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Archaeological Correlates of Algonquian Languages in Quebec-Labrador

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Archaeological Correlates of Algonquian Languages in Quebec-Labrador Archaeological Correlates of Algonquian Languages in Quebec-Labrador J. PETER DENNY University of Western Ontario In this paper1 I look at the development of the Cree-Montagnais language in the Quebec-Labrador peninsula by combining linguistic and archaeological data. I also examine the likelihood that an Eastern Algonquian language related to Beothuk was spoken on the Labrador coast. In both cases these languages spread from Algonquian homelands far to the west. In considering Cree-Montagnais, the salient fact is that it consists of a chain of dialects making up one language stretching from Labrador to Alberta. Linguists are sure this means that it has spread recently across the boreal forest, perhaps between AD 500 and 1500; if it had been spoken for a long time across the north it would have differentiated into separate languages. Therefore, the archaeology of relatively recent times will be relevant. The archaeology of slightly earlier times will be relevant to con­ sidering whether a Beothuk-related language was spoken in Labrador. This earlier tradition will be considered first. What are the mechanisms by which Algonquian speech spread to the Quebec-Labrador peninsula? In most cases, existing populations of non- Algonquian speakers seem to have intensified their social relations with Algonquian-speaking neighbours to the west and eventually joined with them in an enlarged Algonquian-speaking society. However, in some cases, there seem to have been migrations of Algonquian speakers into lightly- occupied parts of the peninsula where they eventually absorbed local pop­ ulations into their own social system. We will see that the archaeological evidence for these events is regrettably slight, but it is nonetheless crucial to hypothesize specific mechanisms of language change, which can be subject *A preliminary outline of this paper was given at the 23rd Algonquian Con­ ference, London, Ontario, in 1991. I wish to thank the many scholars who sent unpublished reports and made suggestions for this work: David Denton, Joce- lyn Seguin, Marguerite MacKenzie, Jose Mailhot, Roy Wright, Charles Martijn, Michael Spence, Stephen Loring, Douglas Robbins, Cath Oberholtzer, Daniel Chevrier, and Peter Bakker. All the figures are reproduced with the permission of the original publishers, whom I thank for their helpfulness. 83 84 DENNY to further study. One consequence of these strategies of language replace­ ment is the survival in Algonquian of a few words from the languages that were replaced (Pentland 1993). Eastern Algonquian on the Labrador Coast The starting point for suspecting that an Eastern Algonquian language was once spoken on the Labrador coast is the archaeological evidence that Labrador was the original home of the Beothuks: they gradually migrated to Newfoundland beginning about AD 800 (Robbins 1989). This migra­ tion was also reported in Beothuk oral history (Howley 1915:256). The archaeological tradition in Labrador which seems to have been the origin of the Beothuks is the Daniel Rattle/Point Revenge tradition (AD 200-1600) (Loring 1988). In order to argue that this tradition involved Eastern Algon­ quian speech we have to look for connections back to the original homelands of Eastern Algonquian languages. We are somewhat encouraged in this search by the possibility that Beothuk was an Eastern Algonquian lan­ guage. Unfortunately, the written record of Beothuk speech obtained from the last speakers in the early 1800s is of such poor quality that Beothuk can never be proven to be an Algonquian language by the standard techniques of historical linguistics. All we are left with are morphological resemblances that make it probable that it was Algonquian (Hewson 1978). Since one of the theses of this paper will be that Central Algonquian speech, in par­ ticular Cree-Montagnais, arrived in Labrador very much later, if Beothuk is Algonquian it can only be Eastern Algonquian, rather than Central as suggested by Hewson. There is some reassurance in learning that the ar­ chaeological resemblances for the Point Revenge complex from which the Beothuk descended are strongest with the Maritimes and northern New England (Fitzhugh 1978:171), areas of Eastern Algonquian speech. To trace the Labrador archaeological tradition, Daniel Rattle/Point Revenge, back to earlier centers of Eastern Algonquian language we have to have identified those centers on other evidence. One technique used by linguists is the principle of least moves (Dyen 1956) which identifies, as the earlier homeland, the region having the greatest number of surviving languages. For Eastern Algonquian this would be southern New England. However, neither linguistics nor archaeology encourages the idea that Mic­ mac or Beothuk are linked directly to that region. Consequently we have to look for earlier centers of Eastern Algonquian culture from which both the languages of the Maritimes and those of New England might have arisen. An excellent candidate is the Middlesex tradition (700 BC to 50 BC) cen­ tered at Lake Champlain. This had offshoots in southern New England ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES IN QUEBEC-LABRADOR 85 (Loring 1985b), in the Micmac area (Allen 1982), and as we will see in detail, in Quebec-Labrador. Equally importantly, the Middlesex tradition is well-connected archae- ologically to what I have hypothesized to be the earlier Midwestern center of Proto-Algonquian (Denny 1991b). By the linguistic principle of least moves this would be the Lake Michigan-Ohio River area;2 the archaeological tra­ dition there which is the forerunner of Middlesex is Red Ocher/Glacial Kame (1400-400 BC). I have traced this latter tradition further back to the Western Idaho Archaic Burial complex (2500-1800 BC) in the Columbia Plateau region (Denny 1991a). On linguistic grounds, Sapir (1916) had already hypothesized that Algonquian speech originated in the West, and the Delaware oral traditions state that they came from there (Heckewelder 1819).3 From this line of research, the Middlesex tradition centered at Lake Champlain is a plausible starting-point for the spread of Eastern Algon­ quian. Returning now to Labrador, the Daniel Rattle/Point Revenge tradition (AD 200-1600), which is ancestral to the Beothuk, has been connected to the Middlesex tradition by recent archaeological findings reported by Lor­ ing (1989). The cache he uncovered at the Daniel Rattle site on the central Labrador coast (close to the modern settlement of Davis Inlet) contains three ceremonial artifacts that occur at other Middlesex sites in the upper St. Lawrence/Lake Ontario region: a piece of graphite, a beach pebble, and a Robbins blade. The latter (shown front and back in Loring 1989, Fig. 5) is reproduced here as Fig. 1. This cache seems to bridge between the In­ termediate Period complexes and the Daniel Rattle complex, because the other artifacts in it are all typical of the preceding Intermediate Period cultures of the Labrador coast. Loring argues that this cache represents the adoption of Middlesex ceremonialism by existing Labrador peoples. In addition, Loring (1989:56) stresses that since the boreal forest did not have the resources to support a dense population and since a successful adap­ tation required great mobility, ceremonial artifacts such as the contents of 2Another technique used by linguists, finding the overlapping area for the biological species named by reconstructed Proto-Algonquian words, locates the Proto-Algonquian homeland between Lakes Huron and Ontario (Siebert 1967). However, Snow (1976) has re-analysed this data to show that the whole of the Great Lakes, New England and the Maritimes is implicated. I found that the alternative technique, the principle of least moves, led to useful archaeological correlates. 3 This tradition is not remembered by modern Delaware probably because the story-telling families were wiped out in the great epidemics of the early 19th century. 86 DENNY Figure 1: Robbins blade, Daniel Rattle (from Lorring 1989) this cache are evidence of efforts to maintain social connections with dis­ tant groups. However for a Beothuk-related language to be established as a part of Daniel Rattle-Point Revenge culture more intimate social inter­ actions must have taken place.This suggests to me a way in which Eastern Algonquian influence took hold in this region, for which we will see other evidence. Small groups of Middlesex peoples moved there, probably es­ tablishing a maritime economy which was not directly in competition with the more interior-based subsistence of the Intermediate Period inhabitants. Gradually these latter were recruited to the new economy with its distinc­ tive Eastern Algonquian language and ceremonial life. In this way, it can be true that there was, as Loring says "a remarkable social and economic transformation", and also as he says "a long in situ cultural development" (quoted from the English original for the French translation). Why should we prefer the hypothesis that Middlesex folk migrated to Labrador rather than the other possibility that Middlesex influence ar­ rived through down-the-line trade? One reason is the fundamental change from interior to maritime economy, and a second is the very long distance from the Middlesex centers on Lake Champlain. Thirdly, if one accepts the reasoning outlined above that the Beothuks were Eastern Algonquian- speaking descendants of the Point Revenge peoples of Labrador, and that Middlesex culture is the source of Eastern Algonquian, then the language change hypothesized to begin with the Daniel Rattle complex would have required much more intense influence than just trade relationships. ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES IN QUEBEC-LABRADOR Figure 2: a) Turkey-tail; b) Red Ocher blade, GeEl-1 Caniapiscau (from Donton 1989) A fourth reason is the rapid and complete changeover in lithic ma­ terials: Daniel Rattle/Point Revenge peoples replaced the local sources previosly used by extraordinary amounts of Ramah chert which they had to transport from quarries in the Dorset Eskimo territories of northern Labrador. Their prodigal use of Ramah material points to an ease of ac­ cess (Loring 1985a: 135) which must have been based upon building and maintaining excellent peaceful relations with the Dorset people.
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