations in Transylvanian society which to know what was done to put it into prac- occurred before and during the First tice and what changed in society as a result. World War and their consequences both in We thus enter the sensitive area of norms macro- and micro-history. The editors and versus practice, which remains a minefield contributors to this volume focus on some for legislators even today” (pp. 228–229). key points which have not been researched Well-documented and offering an in- in Romanian historiography, such as pro- teresting approach to a relevant, but in- paganda and mobilization during the 146 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Great War. In the pages of this volume, and transmitters of the official message sent the reader will discover not only the route by the center—the Habsburg state—the of propaganda messages, from the trans- priests spread the news amongst the Roma- mitter to the receiver, but also the means nian communities. Their roles multiplied of their transmission, the filters and the during the war, and the clergy may be ana- obstacles they encountered along the way lyzed from different perspectives: the priest and, last but not least, the feedback that as a “spiritual shepherd,” as a civil servant, was recorded at the level of communities as a teacher or even as a victim. The author and of individual combatants. concludes that these overlapping roles re- The volume contains 13 scientific stud- vealed the important status the clergy still ies regarding the way in which propaganda enjoyed among the Romanian communi- functioned in Transylvania during the First ties in Transylvania, but also the difficult World War through different channels, situation of the priests during those years, and for various strata of the population. when they had to carefully accommodate Discussing both the elite (ecclesiastical, the requirements or to dispel the suspicions administrative, cultural) and the ordinary of the authorities, on the one hand, and to people, the studies included in this volume accomplish the highest aspirations of their bring together different perspectives and co-nationals, on the other hand. approaches upon the Great War and its Floarea Pop analyses “Episcopal Circu- meanings. lars as a Means of Conveying War Propa- Diana Covaci recreates in her study en- ganda. Case Study: The Circulars Issued titled “The Church’s Mobilisation of the by the Vicariate of Maramureº (1914– Population in Support of the War Effort: 1918).” After researching the archive col- A Study of Communication” the way in lection of the Greek Catholic Vicarage of which the ecclesiastical elite managed the Maramureº, Floarea Pop was able to exam- communication with the people in times ine the war propaganda, which was initial- of crisis. The approach is interesting and ized by the Hungarian authorities through one of a kind, because it analyses the way the channel of ecclesiastical circulars, in in which the communication occurs be- order to conduct the mobilization of the tween three successive nodes in the chain of Transylvanian population. command: the central ecclesiastical authori- Ionela Zaharia contributed a study re- ties—the archpriests—the priests. In the garding “War Propaganda: A Duty to the matter of harvesting de blackberry leaves as Nation and the Emperor. astra and the a command coming from the center, the ad- Military Clergy during the Great War” in ministration and the priests react in differ- which, based on various archival sources, ent ways, the aim being to show the way in press releases, memoirs, petitions and cor- which people react during crisis situations. respondence, she demonstrates that the Mirela Popa-Andrei focuses, in her link between the institutions of state propa- study regarding “The Priests’ Manifold ganda and Romanian cultural institutions Roles in Transylvania’s Romanian Commu- (such as astra) played an important role nities during World War I,” on the multiple both in the daily life of the soldiers, and in roles that the Romanian Transylvanian cler- the war economy. An aspect observed by gy assumed during the years of World War the author is the importance of the letters I. Becoming agents of wartime propaganda received by the soldiers on the front line Book Reviews • 147 as a means to uphold national culture and over the prerogatives of a state agent, consciousness and to mentally overcome playing an important role in the distribu- the horrors that they experienced. tion of war propaganda. Although seen as Andreea Dãncilã Ineoan discusses in a “national traitor,” Eppel argues that the her study entitled “Looking for Allies in actions undertaken by Mangra were in fact the Enemy Camp: Secret Actions Under- desperate attempts to enhance the Transyl- taken by the Romanian Kingdom’s Intel- vanian Romanians’ loyalty to the Austro- ligence among their Conationals from Hungarian Monarchy, on the front lines or Austria-Hungary (1914–1916)” about the in the home communities. way in which the Directorate of Police Ioana Mihaela Bonda and Oana Mihaela and General Security conducted activities Tãmaº discuss in the study “Behind the in order to attract Romanians from Tran- Front: The Transylvanian Clerical Elite’s sylvania and Bukovina in the Kingdom of Stance on World War I” about the im- Romania as informants. Adapting to the portance of the ecclesiastical discourse for new methodologies, the author concludes the Romanian population in times of war. that the category of those who were re- The sources of their research, Revista teo- cruited included teachers, professors, edi- logicã (The Theological Review) and Cul- tors, lawyers, priests and doctors. All of tura creştinã (Christian Culture), reveal them were members of an educated social the ways in which the ecclesiastical elite of layer and belonged, with few exceptions, the two Churches in Transylvania sought to the middle class elite. to mobilize moral and practical support Corneliu Pãdurean investigates “The for the population on the cold front. Dis- Activity of Ştefan Cicio Pop during World cussing about issues of Providence in peo- War I.” One of the most important po- ples’ lives, social conditions and religious litical representatives of the Transylvanian consciousness during wartime, the authors Romanians in the Austrian-Hungarian underline the role played by the two jour- Monarchy, ªtefan Cicio Pop undertook nals in the mentality and loyalty of the Ro- political actions seeking to secure the manians from Transylvania. rights of the Romanians and of other na- A comprehensive study regarding the tionalities in Hungary. Most important administrative measures of the city of was his intervention in 1917 in favor of Braºov during the Great War is signed by the Romanians who were deported and Teodora-Alexandra Mihalache. The study sentenced to forced labor in the county of “A ‘Mobilisation of Souls’: Actions in Sup- Sopron, in the coal mines and the factories port of the War Effort in Braºov during of Csepel, near Budapest. 1914” analyses the first forms of propa- Discussing about loyalty problems dur- ganda and the steps taken in a Transylva- ing the First World War, Marius Eppel tries nian city by the elite in order to organize to reconstruct the personality and political the home front and to support the war ef- choices of Vasile Mangra, in his study en- fort. Teodora-Alexandra Mihalache focus- titled “A Transylvanian Metropolitan In- es on the mobilization of both Transylva- volved in War Propaganda: Vasile Mangra nian Saxons and other nationalities in the in Unsettled Times (1916–1918).” Vasile city, concluding that the population did Mangra, who was the Metropolitan of not remain passive, but organized itself in Transylvania during 1916–1918, took order to support the war effort. 148 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

Oana Habor contributes an article enti- a channel to express solidarity and support tled “Sickness and Suffering: Recollections both for the people on the “cold front,” of the Transylvanian Romanians Enlisted and for the soldiers on the battlefront. Re- in the Austro-Hungarian Army during the vealing the mindset of the soldiers during Great War.” Based on diaries, memoirs the four years of the war, the letters are a and letters, the study focuses on the way in great example of how to approach the war which disease and sickness spread during from a psychological perspective. the Great War and caused psychological Discussing the issue of visuals during trauma to the soldiers on the battlefront. the Great War, Tiberiu Iordan examines in As little has been written in Romanian his study “With the Camera in the Trench- historiography about the epidemics and es” some important moments in the his- the medical situation in Transylvania dur- tory of Romanian cinema. An extensive ing the Great War, this study is most wel- film production was made during commu- come, as it brings to light some important nism, the author highlighting the way in aspects about the diseases spread and the which propaganda was mixed with enter- actions which were undertaken in order to tainment, in order to influence the viewers prevent and heal the soldiers. about war issues. The study of Nicolae Bocºan and To sum up, the studies in this volume Mihaela Bedecean regarding “The Senti- edited by Ana Victoria Sima and Teodora- ment of Fear in the Great War: An Attempt Alexandra Mihalache are of great impor- to Reconstruct the Psychological Mindset tance for the research of the Great War and of the Transylvanian Romanians” exam- its consequences for Transylvanian history, ines the psyche of soldiers during wartime. due to the various sources which were re- Arguing that while the early months of the searched, such as archives, memoirs, war conflict were marked by the euphoria of letters etc. The different perspectives and mobilization, seen as a sign of bravery and approaches of the authors shed light upon heroism, everyday hardships modified this crucial aspects of the Great War, from behavior, leading to the emergence of a di- Church mobilization and propaganda, at- ametrically opposed conduct. In the later titudes and propaganda channels of the ad- years of the war, courage and enthusiasm ministration, disease and epidemics during disappear, being replaced with the first wartime, physical and psychological trau- signs of anxiety, generated by the proxim- ma, to the perception of the propaganda ity of battlefields, and eventually the senti- message by the ordinary people. The qual- ment of fear—as seen in memoirs. ity of the printing is also to be noted. Ana Victoria Sima examines a large q number of letters from the Great War in Daniela Maria Stanciu her study “Writing and Waiting for Peace: Letters of Ordinary Romanian People from Transylvania at the Time of the Great War.” Looking upon the ordinary population of Transylvania, Ana Victoria Sima analyses correspondence as a source of cultural history, examining the way in which the letters were an expression of life, Book Reviews • 149

Joseph Roth bania). He covered inflation, the rise of fa- The Hotel Years: Wanderings in Europe scism, and political assassinations. Joseph between the Wars Roth described what he saw, using simple Transl. Michael Hofmann words, but stirring powerful feelings. In London: Granta Books, 2015 his French exile he was an active anti-Nazi. The Third Reich was, as he declared, “de- pendency of hell on earth.” That is why he Joseph Roth was born on 2 September loved to celebrate his return “to lobby and 1894, to Jewish parents, in Brody, Galicia, chandelier, porter and chambermaid.” a place populated by Greeks, Armenians, The Hotel Years brings together 64 Ukrainians, Poles and by a sizable majori- pieces on hotels, people, places, pains and ty of Jews, including Roth’s family. Joseph pleasures, political personalities, and the never met his father, Nahum, who lost international political situation of the his mind while still young. His mother, 1930s. This title was chosen because Roth Miriam, was very strict, and Roth’s desi- lived out of suitcases from 1925 until his re to travel was partly fueled by the wish death in 1939. Michael Hofmann is also to escape her oversight. He was a sharp the official translator of Roth’s books that student at the local gymnasium and, after have appeared in English, novels and short he finished it, he went to the University works alike. He is justly considered the of Vienna, where he studied literature and scholar most responsible for having rein- began to publish poetry and newspaper ar- troduced Roth’s personality to our times. ticles. He wrote for a considerable number The articles included in The Hotel Years be- of newspapers from all over Europe (from gin in Vienna just at the end of the First Frankfurter Zeitung or Berliner Börsen- War, and end in Paris near the outbreak of Courier to Prager Tagblatt or Neue Berliner the Second World War. Zeitung, 12 Uhr-Blatt), but he was best Joseph Roth had a great passion for ho- known as the author of the famous The tels, which he considered a special world. Radetzky March (1932), his masterpiece, In fact, he was an archetypal outsider: a a family saga about the decline and fall of Jew, a lifelong exile, a cosmopolitan indi- the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Roth’s last vidualist. He earned his living as a news- years were extremely difficult. He moved paper journalist, and he perfected a new from one hotel to another, he was drinking kind of journalistic essay which combined heavily, increasingly anxious about money reportage with impressionism, spiced up and the future. But despite suffering from with humor and graced with profound chronic alcoholism, he remained a prolific wisdom. The Hotel Years captures his wan- writer until his premature death in Paris on derings in European cosmopolitan society 27 May 1939. before the rise of Nazism. Hofmann or- In the articles gathered here under the ganizes the articles into sections, impo- title The Hotel Years, Joseph Roth describes sing an order upon Roth’s travels. Some the panorama of the human condition. Be- are geographical: Germany, ussr, Albania; ginning with 1921, Roth wrote mostly for some are conceptual: Sketches, Pleasures the liberal Frankfurter Zeitung, which sent and Pains, Ending. him on assignments throughout Germany Roth perfectly managed to combine his and abroad (to Italy, Poland, ussr and Al- personal feelings with historic objectivity. 150 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

This is a better way to savor the delights as an operating table, white as death and within, such as this description of one in- white as the age’s fear of death!” (p. 204). dividual that perfectly sums up the whole The collection’s final piece, “Cradle” of “Germany in Winter” (pp. 29–32), in (pp. 259–260), published in 1931, where 1923, a place where “the harshness of na- Roth describes losing a cradle aged around ture is nothing to the boundless cruelty of three, serves as a summary of the loss of history” (p. 29). “In Leipzig I saw a man a homeland: “I am left feeling sad, incon- from a firm of undertakers. He wore a solably helpless and sad. I seem to under- gleaming top hat. He had a pomaded, up- stand that I have lost something irrevocab- twirled black moustache. He looked like a le. I have been in a certain sense robbed.” first-class funeral. He provoked fear and Hugely gifted and recognized as an respect. Round about him gusts of infinity amazing storyteller, sociable and gallant, blew. He was a representative intercessor Joseph Roth might have flourished. But between this world and the next; a Middle alcohol worked against him. In 1925, the European Charon; a splendidly ceremonial prestigious Frankfurter Zeitung sent him death” (p. 30). to Paris. He loved the city! “Whoever has In “Arrival in the Hotel” (pp. 155– not been here is only half a human, and no 159), Roth proudly describes the natio- sort of European,” he wrote to his editor. nalities represented in one place: “The France also made Roth realize just how waiter is from Upper Austria. The porter much he abhorred Germany. He consi- is a Frenchman from Provence. The recep- dered Paris “the summit of European ci- tionist is from Normandy. The headwaiter vilization.” But Roth was replaced after a is Bavarian. The chambermaid is Swiss. year, dispatched to the ussr and Albania, The valet is Dutch. The manager is Levan- where he wrote some of the most striking tine; and for years I’ve suspected the cook essays in this volume: “Down the Volga to of being Czech. The guests come from Astrakhan” (pp. 108–116), “Saint Petrole- all over the world. Continents and seas, um” (pp. 121–125), “Arrival in Albania” islands, peninsulas and ships, Christians, (pp. 134–136). The cruelty of war was Jews, Buddhists, Muslims and even athe- everywhere: “Sooner or later, you’re going ists are all represented in this hotel. . . . to get shot. By the Italians? By the South People seem to come together here and at Slavs? Who cares? War is war” (“Westerns least appear what they should always be: Visitors in Barbaria,” p. 145). All his pi- children of the world” (p. 157). eces present a Europe on the brink of ­In the essay “The Destruction of a change and offer some kind of postcards Café” (pp. 202–205), while describing the from a world heading towards war. transformation of an old, beloved cafe into As Michael Hoffmann writes in his In- a whitewashed anodyne void, Roth writes: troduction, “Roth may indeed have sket- “The color of the age is white, laboratory ched the portrait of his age, but these pi- white, as white as the room where they in- eces also make a portrait of their author: vented lewisite, white as a church, white willful and versatile, aggressive and be- as a bathroom, white as a dissecting room, nign, beautiful and drawn to ugliness, eve- white as steel and white as chalk, white as rywhere and nowhere” (p. xvi). The Hotel hygiene, white as a butcher’s apron, white Years, this wonderful selection of journa- Book Reviews • 151 lism, displays Joseph Roth’s genius “from “For Hitler the bringer of the knowledge every angle, as a rebel, as a loyalist and as of good and evil on earth, the destroyer of a man of compassion” (Jan Morris, Daily Eden, was the Jew” (p. 4), and his destiny Telegraph). Or, as Roth presented himself: was to save the planet from this unwanted “I am a hotel citizen, a hotel patriot.” element. Hitler, as Timothy Snyder cor- The Hotel Years is a wonderful book, rectly observes, was a believer in race as indispensable for those interested in the the fundamental feature of life on Earth. hidden history of Europe. And so it began! q “The globalization of the German Jew Mihaela Gligor in the 1930s was an important but limited achievement. . . . With a few hundred ex- ceptions, Germans would not kill German Jews on the territory of their common Timothy Snyder Black Earth: The Holocaust as History prewar homeland” (p. 43). For that, they and Warning established camps in Poland, where they New York–London: Vintage, Penguin punished people as they wished. This was Random House, 2016 the “redefinition of war” as Hitler under- stood it. At that time, Poland was a new state with territories from three empires: Russian, Habsburg and German. The n his previous book called Bloodlands: I Jews (doctors, lawyers, traders, artists) Europe between Hitler and Stalin, which ap- peared in 2010 and concentrated on the were present in large numbers and were mass killings of Stalin and Hitler in regions assimilated, both in Poland and Germany. where they both clashed and coexisted, In fact, “Poland was the home of Europe’s Timothy Snyder has emerged as an analyst largest Jewish population, more than three of the sanguinary borderlands between the million people” (p. 57). Third Reich and the Soviet Union. He de- From here on, Snyder follows German- scribed like no other before him the scene Polish relations in the second half of the of one of history’s great calamities. In Black 1930s, and writes about the complex issues Earth: The Holocaust as History and Warn- of Polish and Polish-Jewish politics. He in- ing, Timothy Snyder, a Yale University sists on Vladimir Jabotinsky’s Revisionist specialist in the history of Eastern Europe, movement and offers some insides from continues to reveal important historical de- the Polish national government. Then he tails while giving respectful attention to the takes us to the crucial year 1938 with a full Holocaust. For Snider, “the Holocaust is chapter on German and Polish policies on not only history, but warning” (p. xv). Let Palestine. He insists, in many pages, on us see what he means by this. right-wing Polish Zionism, and the idea of Everybody knows that the Holocaust “a State of Israel.” He also mentions the began in Hitler’s mind. He desperately German preparations for an attack on the wanted to eliminate the Jews so that Ger- Soviet Union (through the destruction of mans can have the needed resources. “In the Polish state). “The German invasion of Hitler’s world, the law of the jungle was the Soviet Union thus began as a reinvasion the only way” (p. 1) to fulfill this plan. of territories that had just been invaded” 152 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

(p. 116). But the double occupation hap- documented bibliography, a very useful in- pened when “like the Nazis, the Soviets dex, and many well explained notes, Sny- began from the assumption that the Polish der’s book is indispensable both to the ac- state created in 1918 had no right to exist ademic community (professors, students, and so could be eliminated” (p. 124). researchers) focused on Holocaust and Forgotten stories of survival and resis- genocide studies, World War II and related tance emerge and complete Snyder’s view topics, including European and Russian on the Holocaust. “Almost every Jew who studies, and also to the readers interested survived had some help from non-Jews, in the history of Europe. of one kind of another” (p. 251). “The q most effective rescuers were, and had to Mihaela Gligor be, people who had good contacts with assimilated Jews, who, in their turn, had further contacts with other Jews” (p. 270). Aristina Pop-Sãileanu “Among the thousands of individual Polish “Sã trãiascã partizanii pânã vin Roman Catholics who chose to help Jews, americanii!”: Povestiri din munþi, many explained their motivations by the din închisoare ºi din libertate same reference, inexact but unmistakable: (“Long live the partisans until the the duty to ‘help a neighbor’” (p. 297). Americans come”: Stories from the Chapter 12 of Snyder’s book, “The mountains, prison and freedom) Righteous Few,” offers some amazing sto- Interview by Liana Petrescu, preface by ries of rescuers while admitting that “it Romulus Rusan is very hard to speak of the motivations Bucharest: Fundaþia Academia Civicã, of the men and women who risked their Istorie oralã, no. 10, 2008 lives to rescue Jews without any anchor in earthly politics and without any hope of a gainful future with those whom they The book is an epic tale of the partisans rescued” (p. 314). These incredible stories from the Mountains of Maramureº as told mean, today—more than ever, hope in hu- by Aristina Pop-Sãileanu, one of the last manity. In fact, this is the main purpose of survivors of the anticommunist rebellion the volume, as Timothy Snyder writes in in Romania. The particularity of this work his Conclusion: “understanding the Ho­ is that almost every character of her story locaust­ is our chance, perhaps our last one, is portrayed by written and photographic to preserve humanity” (p. 344). documents selected by the editors from Based on new sources from the ar- the Archives of the International Center chives of Eastern Europe and forgotten of Studies within the Civic or new testimonies of Jewish survivors, Academy, the Sighet Memorial. Timothy Snyder presents in Black Earth an Aristina Pop-Sãileanu, born on 13 May updated explanation of the great atrocity 1931 in Lãpuşul Românesc, the daughter of our recent history. Black Earth is an ana- of the forester Nicolae Pop from Lãpuşul lytical book, with a message that needs to Românesc, who led the group of rebels become more familiar to all readers. Since from the Þibleş Mountains, is one of the it offers an extensive list of archives, a well last witnesses of the rebellion from the Book Reviews • 153

Romanian mountains. She lived for four met there. In the third part she speaks about years as a refugee in the Þibleş Moun- life after the release from prison. tains, in the vicinity of Lãpuº and Sighet, The interview responds to the idea that together with her father, Nicolae Pop the a synthetic study is needed in order to of- forester, her brother Achim, and a large fer an overview upon female memorial number of partisans coming either from output in Romania, drawing on general the Greek Catholic group persecuted for and personal historical data by recovering their religion or from among the young- the details of the social, political, cultural sters refusing military conscription in the and personal events directly experienced labor brigades. by the protagonists. The stories told by Mrs. Pop-Sãileanu The work has a solid theoretical foun- as interviewed by Liana Petrescu are in- dation and provides information on female cluded in a volume from the oral history detention in a multidisciplinary context. collection of the Civic Academy Foun- Thanks to the publication of experiences dation. Remarkably, the confessions are which are, in some cases, singular testimo- completed by a very comprehensive docu- nies of exceptional destinies, we get infor- mentation concerning the characters of mation on the political configuration of the narration, coming from the archives that time. of the International Center of Commu- Without claiming that this is a compre- nism Studies, whose coordinator was the hensive list, we can say that the female liter- writer Romulus Rusan. The footnotes, ature about communist detention includes photographs and prison files were selected the contribution of authors such as Aspazia by Virginia Ion. The author describes the Oþel Petrescu, Nicole Valéry Grosu, Oana strict prison regime the former partisan Orlea, Anita Nandriş-Cudla, Lucreþia Jurj, had to face in the penitentiary of Miercu- Elisabeta Rizea, Lena Constante, Sabina rea-Ciuc, as she was sentenced in 1953 to Wurmbrand, Annie Samuelli, Adriana 20 years of detention. The prison regime Georgescu, Ioana Berindei, Dina Balş, Ana- was made more bearable by the spiritual Maria Marin, and Micaela Ghiþescu. solidarity of inmates coming from the top In this work, as well as in the case of social categories. each of the abovementioned authors, we The work is actually an interview with can notice that, after setting up a theoreti- the person who, at the early age of 18, fled cal framework in order to analyze the un- to the mountains because her family had derlying causes of the inquiries, generally helped some partisans. At 22, she was ar- they proceeded with a thematic analysis rested and spent the next ten years as a polit- of the confessions, selecting some of the ical prisoner. The first part describes the ini- recurrent themes that define the condition tial horrors of the new communist regime: of women in solitary confinement—the summary executions in the backyards, the self-portrait that emerges in the memoirs, beatings of all those suspected of helping political activism, the recourse to faith, the partisans, robberies, deportations to labor reconstruction of a destiny—as the object camps in the Bãrãgan. The second part is of the current research, seeking to draw on the story of the painful prison experience, the experiences of the authors of the mem- with names and tales about the persons she oirs in question. 154 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019)

A better understanding of the phenom- Viaþa pe un peron (Life on a platform) by enon requires an analysis of the general Octavian Paler. conditions underpinning the communist Produced in solitary confinement, the detention of women, a requirement which poetry of the communist prisons came this study could not disregard. Thus, it to exhibit ingenious features: the texts also refers to aspects regarding the consoli- were written on the plaster of the walls, dation of the regime through the dissolu- on the sole of one’s boot, on the lining tion of political parties, the nationalization of coats, or transmitted orally via Morse of economic assets, and the forced collec- signals. From among the authors of prison tivization which started in 1949, against poetry we considered the cases of Radu peasant opposition. Gyr, Andrei Ciurunga, Ion Caraion, or What emerges from the tales told by Nichifor Crainic. Obviously, there are com- the main character, Aristina Pop-Sãileanu, mon themes related to life in prison found is the general perception of state institu- in lyrical texts: prayer, the symbolism of tions about the role of detention camps iron, the confined space, hunger, the ani- and prisons, namely, the re-education mal condition, cold and humiliation. Oana of inmates. Similarly, in his work Black Orlea, arrested during her adolescence, Gate: Writers and Prison (2013), Mircea highlighted in her later published memoirs Anghelescu also mentioned that “the the important function of poetry. Her po- prison was meant to re-educate and cor- ems, sewn on the back of the pajamas, are rect the behavior by means of work and real survival exercises. The hostile space, learning.” Even if in the second half of the the misery and suffering are highlighted 19th century the modernization of the Ro- in poems such as “Shooter,” “Friends,” manian society led to the improvement of “Christmas,” “How Long.” detention conditions, the communist pe- In the case of Aristina Pop-Sãileanu, riod transformed the prisons into places of suffering is often camouflaged under the repression and terror. acceptance of the condition of inmate or Among the literary themes and motifs by a constant resistance against the prin- that emerge from this literature we find ciples of the prison system. The resilience the opposition between victim and execu- acquired through faith, the spiritual refuge, tioner, the specific solitary confinement are the only way of escaping for the in- conditions in prisons, the experience of the mates. Faith is considered a “psychological labor camps or of the confinement cells of weapon,” crucial in the struggle with the the . This is the case of novels tormentors. Thus, the accepted suffering such as Feþele tãcerii (Sides of silence) by is turned into happiness because of the Augustin Buzura, Cunoaştere de noapte strong desire to overcome. This acceptance (Night knowledge) by Alexandru Ivasiuc, of obliviousness, of loneliness and of one’s or even Cel mai iubit dintre pãmânteni own destiny is a form of resilience, of spiri- (The Earth’s most beloved son) by Marin tual ascension. Resistance is proved to be Preda. Real anti-utopias can be identified necessary against depression and the at- in novels such as Biserica neagrã (The black tempts at re-education, against suicide and church) by A. E. Baconsky, Perimetrul the danger of insanity, in order to strength- zero (Zero perimeter) by Oana Orlea, or en the moral structure of the tortured indi- Book Reviews • 155 vidual and to overcome the investigators’ Gheorghe Hobincu brutality. Beyond the psychological data, Memorii. Vol. 1, Frumoasele zile din the heroine of this book is also an excep- Aranjuez. Vol. 2, Omul sub vremuri tional witness and confessor. Her story (Memoirs. Vol. 1, The beautiful days of is simple, clear and bright. The book is a Aranjuez. Vol. 2, A poor man under the tribute to those who tried and succeeded to rule of the times) resist communism in the Romanian moun- Ed. Lavinia Seiciuc, introduction by Radu tains, at the cost of a ruined life. Florian Bruja From a documentary point of view, Granada: El Genio Maligno, 2017–2018 her testimonies show us the greatness of those who resisted communism, as well as of those who filled the prisons. See- Envisaged as a fragment of memory, ing themselves released from the commit- attitude and perspective of the autobio- ments signed when released from prisons graphical detention literature (Hobincu 2: after the fall of communism in Romania, 241), also known by its less fortunate relieved from the fear of terrible repercus- name, that of prison literature (ibid.), the sions on their families, the former political book written by the physician from Fãlti- prisoners step up and begin to create a new ceni, Gheorghe Hobincu, is much more history. Thus, “without the constraints of than that, it represents the ample expres- the communist political power, the present sion of a committed generation, the only testimony is a deposition about the crimes one that assumed the destiny of its own of communism.” If some people wrote people, becoming, in fact, a true “river of their memoirs by themselves, others have anger” (Hobincu 1: 121), subsequently been helped to recount their past through latticed, discouraged and annihilated by the journalistic method of the interview. “our enclosure” (Hobincu 2: 201 sq.), in Aristina Pop-Sãileanu seems fascinated, which “the days passed one after the other, in her stories, by the lesson in humanity gray and sad” (ibid., 158). It means pass- she learned behind bars from her fellow fe- ing “with elephantine steps and a bent male prisoners and from the doctors who body as if it carried all the pains and the treated the serious illness she was suffering weight of the world” (ibid., 143), even from. Her testimony is that of a human though it maintains the “features of a liter- being who, after having defended her free- ary discourse in which the author’s voice dom gun in hand, learned over time to de- reduplicates in a permanent oscillation fend her inner freedom with the weapons between the mature writer, marked by the of spirit and faith. spiritual scars of suffering, and the charac- q ter of his own memory, caught in an emo- (Translated by Aristina Pop-Sãileanu) tional swirl, sometimes optimistic, some- times despairing, never defeated” (ibid., Mihai Burzo 241). To all this, thus to the late revisitation, the notoriety of the epoch is appended, not always true, but launched as propa- ganda rumors of the time and inherited 156 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) as such, an example being “the queen suf- Memoirs, conferring them the status of real fering an injury during a dispute between and indisputable history, his innate narra- her two sons” (Hobincu 1: 195), when it tive talent reaching erudition, unfolding is well known that Queen Mary died of without any inhibition, but at the same cancer at Pelişor, and not because of the time without any trace of arrogance, as wound received at Cotroceni. Conversely, a confession, in which the moral coordi- Gheorghe Hobincu also reports well- nates are enclosed within the rhetorical guarded secrets of the time, intentionally limits of “we have paid for our mistakes ignored by history, such as the fact that and no one has the right to judge us for “in 1946, Professor Pãtraşcu, as the adju- our past” (Hobincu 1: 229) and of “That tant of Horia Sima, negotiated with Ana is all I could do” (Hobincu 2: 239), in fact Pauker and her accomplices, Nikolski and the limits of humility, because Gheorghe Teohari Georgescu, some sort of non-ag- Hobincu shone throughout his existence gression pact” through which “the legion- as an idealist as well as a professional in naires committed to withhold from any the healing of both the human body and propaganda in favor of the Peasant Party soul. This man, sincere as a confession, during the elections and from any hostile was the voice and the conscience of a gen- activity against the regime,” the Roma- eration, the sole generation of Romanians nian Bolsheviks promising in exchange that tried to assume the destiny of the na- “to release all the legionnaires convicted tion, paying abominably for the courage by Antonescu, as well as those convicted of having dignity and responsibility: “In or institutionalized after August 23rd. In the darkness of the cell I break/under the order to accomplish this, some sort of am- heavy mute tiles/and burdened by long- nesty decree was issued and was only made ings I cry/over lost memories./The snow known to the relevant authorities, without scattered by the wind / blows through making it public” (Hobincu 2: 114–115). the lattice/and this prison seems to be/the The publication itself contains in fact tomb of my youth” (Radu Gyr). two perspectives: i) that of the commit- Scarred by the theft of his youth, being ted generation and, therefore, itself pro- imprisoned on two occasions, under the foundly committed; ii) the fully scientific Antonescu regime (14 months) and under one, exhaustively elaborated by the au- the Bolshevik regime (6 years), Gheorghe thor’s granddaughter and editor, Lavinia Hobincu tried, through his writings, to re- Seiciuc, which includes a “Note on the visit his youth, so the pages that describe his Edition” (Hobincu 1: 9–17), an admirable life “before” and “after” the imprisonment “Postface” (Hobincu 2: 241–251), a “Bio- are very few (40 pages being dedicated to graphical Note” (ibid., 259–267), as well his life after the release until June 1961). as the explanatory footnotes, but also an The youth of this doctor, who was educated erudite “Introductory Study” by the his- in Iaºi, has two icons: that of his children, torian Radu Florian Bruja (Hobincu 1: Mona and Ducu, who “slept innocently and 19–27). were as beautiful as angels” (Hobincu 1: Without any doubt, the intelligent 124) and that of the Saints of his generation, complementarity between the two per- known through their remarkable works: spectives singles out Gheorghe Hobincu’s Radu Gyr, Ernest Bernea, Teohar Mihadaş Book Reviews • 157

(with whom he always compares his memo- human being’s youth is, in fact, an non- ries), Virgil Ierunca or Paul Goma. recurring cathedral of the human soul. The fraternal friendship with Virgil I am not certain to what extent The Bãnulescu brought the young medical stu- Beautiful Days of Aranjuez represents a dent Gheorghe Hobincu close to politics, trial of the twentieth century, the author not in the sense of actual politics, but in being born “on 20 February 1917, when the appraisal of elements pertaining to the First World War was at its worst, and the national doctrine (Hobincu 1: 148) when the canon shells of the Aurora were and, upon discovering issues that were the signal of the bloody revolution in Rus- incompatible with his humanist beliefs, sia” (Hobincu 1: 33), the entire century he related with unconcealed bitterness: being terribly bloody, stigmatized with “we had joined the circle and we had to blood and suffering. Shedding blood dance, even if we did not like the music” and suffering for nation and country, (ibid., 153). After the first imprisonment Gheorghe Hobincu was awarded the “Mi- in Chiºinãu (after passing through the ­l­i­tary Virtue” on the Eastern front, but was prisons of Botoşani, Suceava, Fãlticeni, subjected to unfair imprisonment and ex- Buzãu, and Vãcãreşti), in the “worst prison perienced the loss of the years of his youth, in the country” (ibid., 205), upon his re- “as iron entered my soul” (ibid., 229). turn home, the young doctor from Fãlti- There is a philosophical resignation, cer- ceni was labeled by the chief of police as tainly not a traditional Romanian one, in being “more of a legionnaire than when every sentence of the confession made by a he left” (ibid., 221), despite the fact that man who carried along the sufferings of an Gheorghe Hobincu had only spiritual and entire century, except for the physical tor- intellectual ties and was not a genuine le- ment, because his intellectual appearance, gionnaire, the humanism of his medical which inspired nobility, almost mystically calling defining him completely, despite restrained his torturers, who acted as un- the constant timidity with which he ana- der the effect of a spell. This ineffable nobi-­ lyzes his own merits. If the term had not lity, both innate and achieved through become obsolete, I would call this human- education, can also be felt in the structure ism a comradeship, manifested also to- of the book, the author’s sinuous des- wards patients, towards the damned of the tiny leading to the meaningful choice of Earth, towards his generation and their chapter titles for both volumes, made by ideas and aspirations. Moreover, this com- Lavinia Seiciuc, the author’s granddaugh- radeship manifests itself as a national soli- ter. The Beautiful Days of Aranjuez, the title darity with all the generations of Roma- of the first volume of the Memoirs, “refers nians, in pages filled with confessions, in to the first act of Schiller’s Don Carlos” and which his former youth is depicted either it is “one of the author’s favorite quotes, self-ironically or dramatically, also through one that occurs several times through- the narrative attempt from after 1989, out the volume, usually signaling turning while the depiction of the youth is vali- points in his life” (ibid., 9). This ineffabil- dated by the way he relives it, always “in ity was never defeated or even latticed. It the light of the unreal beauty under which is eternally victorious, under the stigma of it appeared to me then” (ibid.: 99), every blood and suffering of the transience of a 158 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (Summer 2019) century whose days can only be joyful, al- and impartiality” (Hobincu 2: 249). Radu beit puzzling. Florian Bruja also highlights “the aesthetic The very spiritual covers of the Mem- value of this text,” which presents “various oirs, reinforced by the exegeses of Lavinia aspects and hypostases of the past, many Seiciuc and Radu Florian Bruja, represent of which not materialized enough or his- external perspectives, therefore a veritable torically focused” and justly believes that judgment of history, which is always far “the hero of these tomes is both part of his less forgiving than the judgment of the own life and part of the life of 20th century victims, i.e. based on an inward perspec- Romania, with all its avatars,” a necessary tive, but also analyzing the historical facts. confession “in reevaluating the burden of Aiming to accustom the reader both with history” (Hobincu 1: 27). the personality of the author-character and Between the two external perspectives, with the troubled times he experienced, in which the scientific argumentation and the exegeses deepen the condition of the the critical analysis of the whole determine “annihilated man” (Hobincu 2: 241), the exegesis, there is something disturbing which is actually defined by the testimo- of a particular humanism, clearly inspired, nies of those incarcerated in the prisons on each final cover of the two volumes: “A in the country, out of too much love for child in love with nature, a teenager fasci- the future of this land. Although Lavinia nated by the white hands of his beloved, Seiciuc is looking for the trenchant histori- a student hesitating between conscience cal testimony in the “evocation of misery,” and loyalty, a young man who becomes she discovers that Gheorghe Hobincu’s an adult between the walls of the prison, work “is sometimes too austere, clinically a doctor who on his return from the front analytical, . . . since the author prefers to envisages a life in the service of the peo- turn his confession into a fresco of the petty ple.” A life and a vocation which were al- quotidian, of an absurd life in which peo- ways properly defined. ple managed to build a routine that gave q them the sense of normality,” the main Alina-Viorela Prelipcean features of these stories being “objectivity contributors

Florica Bodiştean, Ph.D. Angela Cristina Lumezeanu, Ph.D. candidate Professor at the Faculty of Humanistic and Social Doctoral School for Population Studies and History Sciences, Aurel Vlaicu University of Minorities, Center for Population Studies, Babeº- 2 Elena Drãgoi St., Arad 310330, Romania Bolyai University e-mail: [email protected] 68 Avram Iancu St., Cluj-Napoca 400083, Romania e-mail: [email protected] Ioan Bolovan, Ph.D. Corresponding member of the Romanian Academy, Robert-Marius Mihalache, Ph.D. director of George Bariþiu Institute of History, Researcher at the Center for Transylvanian Studies, vice-rector of Babeº-Bolyai University Romanian Academy, editor at the Department of 12–14 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca Communication and Public Relations, Babeº-Bolyai 400084, Romania University e-mail: [email protected] 12–14 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, Romania Ioana Mihaela Bonda, Ph.D. e-mail: [email protected] Researcher at Nicolae Bocºan Institute of Ecclesias- tical History, Babeº-Bolyai University Ovidiu Moceanu, Ph.D. 1 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, Writer, professor at the Faculty of Letters, Romania Transylvania University e-mail: [email protected] 29 Eroilor Blvd., Braºov 500036, Romania e-mail: [email protected] Mihai Burzo, Ph.D. candidate Babeº-Bolyai University Iuliu-Marius Morariu, Ph.D. candidate 1 Mihail Kogalniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babeş-Bolyai Romania University e-mail: [email protected] Episcop N. Ivan St., Cluj-Napoca 400000, Romania e-mail: [email protected] Adrian-Bogdan Ceobanu, Ph.D. Lecturer at the Faculty of History, Alexandru Ioan Mihaela Mudure, Ph.D. Cuza University Professor at the Faculty of Letters, Babeş-Bolyai 11 Carol I Blvd., Iaºi 700506, Romania University e-mail: [email protected] 31 Horea St., Cluj-Napoca 400202, Romania e-mail: [email protected] Mihaela Gligor, Ph.D. Researcher at George Bariþiu Institute of History, Jean Nedelea, Ph.D. Romanian Academy Assistant lecturer at Patriarch Justinian Faculty 8 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, of Orthodox Theology, University of Bucharest Romania 2–4 Sf. Ecaterina St., Bucharest 040155, Romania e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected]

Nicoleta HegedÐs, Ph.D. Alina-Viorela Prelipcean, Ph.D. Research assistant at the Faculty of History Assistant lecturer at the Faculty of Letters and and Philosophy, Babeº-Bolyai University Communication Sciences, Ştefan cel Mare 1 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, University Romania 13 Universitãþii St., Suceava 720229, Romania e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected] Sorin ªipoª, Ph.D. Doru Cristian Todorescu, Ph.D. Professor at the Faculty of History, International Associate teacher at the Faculty of History and Relations, Political Sciences and Communication Philosophy, Department of International Studies Sciences, University of Oradea and Contemporary History, Babeº-Bolyai University 1 Universitãþii St., Oradea 410087, Romania 1 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, e-mail: [email protected] Romania e-mail: [email protected] Daniela Maria Stanciu, Ph.D. candidate Assistant professor at the Faculty of Social and Radu ªtefan Vergatti, Ph.D. Human Sciences, Lucian Blaga University Member of the Academy of Ro­manian Scientists 5–7 Victoriei Bdv., Sibiu 550024, Romania 54 Splaiul Independenþei, Bucharest 010271, e-mail: [email protected] Romania e-mail: [email protected] Oana Mihaela TÃmaª, Ph.D. Expert at the Center for University Strategy and Quality Management, Babeº-Bolyai University 11 Moþilor St., Cluj-Napoca 400001, Romania e-mail: [email protected]