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1 2 3 4 5 6 14 7 8 9 10 European Exploration 11 12 13 14 and Conquest 15 16 17 18 19 20 1450–1650 21 22 23 Before 1450 Europeans were relatively marginal players in a centuries-old trading system 24 that linked Africa, Asia, and . Elites everywhere prized Chinese porcelains and silks, 25 26 while wealthy members of the Celestial Kingdom, as China called itself, wanted ivory and 27 black slaves from Africa, and exotic goods and peacocks from India. African people wanted 28 29 textiles from India and cowrie shells from the in the Indian Ocean. Europeans 30 craved Asian silks and spices, but they had few desirable goods to offer their trading 31 32 partners. 33 Europeans’ search for better access to Asian trade led to a new empire in the Indian 34 Ocean and the accidental discovery of the Western Hemisphere. Within a few decades 35 36 European in South and North America would join this worldwide web of com- 37 merce. Capitalizing on the goods and riches they found in the Americas, Europeans came 38 39 to dominate trading networks and built political empires of truly global proportions. The 40 era of globalization had begun. 41 Global contacts created new forms of cultural exchange, assimilation, conversion, and 42 43 resistance. Europeans struggled to comprehend the peoples and societies they encoun- 44 tered and sought to impose European cultural values on them. New forms of racial preju- 45 46 dice emerged, but so did new openness and curiosity about different ways of life. Together 47 with the developments of the Renaissance and the Reformation, the — 48 49 as the period of European exploration and conquest from 1450 to 1650 is known — laid the 50 foundations for the modern world. n 51 52 53 54 55 S 56 R

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1st Pass Pages 14_MCK_1513_ch14_0425_0461_r2jm.indd 427 1st Pass6/25/13 Pages 10:12 AM MASTER MASTER 1 fourteenth centuries, the volume of this trade steadily 2 World Contacts increased, declining only during the years of the Black 3 Before Columbus Death. 4 Merchants congregated in a series of cosmopoli- 5 What was the Afroeurasian trading world tan port cities strung around the Indian Ocean. Most 6 before Columbus? of these cities had some form of autonomous self- 7 government. Mutual self-interest had largely limited 8 violence and attempts to monopolize trade. Te most 9 Columbus did not sail west on a whim. To understand developed area of this commercial web was in the South 10 his and other Europeans’ explorations, we must first China Sea. In the fifteenth century the port of 11 understand late medieval trade networks. Historians became a great commercial entrepôt (AHN-truh-poh), 12 now recognize that a type of world economy, known a trading post to which goods were shipped for storage 13 as the Afroeurasian trade world, linked the products while awaiting redis tri bu tion. To Malacca came Chi- 14 and people of Asia, Africa, and Europe in the fifteenth nese porcelains, silks, and camphor (used in the manu- 15 century. Te West was not the dominant player before facture of many medications); pepper, cloves, nutmeg, 16 Columbus, and the European voyages derived from a and raw ma te rials such as sandalwood from the Mo- 17 desire to share in and control the wealth coming from luccas; sugar from the Philippines; and Indian textiles, 18 the Indian Ocean. copper weapons, incense, dyes, and opium. 19 Te Mongol emperors opened the doors of China 20 The Trade World of the to the West, encouraging Europeans like the Venetian 21 Indian Ocean trader and explorer Marco Polo to do business there. 22 Marco Polo’s tales of his travels from 1271 to 1295 and 23 Te Indian Ocean was the center of the Afroeurasian his encounter with the Great Khan fueled Western fan- 24 trade world. Its location made it a crossroads for ex- tasies about the exotic Orient. Polo vividly recounted 25 change among China, India, the Middle East, Africa, the splendors of the Khan’s court and the city of Hang- 26 and Europe (Map 14.1). From the seventh through the zhou, which he described as “the finest and noblest 27 28 29 The Port of Calicut in India The port of Calicut, located on the west coast of India, was a center of the 30 Indian Ocean spice trade during the Middle Ages. Vasco da Gama arrived in Calicut in 1498 and obtained 31 permission to trade there, leading to hostilities between the Portuguese and the Arab traders who had 32 previously dominated the port. (Private Collection/The Stapleton Collection/The Bridgeman Art Library) 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 S 56 R

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in the world” in which “the number and 1271–1295 Marco Polo travels to China 1 wealth of the merchants, and the 1443 Portuguese establish first African trading post at 2 amount of goods that passed through 3 their hands, was so enormous that no 4 man could form a just estimate thereof.”1 1492 Columbus lands in the Americas 5 After the Mongols fell to the Ming 1511 Portuguese capture Malacca from Muslims 6 Dynasty in 1368, China entered a period 7 of economic expansion, population 1518 Spanish king authorizes slave trade to New World 8 growth, and urbanization. By the end of colonies 9 the dynasty in 1644, the Chinese popu- 1519–1522 Magellan’s expedition circumnavigates the world 10 lation had tripled to between 150 mil- 11 lion and 200 million. Te city of 1521 Cortés conquers the Mexica Empire 12 Nanjing had 1 million inhabitants, 1533 Pizarro conquers the Inca Empire 13 making it the largest city in the world, 14 while the new capital, Beijing, had more 1602 established 15 than 600,000 inhabitants, larger than 16 any European city. Historians agree that 17 China had the most advanced economy 18 in the world until at least the start of the eighteenth trade goods. Sharing in Cairo’s prosperity was the Afri- 19 century. can highland state of Ethiopia, a Chris tian kingdom 20 China also took the lead in exploration, sending Ad- with scattered contacts with European rulers. On the 21 miral Zheng He’s fleet along the trade web as far west east coast of Africa, Swahili-speaking city-states engaged 22 as Egypt. From 1405 to 1433, each of his seven expe- in the Indian Ocean trade, exchanging ivory, rhinoc- 23 ditions involved hundreds of ships and tens of thou- eros horn, tortoise shells, and slaves for textiles, spices, 24 sands of men. In one voyage alone, Zheng He (JEHNG cowrie shells, porcelain, and other goods. Peopled by 25 HUH) sailed more than 12,000 miles, compared to confident and urbane merchants, cities like Kilwa, Ma- 26 Columbus’s 2,400 miles on his first voyage some sixty lindi, Mogadishu, and Mombasa were known for their 27 years later.2 Court conflicts and the need to defend prosperity and culture. 28 against renewed Mongol encroachment led to the aban- In the fifteenth century most of the gold that 29 donment of the maritime expeditions after the deaths reached Europe came from the western part of the Su- 30 of Zheng He and the emperor. China’s turning away dan region in West Africa and from the Akan (AH- 31 from external trade opened new opportunities for Eu- kahn) peoples living near present-day Ghana. 32 ropean states to claim a decisive role in world trade. Transported across the Sahara by Arab and African 33 Another center of trade in the Indian Ocean was traders on camels, the gold was sold in the ports of 34 India. Te subcontinent had ancient links with its North Africa. Other trading routes led to the Egyptian 35 neighbors to the northwest: trade between South Asia cities of Alexandria and Cairo, where the Venetians 36 and Mesopotamia dates back to the origins of human held commercial privileges. 37 civilization. Romans had acquired cotton textiles, ex- Nations inland that sat astride the north-south car- 38 otic animals, and other luxury goods from India. Arab avan routes grew wealthy from this trade. In the mid- 39 merchants who circumnavigated India on their way to thirteenth century the kingdom of Mali emerged as an 40 trade in the South China Sea established trading posts important player on the overland trade route, gaining 41 along the southern coast of India, where the cities of prestige from its ruler Mansa Musa’s fabulous pilgrim- 42 Calicut and Quilon became thriving commercial cen- age to Mecca in 1324/25. Mansa Musa reportedly 43 ters. India was an important contributor of goods to came to the throne after the previous king failed to 44 the world trading system; much of the world’s pepper return from a naval expedition he led to explore the 45 was grown there, and Indian cotton textiles were highly Atlantic Ocean. A document by a contemporary 46 prized. scholar, al-Umari, quoted Mansa Musa’s description of 47 his predecessor as a man who “did not believe that the 48 The Trading States of Africa ocean was im pos sible to cross. He wished to reach the 49 other side and was passionately interested in doing 50 By 1450 Africa had a few large empires along with so.”3 After only one ship returned from an earlier expe- 51 hundreds of smaller states. From 1250 until its defeat dition, the king set out himself at the head of a fleet of 52 by the Ottomans in 1517, the Mamluk Egyp tian em- two thousand vessels, a voyage from which no one re- 53 pire was one of the most powerful on the continent. turned. Corroboration of these early expeditions is 54 Its capital, Cairo, was a center of Islamic learning and lacking, but this report underlines the wealth and S 55 religious authority as well as a hub for Indian Ocean ambition of Mali in this period. In later centuries the R 56

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Map 14.1 The Fifteenth-Century Afroeurasian Trading World After a period of decline following the Black Death and the Mongol invasions, trade revived in the fifteenth century. Muslim merchants dominated trade, linking ports in East Africa and the Red Sea with those in India and the Malay Archipelago. Chinese admiral Zheng He’s voyages (1405–1433) followed the most important Indian Ocean trade routes, in the hope of imposing Ming dominance of trade and tribute.

diversion of gold away from the trans-Sahara routes The Ottoman and would weaken the inland states of Africa politically Persian Empires and economically. Gold was one important object of trade; slaves were Te Middle East served as an intermediary for trade another. Slavery was practiced in Africa, as it was vir- between Asia, Africa, and Europe and was also an im- tually everywhere else in the world, before the arrival portant supplier of goods for foreign exchange, espe- of Europeans. and African merchants took cially silk and cotton. Two great rival empires, the West African slaves to the Mediterranean to be sold in Persian Safavids (sah-FAH-vidz) and the Turkish Otto- European, Egyp tian, and Middle Eastern markets and mans, dominated the region. Persian merchants could also brought eastern Europeans — a major element of be found in trading communities as far away as the European slav ery — to West Africa as slaves. In addi- Indian Ocean. Persia was also a major producer and tion, Indian and Arabic merchants traded slaves in the exporter of silk. coastal regions of East Africa. Te Persians’ Shi’ite Muslim faith clashed with the Legends about Africa played an important role in Ottomans’ adherence to Sunnism. Economically, the Europeans’ imagination of the outside world. Tey two competed for control over western trade routes to long cherished the belief in a Christian nation in Af- the East. Under Sultan Mohammed II (r. 1451–1481), rica ruled by a mythical king, Prester John, who was the Ottomans captured Europe’s largest city, Con- believed to be a descendant of one of the three kings stantinople, in May 1453. Renamed Istanbul, the city who visited Jesus after his birth. became the capital of the Ottoman Empire. By the

430 The Taking of Constantinople by the Turks, April 22, 1453 The Ottoman conquest of the capital of the Byzantine Empire in 1453 sent shock and despair through Europe. Capitalizing on the city’s strategic and commercial impor- tance, the Ottomans made it the center of their empire. (Bibliothèque nationale de France)

mid-sixteenth century the Ottomans controlled the sea trade in the eastern Mediterranean, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and the rest of North Africa, and their power extended into Europe as far west as Vienna. Ottoman expansion frightened Europeans. Te Ot- toman armies seemed invincible and the empire’s de- sire for expansion limitless. In France in the sixteenth century, only forty books were published on the Amer- ican discoveries compared to eighty on Turkey and the Turks.4 Te strength of the Ottomans helps explain some of the missionary fervor Christians brought to new territories. It also raised economic concerns. With trade routes to the East dominated by the Ottomans, Europeans wished to find new trade routes free of Ot- toman control. Genoese and Venetian Middlemen Compared to the riches and vibrancy of the East, Eu- rope constituted a minor outpost of the world trading system. European craftsmen produced few products to rival the fine wares and coveted spices of Asia. In the late Middle Ages, the Italian city-states of Venice and Genoa controlled the European luxury trade with the East. In 1304 Venice established formal relations with in Egypt and North Africa. When the Portuguese ar- the sultan of Mamluk Egypt, opening operations in rived in Asia in the late fifteenth century, they found Cairo, the gateway to Asian trade. Venetian merchants Venetian coins everywhere. specialized in goods like spices, silks, and carpets, Venice’s ancient rival was Genoa. In the wake of the which they obtained from middlemen in the eastern Crusades, Genoa dominated the northern route to Mediterranean and Asia Minor. A little went a long Asia through the Black Sea. Expansion in the thirteenth way. Venetians purchased no more than five hundred and fourteenth centuries took the Genoese as far as tons of spices a year around 1400, with a profit of Persia and the Far East. In 1291 they sponsored an about 40 percent. Te most important spice was pep- expedition into the Atlantic in search of India. Te per, grown in India and Indonesia, which composed ships were lost, and their exact destination and motiva- 60 percent of the spices they purchased in 1400.5 tions remain unknown. Tis voyage reveals the long Te Venetians exchanged Eastern luxury goods for roots of Genoese interest in Atlantic exploration. European products they could trade abroad, includ- In the fifteenth century, with Venice claiming vic- ing Spanish and English wool, German metal goods, tory in the spice trade, the Genoese shifted focus from Flemish textiles, and silk cloth made in their own trade to finance and from the Black Sea to the western manufactures with imported raw ma te rials. Eastern Mediterranean. Located on the northwestern coast of demand for such items, however, was low. To make up Italy, Genoa had always been active in the western the difference, the Venetians earned currency in the Mediterranean, trading with North African ports, shipping industry and through trade in firearms and southern France, Spain, and even En gland and Flan- slaves. At least half of what they traded with the East ders through the Strait of Gibraltar. When Spanish took the form of precious metal, much of it acquired and Portuguese voyages began to explore the western

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1 Atlantic (see pages 435–440), Genoese merchants, Causes of European Expansion 2 navigators, and financiers provided their skills to the 3 Iberian monarchs, whose own subjects had much less European expansion had multiple causes. By the 4 commercial experience. Te Genoese, for example, ran middle of the fifteenth century, Europe was experienc- 5 many of the sugar plantations established on the At- ing a revival of population and economic activity after 6 lantic colonized by the Portuguese. Genoese the lows of the Black Death. Tis revival created de- 7 merchants would eventually help finance Spanish col- mand for luxuries, espe cially spices, from the East. Te 8 onization of the New World. fall of Constantinople and subsequent Ottoman con- 9 A major element of Italian trade was slav ery. Mer- trol of trade routes created obstacles to fulfilling these 10 chants purchased slaves, many of whom were fellow demands. Europeans needed to find new sources of 11 Chris tians, in the Balkans. Te men were sold to Egypt precious metal to trade with the Ottomans or trade 12 for the sultan’s army or sent to work as agricultural routes that bypassed the Ottomans. 13 laborers in the Mediterranean. Young girls, who con- Why were spices so desirable? Introduced into west- 14 stituted the majority of the trade, were sold in western ern Europe by the Crusaders in the twelfth century, 15 Mediterranean ports as servants or concubines. After pepper, nutmeg, ginger, mace, cinnamon, and cloves 16 the loss of the Black Sea — and thus the source of added flavor and variety to the monotonous European 17 slaves — to the Ottomans, the Genoese sought new diet. Not only did spices serve as flavorings for food, 18 supplies of slaves in the West, taking the Guanches but they were also used in anointing oil and as incense 19 (indigenous peoples from the Canary Islands), Muslim for religious rituals, and as perfumes, medicines, and 20 prisoners and Jewish refugees from Spain, and by the dyes in daily life. Take, for example, cloves, for which 21 early 1500s both black and Berber Africans. With the Europeans found many uses. If picked green and sug- 22 growth of Spanish colonies in the New World, Geno- ared, the buds could be transformed into jam; if salted 23 ese and Venetian merchants would become important and pickled, cloves became a flavoring for vinegar. 24 players in the Atlantic slave trade. Cloves sweetened the breath. When added to food or 25 Italian experience in colonial administration, slav- drink, they were thought to stimulate the appetite and 26 ing, and international trade served as a model for clear the intestines and bladder. When crushed and 27 the Iberian states as they pushed European expansion powdered, they were a medicine rubbed on the fore- 28 to new heights. Mariners, merchants, and financiers head to relieve head colds and applied to the eyes to 29 from Venice and Genoa — most notably Christopher strengthen vision. Taken with milk, they were believed 30 Columbus — played a crucial role in bringing the to enhance sexual pleasure. 31 fruits of this experience to the Iberian Peninsula and to Religious fervor was another important catalyst for 32 the New World. expansion. Te passion and energy ignited by the 33 Chris tian reconquista (reconquest) of the Iberian Pen- 34 insula encouraged the Portuguese and Spanish to con- 35 tinue the Chris tian crusade. Just seven months separated 36 Isabella and Ferdinand’s conquest of the emirate of 37 The European Voyages Granada, the last remaining Muslim state on the Ibe- 38 rian Peninsula, and Columbus’s departure across the 39 of Discovery Atlantic. Overseas exploration was in some ways a 40 How and why did Europeans undertake transfer of the crusading spirit to new non-Chris tian 41 ambitious voyages of expansion? territories. Since the remaining Muslim states, such as 42 the mighty Ottoman Empire, were too strong to de- 43 feat, Iberians turned their attention elsewhere. 44 As we have seen, Europe was by no means isolated be- Combined with eagerness to earn profits and to 45 fore the voyages of exploration and its “discovery” of spread Chris tianity was the desire for glory and the 46 the New World. But because they did not produce urge to chart new waters. Scholars have frequently de- 47 many products desired by Eastern elites, Europeans scribed the European discoveries as a manifestation of 48 played only a small role in the Indian Ocean trading Renaissance curiosity about the physical universe — 49 world. As Europe recovered after the Black Death, new the desire to know more about the geography and 50 European players entered the scene with novel tech- peoples of the world. Te detailed journals many voy- 51 nology, eager to spread Chris tianity and to undo Ital- agers kept attest to their wonder and fascination with 52 ian and Ottoman domination of trade with the East. A the new peoples and places they visited. 53 century after the plague, Iberian explorers began the Individual explorers combined these motivations in 54 overseas voyages that helped create the modern world, unique ways. Christopher Columbus was a devout 55 S with staggering consequences for their own continent Chris tian who was increasingly haunted by messianic 56 R and the rest of the planet. obsessions in the last years of his life. As Portuguese

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explorer Bartholomew Diaz put it, his own motives centuries. One of the most popular books of the time 1 were “to serve God and His Majesty, to give light to was the fourteenth-century text Te Travels of Sir John 2 those who were in darkness and to grow rich as all men Mandeville, which purported to be a firsthand account 3 desire to do.” When the Portuguese explorer Vasco da of the author’s travels in the Holy Land, Egypt, Ethio- 4 Gama reached the port of Calicut, India, in 1498 and a pia, the Middle East, and India and his ser vice to the 5 native asked what he wanted, he replied, “Christians Mamluk sultan of Egypt and the Mongol Great Khan 6 and spices.”6 Te bluntest of the Spanish conquistadors of China. Although we now know the stories were fic- 7 (kohn-KEES-tuh-dorz), Hernando Cortés, announced tional, these fantastic tales of cannibals, one-eyed 8 as he prepared to conquer Mexico, “I have come to win giants, men with the heads of dogs, and other marvels 9 gold, not to plow the fields like a peasant.”7 convinced audiences through their vividly and persua- 10 Eagerness for exploration was heightened by a lack sively described details. Christopher Columbus took a 11 of opportunity at home. After the reconquista, young copy of Mandeville and the equally popular and more 12 men of the Spanish upper classes found their economic reliable Te Travels of Marco Polo on his voyage in 13 and political opportunities greatly limited. Te ambi- 1492. 14 tious turned to the sea to seek their fortunes. 15 Teir voyages were made pos sible by the growth of Technology and the 16 government power. Te Spanish monarchy was stron- Rise of Exploration 17 ger than before and in a position to support foreign 18 ventures. In explorers also looked to the mon- Technological developments in shipbuilding, weap- 19 archy, to Prince Henry the Navigator in particular onry, and navigation also paved the way for European 20 (page 435), for financial support and encouragement. expansion. Since ancient times, most seagoing vessels 21 Like voyagers, monarchs shared a mix of motivations, had been narrow, open boats called galleys, propelled 22 from the desire to please God to the desire to win glory largely by slaves or convicts manning the oars. Tough 23 and profit from trade. Competition among European well suited to the placid waters 24 monarchs and between Protestant and Catholic states of the Mediterranean, galleys conquistador Spanish for 25 was an important factor in encouraging the steady could not withstand the rough “conqueror”; Spanish soldier- 26 stream of expeditions that began in the late fifteenth winds and uncharted shoals of explorers, such as Hernando 27 century. the Atlantic. Te need for stur- Cortés and Francisco Pizarro, 28 Ordinary sailors were ill paid, and life at sea meant dier craft, as well as population who sought to conquer the 29 danger, overcrowding, and hunger. For months at a losses caused by the Black New World for the Spanish 30 time, 100 to 120 people lived and worked in a space of Death, forced the development crown. 31 1,600 to 2,000 square feet. A lucky sailor would find of a new style of ship that would caravel A small, maneuver- 32 enough space on deck to unroll his sleeping mat. Horses, not require much manpower to able, three-mast sailing ship 33 cows, pigs, chickens, rats, and lice accompanied sailors sail. In the course of the fif- developed by the Portuguese 34 on the voyages. As one scholar concluded, “traveling teenth century, the Portuguese in the fifteenth century that 35 on a ship must have been one of the most uncomfort- developed the caravel, a small, gave the Portuguese a distinct 36 able and oppressive experiences in the world.”8 light, three-mast sailing ship. advantage in exploration and 37 Men chose to join these miserable crews to escape Tough somewhat slower than trade. 38 poverty at home, to continue a family trade, or to find the galley, the caravel held more Ptolemy’s Geography 39 better lives as illegal immigrants in the colonies. Many cargo. Its triangular lateen sails A second-century-c.e. work 40 orphans and poor boys were placed on board as young and sternpost rudder also made that synthesized the classical 41 pages and had little say in the decision. Women also the caravel a much more ma- knowledge of geography and 42 paid a price for the voyages of exploration. Left alone neuverable vessel. When fitted introduced the concepts of 43 for months or years at a time, and frequently widowed, with cannon, it could dominate longitude and latitude. 44 sailors’ wives struggled to feed their families. Te larger vessels. Reintroduced to Europeans 45 widow of a sailor lost on a voyage in 1519 had to wait Great strides in cartography about 1410 by Arab scholars, 46 almost thirty years to collect her husband’s salary from and navigational aids were also its ideas allowed cartographers 47 9 the Spanish crown. made during this period. to create more accurate maps. 48 Te people who stayed at home had a powerful im- Around 1410 Arab scholars re- 49 pact on the process. Royal ministers and factions at introduced Europeans to Ptolemy’s Geography. Writ- 50 court influenced monarchs to provide or deny support ten in the second century C.E. by a Hellenized Egyp tian, 51 for exploration. Te small number of people who the work synthesized the geographical knowledge of 52 could read served as a rapt audience for tales of fantas- the classical world. Ptolemy’s work provided signifi- 53 tic places and unknown peoples. Cosmography, natu- cant improvements over medieval cartography, clearly 54 ral history, and geography aroused enormous interest depicting the world as round and introducing the idea S 55 among educated people in the fifteenth and sixteenth of latitude and longitude to plot position accurately. It R 56

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1 also contained crucial errors. Unaware of the Americas, European ships to tack against the wind, was a product 2 Ptolemy showed the world as much smaller than it is, of the Indian Ocean trade world. Advances in cartog- 3 so that Asia appeared not very distant from Europe to raphy drew on the rich tradition of Judeo-Arabic 4 the west. Based on this work, cartographers fashioned mathematical and astronomical learning in Iberia. 5 new maps that combined classical knowledge with the Sometimes assistance to Europeans came from humans 6 latest information from mariners. First the Genoese rather than instruments. Te famed explorer Vasco da 7 and Venetians, and then the Portuguese and Span- Gama employed a local Indian pilot to guide his 8 ish, took the lead in these advances. expedition from the East African coast to India. In 9 Te magnetic compass enabled sailors to deter- exploring new territories, European sailors thus 10 mine their direction and position at sea. Te as- called on techniques and knowledge developed 11 trolabe, an instrument invented by the ancient over centuries in China, the Muslim world, 12 Greeks and perfected by Muslim navigators, and the Indian Ocean. 13 was used to determine the altitude of the 14 sun and other celestial bodies. It permit- 15 ted mariners to plot their latitude, that 16 is, their precise position north or Brass Astrolabe Between 1500 and 1635 over nine hundred ships sailed 17 south of the equator. from Portugal to ports on the Indian 18 Like the astrolabe, much of the Ocean, in annual fleets composed of 19 new technology that Europeans used five to ten ships. Portuguese sailors 20 on their voyages was borrowed from used astrolabes, such as the one 21 the East. Gunpowder, the compass, shown here, to accurately plot their 22 and the sternpost rudder were Chinese position. (© The Trustees of the British 23 inventions. Te lateen sail, which allowed Museum) 24 25 26 Ptolemy’s Geography The recovery of Ptolemy’s Geography in the early fifteenth century gave Europeans new 27 access to ancient geographical knowledge. This 1486 world map, based on Ptolemy, is a great advance over medieval maps but contains errors with significant consequences for future exploration. It shows a single continent watered 28 by a single ocean, with land covering three-quarters of the world’s surface. Africa and Asia are joined with Europe, 29 making the Indian Ocean a landlocked sea and rendering the circumnavigation of Africa impos sible. Australia and the 30 Americas are nonexistent, and the continent of Asia is stretched far to the east, greatly shortening the distance from 31 Europe to Asia via the Atlantic. (Bibliothèque nationale de France/Giraudon/The Bridgeman Art Library) 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 S 56 R

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The Portuguese Lisbon loaded with spices and samples of Indian cloth. 1 Overseas Empire He had failed to forge any trading alliances with local 2 powers, and Portuguese arrogance ensured the future 3 For centuries Portugal was a small, poor nation on the hostility of Muslim merchants who dominated the 4 margins of European life whose principal activities trading system. Nonetheless, da Gama proved the pos- 5 were fishing and subsistence farming. It would have sibility of lucrative trade with the East via the Cape 6 been hard for a European to predict Portugal’s phe- route. Tereafter, a Portuguese convoy set out for pas- 7 nomenal success overseas after 1450. Yet Portugal had sage around the Cape every March. 8 a long history of seafaring and navigation. Blocked Lisbon became the entrance port for Asian goods 9 from access to western Europe by Spain, the Portu- into Europe, but this was not accomplished without a 10 guese turned to the Atlantic and North Africa, whose fight. Muslim-controlled port city-states had long con- 11 waters they knew better than other Europeans. Nature trolled the rich spice trade of the Indian Ocean, and 12 favored the Portuguese: winds blowing along their they did not surrender their dominance willingly. 13 coast offered passage to Africa, its Atlantic islands, and, From 1500 to 1511 the Portuguese used a combina- 14 ultimately, Brazil. tion of bombardment and diplomatic treaties to estab- 15 In the early phases of Portuguese exploration, Prince lish trading forts at Calicut, Malacca, Hormuz, and 16 Henry (1394–1460), a younger son of the king, played , thereby laying the foundation for Portuguese im- 17 a leading role. A nineteenth-century scholar dubbed perialism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 18 Henry “the Navigator” because of his support for the (See “Primary Source 14.1: A Portuguese Traveler De- 19 study of geography and navigation and for the annual scribes Swahili City-States of East Africa,” page 437.) 20 expeditions he sponsored down the western coast of In March 1493, between the voyages of Diaz and 21 Africa. Although he never personally participated in da Gama, Spanish ships under a triumphant Genoese 22 voyages of exploration, Henry’s involvement ensured mariner named Christopher Columbus (1451–1506), 23 that Portugal did not abandon the effort despite early in the ser vice of the Spanish crown, entered Lisbon 24 disappointments. harbor. Spain also had begun the quest for an empire. 25 Te objectives of Portuguese exploration policy in- 26 cluded military glory; the conversion of Muslims; and The Problem of 27 a quest to find gold, slaves, and an overseas route to the Christopher Columbus 28 spice markets of India. Portugal’s conquest of , 29 an Arab city in northern Morocco, in 1415 marked Christopher Columbus is a controversial figure in his- 30 the beginning of European overseas expansion. In the tory — glorified by some as a courageous explorer, vili- 31 1420s, under Henry’s direction, the Portuguese began fied by others as a cruel exploiter of Native Americans. 32 to settle the Atlantic islands of (ca. 1420) and Many have questioned how he could “discover” the 33 the (1427). In 1443 they founded their first Americas, given the millennia of indigenous popula- 34 African commercial settlement at Arguin in North tion prior to his arrival and earlier transatlantic cross- 35 Africa. By the time of Henry’s death in 1460, his sup- ings of the Vikings. Rather than judging Columbus by 36 port for exploration was vindicated by thriving sugar debates and standards of our time, it is more important 37 plantations on the Atlantic islands, the first arrival of to understand him in the context of his own time. 38 enslaved Africans in Portugal (see page 450), and new First, what kind of man was Columbus, and what 39 access to African gold. forces or influences shaped him? Second, in sailing 40 Te Portuguese next established trading posts and westward from Europe, what were his goals? Tird, 41 forts on the gold-rich Guinea coast and penetrated did he achieve his goals, and what did he make of his 42 into the African continent all the way to Timbuktu discoveries? 43 (Map 14.2). By 1500 Portugal controlled the flow of In his dream of a westward passage to the Indies, 44 African gold to Europe. Te golden century of Portu- Columbus embodied a long-standing Genoese ambi- 45 guese prosperity had begun. tion to circumvent Venetian domination of eastward 46 Te Portuguese then pushed farther south down trade, which was now being claimed by the Portu- 47 the west coast of Africa. In 1487 Bartholomew Diaz guese. Columbus was very knowledgeable about the 48 rounded the Cape of Good Hope at the southern tip, sea. He had worked as a mapmaker, and he was famil- 49 but storms and a threatened mutiny forced him to turn iar with fifteenth-century Portuguese navigational de- 50 back. A decade later Vasco da Gama succeeded in velopments and the use of the compass as a nautical 51 rounding the Cape while commanding a fleet of four instrument. As he asserted in his journal: “I have spent 52 ships in search of a sea route to India. With the help of twenty-three years at sea and have not left it for any 53 an Indian guide, da Gama reached the port of Calicut length of time worth mentioning, and I have seen 54 in India. Overcoming local hostility, he returned to every thing from east to west [meaning he had been to S 55 R 56

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MAPPING THE PAST

Map 14.2 Overseas Exploration and Conquest in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries The voyages of discovery marked a dramatic new phase in the centuries-old migrations of European peoples. This world map depicts the voyages of the most significant European explorers of this period, while the inset map shows Spanish and Portuguese colonies of the eighteenth century. analyzing the map Consider the routes and dates of the voyages shown. How might have the successes of the earlier voyages contributed to the later expeditions? Which voyage had the most impact and why? connections How would you compare Spanish and Portuguese New World holdings in the sixteenth century with those of the eighteenth century? How would you explain the differences and continuities over time?

En gland] and I have been to Guinea [North and West the Apocalypse of St. John . . . and he showed me the Africa].”10 His successful thirty-three-day voyage to post where to find it.”11 the Caribbean owed a great deal to his seamanship. What was the object of this first voyage? Columbus Columbus was also a deeply religious man. He gave the answer in the very title of the expedition, “Te had witnessed the Spanish conquest of Granada and Enterprise of the Indies.” He wanted to find a direct shared fully in the religious and nationalistic fervor ocean trading route to Asia. Rejected for funding by surrounding that event. Like the Spanish rulers and the Portuguese in 1483 and by Ferdinand and Isabella most Europeans of his age, Columbus understood in 1486, the project finally won the backing of the Chris tianity as a missionary religion that should be Spanish monarchy in 1492. Te Spanish crown named carried to all places of the earth. He viewed himself as Columbus viceroy over any territory he might discover a divine agent: “God made me the messenger of the and promised him one-tenth of the ma te rial rewards of new heaven and the new earth of which he spoke in the journey. Inspired by the stories of Mandeville and 436 PRIMARY SDatesOU RCECurrent 14h1 H.1ead 437 A Portuguese Traveler Describes Swahili City-States of East Africa

Duarte Barbosa traveled to India as an interpreter and laid out in streets. The folk are both black and white; they scribe for the Portuguese government and ultimately per- go naked, covering only their private parts with cotton ished as a member of Magellan’s expedition in 1521. Be- and silk cloths. Others of them wear cloths folded like fore embarking with Magellan, he published a book of his cloaks and waist-bands, and turbans of many rich stuffs observations of the people, lands, and commerce of the on their heads. Indian Ocean trade world, from which the excerpt below They are great barterers, and deal in cloth, gold, ivory, is taken. and divers other wares with the Moors and Heathen of the great kingdom of Cambaya; and to their haven come Going along the coast from this town of Mozambique, every year many ships with cargoes of merchandise, from there is an hard by the mainland which is called which they get great store of gold, ivory and wax. In this Kilwa, in which is a Moorish [Muslim] town with many fair traffic the Cambay merchants make great profits, and houses of stone and mortar, with many windows after thus, on one side and the other, they earn much money. our fashion, very well arranged in streets, with many flat There is great plenty of food in this city (rice, millet and roofs. . . . From this place they trade with Sofala, whence some wheat which they bring from Cambaya), and divers they bring back gold, and from here they spread all over . . . sorts of fruit, inasmuch as there is here abundance of the sea-coast [which] is well- peopled with villages and fruit-gardens and orchards. Here too are plenty of round- abodes of Moors. Before the King our Lord [the Portu- tailed sheep, cows and other cattle and great store of guese king] sent out his expedition to discover India the oranges, also of hens. Moors of Sofala, Cuama, Angoya and Mozambique were The king and people of this place ever were and are all subject to the King of Kilwa, who was the most mighty friends of the King of Portugal, and the Portuguese always king among them. And in this town was great plenty of find in them great comfort and friendship and perfect gold, as no ships passed towards Sofala without first com- peace. ing to this island. Of the Moors there are some fair and some black, they are finely clad in many rich garments of gold and silk and cotton, and the women as well. . . . EVALUATE THE EVIDENCE This town was taken by force from its king by the 1. What impressed Barbosa in the city-states he visited? Portuguese, as, moved by arrogance, he refused to obey What was his attitude toward the various peoples and the King our Lord. There they took many prisoners and places he saw? Do you detect any Portuguese or the king fled from the island, and His Highness [the Por- Western prejudices? tuguese king] ordered that a fort should be built there, 2. How does this document help explain Portuguese and kept it under his rule and governance. . . . ambitions in the Indian Ocean trade world and the Journeying along the coast towards India, there is a relationship between the Portuguese and the Swahili fair town on the mainland lying along a strand, which is city-states at the time Duarte Barbosa visited them? named Malindi. It pertains to the Moors and has a Moor- ish king over it; the which place has many fair stone and mortar houses of many storeys, with great plenty of win- Source: Mansel Longworth Dames, trans., The Book of Duarte Barbosa, vol. 1 (London: Bedford Press, 1918), 17–18, 22–23. dows and flat roofs, after our fashion. The place is well

Marco Polo, Columbus dreamed of reaching the court San Salvador, on October 12, 1492. Columbus be- of the Mongol emperor, the Great Khan (not realizing lieved he had found some small islands off the east that the Ming Dynasty had overthrown the Mongols coast of Japan. On encountering natives of the islands, in 1368). Based on Ptolemy’s Geography and other he gave them some beads and “many other trifles of texts, he expected to pass the islands of Japan and then small value,” pronouncing them delighted with these land on the east coast of China. gifts and eager to trade. In a letter he wrote to Ferdinand How did Columbus interpret what he had found, and Isabella on his return to Spain, Columbus de- and in his mind did he achieve what he had set out to scribed the natives as handsome, peaceful, and primi- do? Columbus’s small fleet left Spain on August 3, tive people whose body painting reminded him of that 1492. He landed in the Bahamas, which he christened of the Canary Islands natives. Believing he was in the

437 438 ChapterPRIMAR # ChapterTitleY SO UDatesRCE 14.2

1 2 Columbus Describes His First Voyage 3 4 On his return voyage to Spain in February 1493, Christopher not because they are not strong and well built but because 5 Columbus composed a letter intended for wide circulation they are amazingly timid. All the weapons they have are 6 and had copies of it sent ahead to Queen Isabella and King canes cut at seeding time, at the end of which they fix a 7 Ferdinand. Because the letter sums up Columbus’s under- sharpened stick, but they have not the courage to make 8 standing of his achievements, it is considered the most im- use of these, for very often when I have sent two or three 9 portant document of his first voyage. Remember that his men to a village to have conversation with them a great 10 knowledge of Asia rested heavily on Marco Polo’s Travels, number of them have come out. But as soon as they saw 11 published around 1298. my men all fled immediately, a father not even waiting for 12 his son. And this is not because we have harmed any of 13 them; on the contrary, wherever I have gone and been 14 Since I know that you will be pleased at the great suc- able to have conversation with them, I have given them 15 cess with which the Lord has crowned my voyage, I write some of the various things I had, a cloth and other articles, 16 to inform you how in thirty-three days I crossed from the and received nothing in exchange. But they have still re- 17 Canary Islands to the Indies, with the fleet which our most mained incurably timid. 18 illustrious sovereigns gave me. I found very many islands True, when they have been reassured and lost their 19 with large populations and took possession of them all for fear, they are so ingenuous and so liberal with all their 20 their Highnesses; this I did by proclamation and unfurled possessions that no one who has not seen them would 21 the royal standard. No opposition was offered. believe it. If one asks for anything they have they never 22 I named the first island that I found “San Salvador,” in say no. On the contrary, they offer a share to anyone with 23 honour of our Lord and Saviour who has granted me this demonstrations of heartfelt affection, and they are imme- 24 miracle. . . . When I reached Cuba, I followed its north diately content with any small thing, valuable or value- 25 coast westwards, and found it so extensive that I thought less, that is given them. I forbade the men to give them 26 this must be the mainland, the province of Cathay. . . .* bits of broken crockery, fragments of glass or tags of 27 From there I saw another island eighteen leagues east- laces, though if they could get them they fancied them 28 wards which I then named “Hispaniola.” . . .† the finest jewels in the world. . . . 29 Hispaniola is a wonder. The mountains and hills, the I hoped to win them to the love and ser vice of their 30 plains and meadow lands are both fertile and beautiful. Highnesses and of the whole Spanish nation and to per- 31 They are most suitable for planting crops and for raising suade them to collect and give us of the things which 32 cattle of all kinds, and there are good sites for building they possessed in abundance and which we needed. They 33 towns and villages. The harbours are incredibly fine and have no religion and are not idolaters; but all believe that 34 there are many great rivers with broad channels and the power and goodness dwell in the sky and they are firmly 35 majority contain gold.‡ The trees, fruits and plants are convinced that I have come from the sky with these ships 36 very different from those of Cuba. In Hispaniola there and people. In this belief they gave me a good reception 37 are many spices and large mines of gold and other everywhere, once they had overcome their fear; and this 38 metals. . . .§ is not because they are stupid — far from it, they are men 39 The inhabitants of this island, and all the rest that I of great intelligence, for they navigate all those seas, and 40 discovered or heard of, go naked, as their mothers bore give a marvellously good account of every thing — but be- 41 them, men and women alike. A few of the women, how- cause they have never before seen men clothed or ships 42 ever, cover a single place with a leaf of a plant or piece of like these. . . . 43 cotton which they weave for the purpose. They have no In all these islands the men are seemingly content with 44 iron or steel or arms and are not capable of using them, one woman, but their chief or king is allowed more than 45 twenty. The women appear to work more than the men 46 and I have not been able to find out if they have private 47 *Cathay is the old name for China. In the logbook and later in this letter, Columbus accepts the native story that Cuba is an island that can be property. As far as I could see whatever a man had was 48 circumnavigated in something more than twenty-one days, yet he insists shared among all the rest and this particularly applies to here and during the second voyage that it is part of the Asiatic mainland. 49 food. . . . In another island, which I am told is larger than †Hispaniola is the second-largest island of the West Indies. Haiti occupies 50 Hispaniola, the people have no hair. Here there is a vast 51 the western third of the island, the Dominican Republic the rest. ‡This did not prove to be true. quantity of gold, and from here and the other islands I 52 §These statements are also inaccurate. bring Indians as evidence. 53 54 55 S 56 R

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Indies, he called them “Indians,” a name later applied 1 to all inhabitants of the Americas. Columbus concluded 2 that they would make good slaves and could easily be 3 In conclusion, to speak only of the results of this converted to Chris tianity. (See “Primary Source 14.2: 4 very hasty voyage, their Highnesses can see that I Columbus Describes His First Voyage,” at left.) 5 will give them as much gold as they require, if they Scholars have identified the inhabitants of the is- 6 will render me some very slight assistance; also I will lands as the Taino people, speakers of the Arawak lan- 7 give them all the spices and cotton they want. . . . I guage, who inhabited Hispaniola (modern-day Haiti 8 will also bring them as much aloes as they ask and as and Dominican Republic) and other islands in the 9 many slaves, who will be taken from the idolaters. Caribbean. Columbus received 10 I believe also that I have found rhubarb and cinna- reassuring reports from Taino 11 First landing on 12 mon and there will be countless other things in villagers — via hand gestures San Salvador I. Oct. 12, 1492 addition. . . . and mime — of the presence of Gulf 13 of So all Christendom will be delighted that our gold and of a great king in the Mexico 14 vicinity. From San Salvador, ATLANTIC 15 Redeemer has given victory to our most illustrious Cuba OCEAN King and Queen and their renowned kingdoms, in Columbus sailed southwest, 16 believing that this course Santiago HispaniolaHisispapananilioliolla 17 this great matter. They should hold great celebra- SantoSanto tions and render solemn thanks to the Holy Trinity would take him to Japan or the DomingDomingoo 18 with many solemn prayers, for the great triumph coast of China. He landed in- Caribbeanbean Sea 19 which they will have, by the conversion of so many stead on Cuba on October 28. 20 peoples to our holy faith and for the temporal ben- Deciding that he must be on 21 efits which will follow, for not only Spain, but all the mainland near the coastal 22 Christendom will receive encouragement and profit. city of Quinsay (now Hang- 23 This is a brief account of the facts. Written in the zhou), he sent a small embassy Columbus’s First Voyage to 24 25 caravel off the Canary Islands.** inland with letters from Ferdi- MCK_68773_15_SM01the New World, 1492–1493 nand and Isabella and instruc- Columbus’ Voyage to the New World, 1492–1493 26 15 February 1493 tions to locate the grand city. Black Cyan Magenta Yellow 27 Te landing party found only Secondsmall villages.Proof Con- 28 At your orders the admiral BB101 070 fronted with this disappointment, Columbus appar- 29 ently gave up on his aim to meetMap the positioning Great Khan. guide 30 Instead, he focused on trying to findSpot gold map or other valu- 31 EVALUATE THE EVIDENCE ables among the peoples he had discovered.Trim: 11p0 xT 12p6e sight 32 1. How did Columbus explain the success of his of Taino people wearing gold ornaments on Hispan- 33 voyage? iola seemed to prove that gold was available in the re- 34 2. What was Columbus’s view of the Native Ameri- gion. In January, confident that its source would soon 35 cans he met? be found, he headed back to Spain to report on his 36 3. In what ways does he exaggerate about the discovery. News of his voyage spread rapidly across 37 Caribbean islands possessing gold, cotton, and Europe.12 38 spices? Over the next decades, the Spanish would follow 39 a policy of conquest and colonization in the New 40 World, rather than one of exchange with equals (as en- 41 Source: Approximately 1,109 words from The Four Voyages of Christopher visaged for the Mongol khan). On his second voyage, 42 Columbus, pp. 115–123, ed. and trans. J. M. Cohen (Penguin Classics, 43 1969). Copyright © J. M. Cohen, 1969. Reproduced by permission of Columbus forcibly subjugated the island of Hispaniola Penguin Books Ltd. and enslaved its indigenous peoples. On this and sub- 44 sequent voyages, Columbus brought with him settlers 45 for the new Spanish territories, along with agricul- 46 tural seed and livestock. Columbus himself, however, 47 **Actually, Columbus was off Santa Maria in the Azores. had limited skills in governing. Revolt soon broke out 48 against him and his brother on Hispaniola. A royal ex- 49 pedition sent to investigate returned the brothers to 50 Spain in chains. Columbus was cleared of wrongdoing, 51 but the territories remained under royal control. 52 Columbus was very much a man of his times. To the 53 end of his life in 1506, he believed that he had found 54 small islands off the coast of Asia. He never realized the S 55 R 56

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1 scope of his achievement: to have found a vast conti- the 1560s, and named the “Philippines” for Philip II of 2 nent unknown to Europeans, except for a fleeting Vi- Spain.) 3 king presence centuries earlier. He could not know that Terrible storms, disease, starvation, and violence 4 the scale of his discoveries would revolutionize world devastated the expedition. Magellan had set out with a 5 power, raising issues of trade, settlement, government fleet of five ships and around 270 men. Sailors on two 6 bureaucracy, and the rights of native and African of the ships attempted mutiny on the South American 7 peoples. coast; one ship was lost, and another ship deserted and 8 returned to Spain before even traversing the straits. 9 Later Explorers Te trip across the Pacific took ninety-eight days, and 10 the men survived on rats and sawdust. Magellan him- 11 Te Florentine navigator Amerigo Vespucci (veh- self died in a skirmish in the islands known today as 12 SPOO-chee) (1454–1512) realized what Columbus the Philippines. Only one ship, with eighteen men 13 had not. Writing about his discoveries on the coast of aboard, returned to Spain from the east by way of the 14 modern-day Venezuela, Vespucci stated: “Tose new Indian Ocean, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Atlan- 15 regions which we found and explored with the fleet . . . tic in 1522. Te voyage — the first to circumnavigate 16 we may rightly call a New World.” Tis letter, titled the globe — had taken close to three years. 17 Mundus Novus (Te New World), was the first docu- Tis voyage revolutionized Europeans’ understand- 18 ment to describe America as a continent separate from ing of the world by demonstrating the vastness of the 19 Asia. In recognition of Amerigo’s bold claim, the con- Pacific. Te earth was clearly much larger than Colum- 20 tinent was named for him. bus had believed. Although the voyage made a small 21 To settle competing claims to the Atlantic discover- profit in spices, it also demonstrated that the westward 22 ies, Spain and Portugal turned to Pope Alexander VI. passage to the Indies was too long and dangerous for 23 Te resulting Treaty of Tordesillas (tor-duh-SEE-yuhs) commercial purposes. Spain soon abandoned the at- 24 in 1494 gave Spain everything to the west of an imagi- tempt to oust Portugal from the Eastern spice trade and 25 nary line drawn down the Atlantic and Portugal every- concentrated on exploiting her New World territories. 26 thing to the east. Tis arbitrary division worked in Spain’s European rivals also set sail across the Atlan- 27 Portugal’s favor when in 1500 an expedition led by tic during the early days of exploration in search of a 28 Pedro Alvares Cabral, en route to India, landed on the northwest passage to the Indies. In 1497 John Cabot, 29 coast of Brazil, which Cabral claimed as Portuguese a Genoese merchant living in London, undertook a 30 territory. voyage to Brazil, but discovered in- 31 Te search for profits determined the direction of stead. Te next year he returned and reconnoitered 32 Spanish exploration. With insignificant profits from the New En gland coast. Tese forays proved futile, and 33 the Caribbean compared to the enormous riches that the En glish established no permanent colonies in the 34 the Portuguese were reaping in Asia, Spain renewed the territories they explored. News of the riches of Mexico 35 search for a western passage to and Peru later inspired the En glish to renew their ef- 36 Treaty of Tordesillas The Asia. In 1519 Charles V of Spain forts, this time in the extreme north. Between 1576 37 1494 agreement giving Spain sent the Portuguese mariner Fer- and 1578 Martin Frobisher made three voyages in and 38 everything to the west of an dinand Magellan (1480–1521) to around the Canadian bay that now bears his name. 39 imaginary line drawn down find a sea route to the spices of Frobisher hopefully brought a quantity of ore back to 40 the Atlantic and giving the Moluccas off the southeast En gland with him, but it proved to be worthless. 41 Portugal everything to the coast of Asia. Magellan sailed Early French exploration of the Atlantic was equally 42 east. southwest across the Atlantic to frustrating. Between 1534 and 1541 Frenchman Jacques 43 Mexica Empire Also known Brazil, and after a long search Cartier made several voyages and explored the St. Law- 44 as the Aztec Empire, a along the coast he located the rence region of , searching for a passage to the 45 large and complex Native treacherous straits that now bear wealth of Asia. His exploration of the St. Lawrence was 46 American civilization in his name (see Map 14.2). Te new halted at the great rapids west of the present-day island 47 modern Mexico and Central ocean he sailed into after a rough of Montreal; he named the rapids “La Chine” in the 48 America that possessed passage through the straits optimistic belief that China lay just beyond. When 49 advanced mathematical, seemed so calm that Magellan this hope proved vain, the French turned to a new 50 astronomical, and dubbed it the Pacific, from the source of profit within Canada itself: trade in beavers 51 engineering technology. Latin word for peaceful. He soon and other furs. As had the Portuguese in Asia, French 52 realized his mistake. His fleet traders bartered with local peoples, who maintained 53 sailed north up the west coast of control over their trade goods. French fishermen also 54 South America and then headed west into the im- competed with Spanish and En glish ships for the teem- 55 S mense expanse of the Pacific toward the Malay Archi- ing schools of cod they found in the Atlantic waters 56 R pelago. (Some of these islands were conquered later, in around Newfoundland. Fishing vessels salted the catch

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on board and brought it back to Europe, where a thriv- astronomy, and engineering; a complex social system; 1 ing market for fish was created by the Catholic prohi- and oral poetry and historical traditions. 2 bition on eating meat on Fridays and during Lent. Cortés landed on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico on 3 April 21, 1519. Te Spanish camp was soon visited by 4 Spanish Conquest delegations of unarmed Mexica leaders bearing lavish 5 in the New World gifts and news of their great emperor. (See “Primary 6 Source 14.3: Doña Marina 7 In 1519, the year Magellan departed on his worldwide Translating for Hernando Invasion of Tenochtitlán, 8 expedition, the Spanish sent an exploratory expedition Cortés During His Meeting 1519–1521 9 from their post in Cuba to the mainland under the with Montezuma,” page 442.) 10 command of the brash and determined conquistador Impressed with the wealth of 11 Hernando Cortés (1485–1547). Accompanied by six the local people, Cortés soon 12 hundred men, sixteen horses, and ten cannon, Cortés began to exploit internal dis- GulfGulf of 13 was to launch the conquest of the Mexica Empire. Its sension within the empire to MexicoMexico 14 people were later called the Aztecs, but now most his own advantage. Te Mex- 15 Texcoco ZautlaZ l scholars prefer to use the term Mexica to refer to them ica state religion necessitated Otumba Jalapa 16 and their empire. constant warfare against Veracruz 17 Tlaxcala Te Mexica Empire was ruled by Montezuma II neighboring peoples to secure 18 Tenochtitlán Cholula (r. 1502–1520) from his capital at Tenochtitlán (tay- captives for religious sacrifices 19

nawch-teet-LAHN), now Mexico City. Larger than and laborers for agricultural Cortés’s original route, 1519 20 any European city of the time, it was the heart of a and building projects. Con- Cortés’s retreat, 1520 21 sophisticated civilization with advanced mathematics, quered peoples were required Cortés’s return route, 1520–1521 22 23 MCK_68773_15_SM02 24 The Mexica Capital of Tenochtitlán This woodcut map was published in 1524 along with Cortés’s lettersInvasion of Tenochtitlán, 1519–1521 25 describing the conquest of the Mexica. As it shows, Tenochtitlán occupied an island and was laid out Blackin Cyan Magenta Yellow 26 concentric circles. The administrative and religious buildings were at the heart of the city, which was Secondsur- Proof BB101 071 27 rounded by residential quarters. Cortés himself marveled at the city in his letters: “The city is as large as Seville 28 or Cordoba. . . . There are bridges, very large, strong, and well constructed, so that, over many, ten horsemen Map positioning guide 29 can ride abreast. . . . The city has many squares where markets are held. . . . There is one square . . . where there Spot map 30 are daily more than sixty thousand souls, buying and selling. In the ser vice and manners of its people,Trim: their 11 p0 x 14p0, including hanging locator fashion of living was almost the same as in Spain, with just as much harmony and order.” (Newberry Library, Chicago, 31 Illinois, USA/The Bridgeman Library) 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 S 55 R 56

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1 2 Doña Marina Translating for Hernando Cortés 3 4 During His Meeting with Montezuma 5 6 In April 1519 Doña Marina 7 (or Malintzin as she is 8 known in Nahuatl) was 9 among twenty women given 10 to the Spanish as slaves. 11 Fluent in Nahuatl (NAH- 12 wah-tuhl) and Yucatec 13 Mayan (spoken by a Spanish 14 priest accompanying Cortés), 15 she acted as an interpreter 16 and diplomatic guide for the 17 Spanish. She had a close 18 relationship with Cortés and 19 bore his son, Don Martín 20 Cortés, in 1522. This image 21 was created by Tlaxcalan 22 artists shortly after the 23 conquest of Mexico and 24 represents one indigenous 25 perspective on the events. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 (The Granger Collection, New York) 34 35 EVALUATE THE EVIDENCE 36 1. What role does Doña Marina (far right) appear to be playing in this image? Does she 37 appear to be subservient or equal to Cortés (right, seated)? How did the painter indicate 38 her identity as non-Spanish? 39 2. How do you think the native rulers negotiating with Cortés might have viewed her? 40 What about a Spanish viewer of this image? What does the absence of other women 41 here suggest about the role of women in these societies? 42 43 44 45 46 to relinquish products of their agriculture and crafts- doms. In November 1519, with a few hundred Span- 47 manship to pay tribute to the Mexica state through ish men and some six thousand indigenous warriors, 48 their local chiefs. Cortés marched on Tenochtitlán. 49 Cortés quickly forged an alliance with the Tlaxcalas Montezuma refrained from attacking the Spaniards 50 (Tlah-scalas) and other subject kingdoms, which as they advanced toward his capital and welcomed 51 chafed under the tribute demanded by the Mexica. In Cortés and his men into Tenochtitlán. Historians have 52 October a combined Spanish-Tlaxcalan force occupied often condemned the Mexica ruler for vacillation and 53 the city of Cholula, the second largest in the empire weakness. Certainly other native leaders did attack the 54 and its religious capital, and massacred many thou- Spanish. But Montezuma relied on the advice of his 55 S sands of inhabitants. Strengthened by this display of state council, itself divided, and on the dubious loy- 56 R power, Cortés made alliances with other native king- alty of tributary communities. Historians have ques-

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tioned one long-standing explanation, that he feared Spanish now marched on the capital of the empire it- 1 the Spaniards as living gods. Tis idea is mostly found self, profiting once again from internal conflicts to 2 in texts written after the fact by Spanish missionaries form alliances with local peoples. When Cuzco fell in 3 and their converts, who used it to justify and explain 1533, the Spanish plundered immense riches in gold 4 the conquest. Montezuma’s hesitation proved disas- and silver. 5 trous. When Cortés took Montezuma hostage and As with the Mexica, decades of violence and resis- 6 tried to rule the Mexica through the emperor’s author- tance followed the defeat of the Incan capital. Strug- 7 ity, Montezuma’s influence over his people crumbled. gles also broke out among the Spanish for the spoils of 8 In May 1520 Spanish forces massacred Mexica war- empire. Nevertheless, Spanish conquest opened a new 9 riors dancing at an indigenous festival. Tis act pro- chapter in European relations with the New World. It 10 voked an uprising within Tenochtitlán, during which was not long before rival European nations attempted 11 Montezuma was killed. Te Spaniards and their allies to forge their own overseas empires. 12 escaped from the city and began gathering forces 13 against the Mexica. One year later, in May 1521, Cortés Early French and En glish 14 laid siege to Tenochtitlán at the head of an army of Settlement in the New World 15 approximately 1,000 Spanish and 75,000 native war- 16 riors.13 Spanish victory in August 1521 resulted from For over a hundred years, the Spanish and the Portu- 17 its superior technology and the effects of the siege and guese dominated settlement in the New World. Te 18 smallpox. After the defeat of Tenochtitlán, Cortés and first En glish was founded at Roanoke (in what is 19 other conquistadors began the systematic conquest of now North Carolina) in 1585. After a three-year loss of 20 Mexico. Over time, a series of indigenous kingdoms contact with En gland, the settlers were found to have 21 gradually fell under Spanish domination, although not disappeared; their fate remains a mystery. (See “Pri- 22 without decades of resistance. mary Source 14.4: Interpreting the Spread of Disease 23 More surprising than the defeat of the Mexica was Among Natives,” page 444.) Te colony of Virginia, 24 the fall of the remote Inca Empire. Perched more than founded by a private company of investors at James- 25 9,800 feet above sea level, the Incas were isolated from town in 1607, also struggled in its 26 North American indigenous cultures and knew noth- first years and relied on food from Inca Empire The vast and 27 ing of the Mexica civilization or its collapse. Like the the Powhatan Confederacy. Over sophisticated Peruvian 28 Mexica, the Incas had created a civilization that rivaled time, the colony gained a steady empire centered at the 29 that of the Europeans in population and complexity. hold by producing tobacco for a capital city of Cuzco that 30 To unite their vast and well-fortified empire, the Incas growing European market. was at its peak from 1438 31 built an extensive network of roads, along which trav- Settlement on the coast of New until 1532. 32 eled a highly efficient postal ser vice. Te imperial gov- En gland was undertaken for differ- 33 ernment, with its capital in the city of Cuzco, taxed, ent reasons. Tere, radical Protestants sought to escape 34 fed, and protected its subjects. Anglican repression in En gland and begin new lives. 35 At the time of the Spanish invasion the Inca Empire Te small and struggling outpost of Plymouth (1620), 36 had been weakened by an epidemic of disease, possibly founded by the Pilgrims who arrived on the Mayflower, 37 smallpox. Even worse, the empire had been embroiled was followed by Mas sa chu setts (1630), a colony of Pu- 38 in a civil war over succession. Francisco Pizarro (ca. ritans that grew into a prosperous settlement. Religious 39 1475–1541), a conquistador of modest Spanish ori- disputes in Mas sa chu setts itself led to the dispersion of 40 gins, landed on the northern coast of Peru on May 13, settlers into the new communities of Providence, Con- 41 1532, the very day Atahualpa (ah-tuh-WAHL-puh) necticut, Rhode Island, and New Haven. Catholics 42 won control of the empire after five years of fighting. acquired their own settlement in Maryland (1632) and 43 As Pizarro advanced across the steep Andes toward Quakers in Pennsyl vania (1681). 44 Cuzco, Atahualpa was proceeding to the capital for his Whereas the Spanish conquered indigenous em- 45 coronation. pires and established large-scale dominance over Mex- 46 Like Montezuma in Mexico, Atahualpa was aware ico and Peru, En glish settlements merely hugged the 47 of the Spaniards’ movements. He sent envoys to invite Atlantic coastline. Tis did not prevent conflict with 48 the Spanish to meet him in the provincial town of the indigenous inhabitants over land and resources, 49 Cajamarca. His plan was to lure the Spanish into a however. At Jamestown, for example, En glish expan- 50 trap, seize their horses and ablest men for his army, and sion undermined prior cooperation with the Powhatan 51 execute the rest. With an army of some forty thousand Confederacy; disease and warfare with the En glish 52 men stationed nearby, Atahualpa felt he had little to led to drastic population losses among the Powhatans. 53 fear. Instead, the Spaniards ambushed and captured Te haphazard nature of En glish colonization also 54 him, collected an enormous ransom in gold, and then led to conflicts of authority within the colonies. As S 55 executed him in 1533 on trumped-up charges. Te the En glish crown grew more interested in colonial R 56

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1 2 Interpreting the Spread of Disease 3 4 Among Natives 5 6 Thomas Hariot participated in the 1585 expedition to Roa- And thereupon when it had happened that they had 7 noke, the short-lived En glish colony. After his return, he understanding that any of their enemies had abused us 8 wrote A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land in our journeys, hearing that we had wrought no revenge 9 of Virginia, which describes the natural environment and with our weapons, . . . [they] did come and entreat us that 10 the indigenous peoples he encountered. Although biased we would be a means to our God that [their enemies] as 11 by his Chris tian faith and European way of life, Hariot others that had dealt with us might in like sort die; alleg- 12 strove to present an accurate, detailed, and balanced view- ing how much it would be for our credit and profit, as also 13 point, making his work a precious source on Native Ameri- theirs; and hoping furthermore that we would do so much 14 can life and early contacts with Europeans. In this passage, at their requests in respect of the friendship we profess 15 he describes the disastrous effects on the Carolina Algon- them. 16 quins of contagious disease, perhaps measles, smallpox, or Whose entreaties although we showed that they were 17 influenza. ungodly, affirming that our God would not subject himself 18 to any such prayers and requests of me: that indeed all 19 There was no town where we had any subtle device things have been and were to be done according to his 20 [cunning maneuvers] practiced against us, we leaving it good pleasure as he had ordained: and that we to show 21 unpunished or not revenged (because we sought by all ourselves his true servants ought rather to make petition 22 means pos sible to win them by gentleness) but that for the contrary, that they with them might live together 23 within a few days after our departure from every such with us, be made partakers of his truth & serve him in 24 town, the people began to die very fast, and many in righteousness; but notwithstanding in such sort, that 25 short space; in some towns about twenty, in some forty, we refer that as all other things, to be done according to 26 in some sixty, & in one six score, which in truth was very his divine will & pleasure, and as by his wisdom he had 27 many in respect of their numbers. This happened in no ordained to be best. 28 place that we could learn but where we had been, where 29 they used some practice against us, and after such time; EVALUATE THE EVIDENCE 30 The disease also so strange, that they neither knew what 1. According to Hariot, how did the Native Americans 31 it was, nor how to cure it; the like by report of the oldest allied with the En glish interpret the epidemics of 32 men in the country never happened before, time out of disease that struck indigenous villages? How do they 33 mind. A thing specially observed by us as also by the nat- seem to have viewed their relations with the En glish? 34 ural inhabitants themselves. 2. This document sheds light on how one group of 35 Insomuch that when some of the inhabitants which indigenous people experienced the suffering and death 36 were our friends . . . had observed such effects in four or brought by European diseases. Based on your reading 37 five towns to follow their wicked practices [of harming in this chapter, could you imagine differing responses 38 the En glishmen], they were persuaded that it was the among other groups? 39 work of our God through our means, and that we by him 40 might kill and slay whom we would without weapons and Source: Thomas Hariot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of 41 not come near them. Virginia (1590; New York: J. Sabin & Sons, 1871), p. 28. Spelling modernized. 42 43 44 45 expansion, efforts were made to acquire the territory and explorers. Following the waterways of the St. Law- 46 between New En gland in the north and Virginia in the rence, the Great Lakes, and the Mississippi, they ven- 47 south. Tis would allow the En glish to unify their tured into much of modern-day Canada and at least 48 holdings and overcome French and Dutch competi- thirty-five of the fifty states of the United States. 49 tion on the North American mainland. French traders forged relations with the Huron Con- 50 French navigator and explorer Samuel de Champlain federacy, a league of four indigenous nations that dom- 51 founded the first permanent French settlement, at inated a large region north of Lake Erie, as a means of 52 Quebec, in 1608, a year after the En glish founding gaining access to hunting grounds and trade routes for 53 of Jamestown. Ville-Marie, latter-day Montreal, was beaver and other animals. In 1682 French explorer 54 founded in 1642. Although the population of New René-Robert Cavelier LaSalle descended the Mississippi 55 S France was small compared to that of the En glish and to the Gulf of Mexico, opening the way for French oc- 56 R Spanish colonies, the French were energetic traders cupation of .

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While establishing their foothold in the north, the the direct representative of Spain. Te viceroy presided 1 French slowly acquired new territories in the West In- over the audiencia (ow-dee-EHN-see-ah), a board of 2 dies, including (1604), St. Christophe (1625), twelve to fifteen judges that served as his advisory 3 , , and Saint-Domingue (1697) council and court of appeal. At the local level, officials 4 on the western side of the island of Hispaniola. Tese called corregidores (kuh-REH-gih-dawr-ays) held judi- 5 islands became centers of tobacco and then sugar pro- cial and administrative powers. 6 duction. French ambitions on the mainland and in the Te Portuguese adopted similar patterns of rule, with 7 Caribbean sparked a century-long competition with India House in Lisbon functioning much like the Span- 8 the En glish. ish House of Trade and royal representatives overseeing 9 European involvement in the Americas led to pro- its possessions in West Africa and Asia. To secure the 10 found transformation of pre-existing indigenous soci- vast expanse of Brazil, the Portuguese implemented the 11 eties and the rise of a transatlantic slave trade. It also system of captaincies, hereditary grants of land given 12 led to an acceleration of global trade and cultural ex- to nobles and loyal officials who bore the costs of set- 13 change. Over time, the combination of indigenous, tling and administering their territories. Over time, the 14 European, and African cultures gave birth to new soci- Crown secured greater power over the captaincies, ap- 15 eties in the New World. In turn, the profits of trade pointing royal governors to act as administrators. Te 16 and the impact of cultural exchange greatly influenced captaincy of Bahia was the site of the capital, Salvador, 17 European society. home to the governor general and other royal officials. 18 Like their European neighbors, France and En gland 19 initially entrusted their overseas colonies to individual 20 explorers and monopoly trading companies. By the 21 The Impact of Conquest end of the seventeenth century, the French crown had 22 What was the impact of European conquest on successfully imposed direct rule over and 23 the peoples and ecologies of the New World? other colonies. Te king appointed military governors 24 to rule alongside intendants, royal officials possessed 25 of broad administrative and financial authority within 26 Te growing European presence in the New World their intendancies. In the mid-1700s, reform-minded 27 transformed its land and its peoples forever. Violence Spanish king Charles III (r. 1759–1788) adopted the 28 and disease wrought devastating losses, while surviving intendant system for the Spanish colonies. 29 peoples encountered new political, social, and economic En gland’s colonies followed a distinctive path. Draw- 30 organizations imposed by Europeans. Te Columbian ing on En glish traditions of representative government 31 exchange brought infectious diseases to the Americas, (see Chapter 15), its colonists established their own 32 but also gave new crops to the Old World that altered proudly autonomous assemblies to regulate local af- 33 consumption patterns in Europe and across the globe fairs. Wealthy merchants and landowners dominated 34 (see pages 448–449). the assemblies, although even common men had more 35 say in politics than was the case in . Up to the 36 Colonial Administration mid-eighteenth century, the Crown found little reason 37 to dispute colonial liberties in the north, but it did 38 Spanish conquistadors had claimed the lands they had acquire greater control over the wealthy plantation 39 “discovered” for the Spanish crown. As the wealth of colonies of the Caribbean and tobacco-rich Virginia. 40 the new territories became apparent, the Spanish gov- 41 ernment acted to impose its authority and remove that Impact of European Settlement 42 of the original conquerors. Te House of Trade, located on Indigenous Peoples 43 in Seville, controlled the flow of goods and people to 44 and from the colonies, while the Council of the Indies Before Columbus’s arrival, the Americas were inhabited 45 guided royal policy and served as the highest court for by thousands of groups of indigenous peoples, each 46 colonial affairs. with distinct cultures and languages. Teir patterns of 47 Te crown divided its New World possessions into life varied widely, from hunter-gatherer tribes organ- 48 two viceroyalties, or administrative divisions: New ized into tribal confederations on the North American 49 Spain, with the capital at Mexico City, and Peru, with plains to two large-scale agricul- 50 the capital at Lima. Two new viceroyalties added in the ture-based empires connecting viceroyalties The name for 51 eighteenth century were New Granada, with Bogotá as bustling cities and towns, the the four administrative units 52 its administrative center, and La Plata, with Buenos Mexica (Aztec) Empire centered of Spanish possessions in 53 Aires as the capital (see Map 14.2). in modern-day Mexico and the the Americas: New Spain, 54 Within each territory, the viceroy, or imperial gov- Inca Empire in the Andean high- Peru, New Granada, and S 55 ernor, exercised broad military and civil authority as lands. Te history of human La Plata. R 56

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1 settlement in the Americas was so long and complex brutality against indigenous peoples. Las Casas docu- 2 that many cultures had risen and fallen by the time of mented their treatment at the hands of the Spanish: 3 Columbus’s voyage. Tese included the abandoned 4 city of Cahokia (near modern-day St. Louis, Missouri) To these quiet Lambs . . . came the Spaniards like 5 that at its peak in the twelfth century held a popula- most c(r)uel Tygres, Wolves and Lions, enrag’d with 6 tion of up to 10,000 people and the palaces and cities a sharp and tedious hunger; for these forty years 7 of ancestors of the Maya in the Yucatán peninsula, past, minding nothing else but the slaughter of these 8 whose regional capital of Chichén Itzá thrived around unfortunate wretches, whom with divers kinds of 9 the same period. Although historians continue to de- torments neither seen nor heard of before, they have 10 bate the numbers, the best estimate is that in 1492 the so cruelly and inhumanely butchered, that of three 11 peoples of the Americas numbered around 50 million. millions of people which Hispaniola itself did con- 12 Teir lives were radically transformed by the arrival tain, there are left remaining alive scarce three hun- 13 of Europeans. In the sixteenth century perhaps two dred persons. 14 hundred thousand Spaniards immigrated to the New 15 World. After assisting in the conquest of the Mexica Las Casas and other missionaries asserted that the In- 16 and the Incas, these men carved out vast estates called dians had human rights, and through their persistent 17 haciendas in temperate grazing areas and imported pressure the Spanish emperor Charles V abolished the 18 Spanish livestock. In coastal tropical areas, the Spanish worst abuses of the encomienda system in 1531. 19 erected huge plantations to supply sugar to the Euro- Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit missionaries 20 pean market. Around 1550 silver was discovered in who accompanied the conquistadors and other Euro- 21 present-day Bolivia and Mexico. To work the cattle pean settlers played an important role in converting 22 ranches, sugar plantations, and silver mines, the con- indigenous peoples to Chris tianity, teaching them Eu- 23 quistadors first turned to the indigenous peoples. ropean methods of agriculture, and instilling loyalty to 24 Te Spanish quickly established the encomienda their colonial masters. In areas with small Spanish 25 system, in which the Crown granted the conquerors populations, the friars set up missions for a period of 26 the right to employ groups of Native Americans as la- ten years, after which established churches and priests 27 borers or to demand tribute from them in exchange for would take over and they could move on to new areas. 28 providing food and shelter. Teoretically, the Spanish Jesuits in New France also established missions far dis- 29 were supposed to care for the indigenous people under tant from the centers of French settlement. Behind its 30 encomienda system their command and teach them wooden palisades, a mission might contain a chapel, a 31 A system whereby the Chris tianity; in actuality, the sys- hospital, a mill, stables, barns, workshops, and resi- 32 Spanish crown granted the tem was a brutal form of exploita- dences from which the Jesuits traveled to spread the 33 conquerors the right to tion only one level removed from word of God. 34 forcibly employ groups of slav ery. Missionaries’ success in conversion varied over time 35 Indians in exchange for Te new conditions and hard- and space. In Central and South America, large-scale 36 providing food, shelter, ships imposed by conquest and conversion forged enduring Catholic cultures in Portu- 37 and Christian teaching. colonization resulted in enormous guese and Spanish colonies. One Franciscan mission- 38 native population losses. Te major ary estimated that he and his colleagues had baptized 39 cause of death was disease. Having little or no resis- between 4 and 9 million indigenous people in New 40 tance to diseases brought from the Old World, the in- Spain by 1536. Although these figures must be signifi- 41 habitants of the New World fell victim to smallpox, cantly inflated (both by the exaggeration of zealous 42 typhus, influenza, and other illnesses. Another factor missionaries and by multiple baptism of the same indi- 43 was overwork. Unaccustomed to forced labor, espe- viduals), they suggest the extensive Christianization 44 cially in the blistering heat of tropical cane fields or in under way among the native population. Galvanized 45 dank and dangerous mines, native workers died in by their opposition to Catholicism and fueled by their 46 staggering numbers. Moreover, forced labor diverted own religious fervor, En glish colonizers also made ef- 47 local people from agricultural work, leading to malnu- forts to convert indigenous peoples. On the whole, 48 trition, reduced fertility rates, and starvation. Women however, these attempts were less successful, in part 49 forced to work were separated from their infants, lead- because the En glish did not establish wholesale domi- 50 ing to high infant mortality rates in a population with nance over large native populations as did the Spanish. 51 no livestock to supply alternatives to breast milk. Mal- Rather than a straightforward imposition of Chris- 52 nutrition and hunger in turn lowered resistance to dis- tianity, conversion entailed a complex process of cul- 53 ease. Finally, many indigenous peoples also died tural exchange. (See “Primary Source 14.5: Tenochtitlán 54 through outright violence in warfare.14 Leaders Respond to Spanish Missionaries,” at right.) 55 S Te Franciscan Bartolomé de Las Casas (1474– Catholic friars were among the first Europeans to seek 56 R 1566) was one of the most outspoken critics of Spanish understanding of native cultures and languages as part

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1 Tenochtitlán Leaders Respond to 2 3 Spanish Missionaries 4 5 For the conquered peoples of the New World, the imposition These our gods are the source of great riches and de- 6 of Chris tianity and repression of their pre-existing religions lights, all of which belong to them. They live in very delight- 7 represented yet another form of loss. This document describes ful places where there are always flowers, vegetation, and 8 the response of the vanquished leaders of Tenochtitlán to great freshness, a place unknown to mere mortals, called 9 Franciscan missionaries seeking to convert them in 1524. The Tlalocan, where there is never hunger, poverty, or illness. 10 account was written down in the 1560s by or for Bernardino It is they who bestow honors, property, titles, and king- 11 de Sahagún, a Franciscan missionary. Sahagún is well known doms, gold and silver, precious feathers, and gemstones. 12 for his General History of the Things of New Spain (also There has never been a time remembered when they 13 known as the Florentine Codex), a multivolume account of were not worshiped, honored, and esteemed. Perhaps it 14 Mexica history, culture, and society he produced in collabora- is a century or two since this began; it is a time beyond 15 tion with indigenous artists and informants. counting. . . . 16 It is best, our lords, to act on this matter very slowly, 17 with great deliberation. We are not satisfied or convinced 18 You have told us that we do not know the One who by what you have told us, nor do we understand or give 19 gives us life and being, who is Lord of the heavens and credit to what has been said of our gods. . . . All of us to- 20 of the earth. You also say that those we worship are not gether feel that it is enough to have lost, enough that the 21 gods. This way of speaking is entirely new to us, and very power and royal jurisdiction have been taken from us. 22 scandalous. We are frightened by this way of speaking As for our gods, we will die before giving up serving and 23 because our forebears who engendered and governed us worshiping them. 24 never said anything like this. On the contrary, they left 25 us this our custom of worshiping our gods, in which they 26 believed and which they worshiped all the time that they EVALUATE THE EVIDENCE 27 lived here on earth. They taught us how to honor them. 1. What reasons do the leaders of Tenochtitlán offer for 28 And they taught us all the ceremonies and sacrifices that rejecting the missionaries’ teachings? In their view, 29 we make. They told us that through them [our gods] we what elements of their lives will be affected by 30 live and are, and that we were beholden to them, to be abandoning the worship of their gods? 31 theirs and to serve countless centuries before the sun be- 2. What insight does this document provide into the 32 gan to shine and before there was daytime. They said that mind-set of Mexica people shortly following conquest? 33 these gods that we worship give us everything we need 34 for our physical exis tence: maize, beans, chia seeds, etc. Source: Coloquios y doctrina Cristiana, ed. Miguel León-Portilla, in Colonial 35 We appeal to them for the rain to make the things of the Spanish America: A Documentary History, ed. Kenneth Mills and William B. 36 Taylor (Wilmington, Del.: SR Books, 1998), pp. 21–22. Used by permission of earth grow. Rowan & Littlefield. 37 38 39 40 41 of their effort to render Christianity comprehensible to For colonial administrators, the main problem posed 42 indigenous people. In turn, Chris tian ideas and prac- by the astronomically high death rate was the loss of a 43 tices in the New World took on a distinctive character. subjugated labor force to work the mines and sugar 44 For example, a sixteenth-century apparition of the Vir- plantations. As early as 1511 King Ferdinand of Spain 45 gin Mary in Mexico City, known as the Virgin of Gua- observed that the Indians seemed to be “very frail” and 46 dalupe, became a central icon of Spanish-American that “one black could do the work of four Indians.”16 47 Catholicism. Tus was born an absurd myth, and the new tragedy of 48 Te pattern of devastating disease and population the transatlantic slave trade would soon follow (see 49 loss occurred everywhere Europeans settled. Te best page 452). 50 estimate of native population loss is a decline from 51 roughly 50 million people in 1492 to around 9 million Life in the Colonies 52 by 1700. It is important to note, however, that native 53 populations and cultures did survive the conquest pe- Many factors helped to shape life in European colo- 54 riod, sometimes by blending with European incomers nies, including geographical location, religion, indige- S 55 and sometimes by maintaining cultural autonomy. nous cultures and practices, patterns of European R 56

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1 settlement, and the cultural attitudes and official poli- gated from the En glish. Tis was in strong contrast 2 cies of the European nations that claimed them as em- with the situation in New France, where royal officials 3 pire. Troughout the New World, colonial settlements initially encouraged French traders to form ties with 4 were hedged by immense borderlands where European indigenous people, including marrying local women. 5 power was weak and Europeans and non-Europeans Assimilation of the native population was seen as one 6 interacted on a more equal basis. solution to the low levels of immigration from France. 7 Women played a crucial role in the creation of new Most women who crossed the Atlantic were Afri- 8 identities and the continuation of old ones. Te first cans, constituting four-fifths of the female newcomers 9 explorers formed unions with native women, through before 1800.18 Wherever slav ery existed, masters prof- 10 coercion or choice, and relied on them as translators ited from their power to engage in sexual relations with 11 and guides and to form alliances with indigenous enslaved women. One important difference among 12 powers. As settlement developed, the character of each European colonies was in the status of children born 13 colony was influenced by the presence or absence of from such unions. In some colonies, mostly those 14 European women. Where women and children accom- dominated by the Portuguese, Spanish, or French, sub- 15 panied men, as in the British colonies and the Spanish stantial populations of free people of color descended 16 mainland colonies, new settlements took on European from the freed children of such unions. In En glish 17 languages, religion, and ways of life that have endured, colonies, masters were less likely to free children they 18 with input from local cultures, to this day. Where Eu- fathered with female slaves. 19 ropean women did not accompany men, as on the west Te mixing of indigenous peoples with Europeans 20 coast of Africa and most European outposts in Asia, and Africans created whole new populations and eth- 21 local populations largely retained their own cultures, nicities and complex self-identities. In Spanish America 22 to which male Europeans accli- the word mestizo — métis in French — described people 23 Columbian exchange The matized themselves. Te scarcity of mixed Native American and European descent. Te 24 exchange of animals, plants, of women in all colonies, at least blanket terms “mulatto” and “ people of color” were 25 and diseases between the initially, opened up opportunities used for those of mixed African and European origin. 26 Old and the New Worlds. for those who did arrive, leading With its immense slave-based plantation agriculture 27 one cynic to comment that even system, large indigenous population, and relatively low 28 “a whore, if handsome, makes a wife for some rich Portuguese immigration, Brazil developed a particu- 29 planter.”17 larly complex racial and ethnic mosaic. 30 It was not just the availability of En glishwomen that 31 prevented En glishmen from forming unions with in- The Columbian Exchange 32 digenous women. English cultural attitudes drew strict 33 boundaries between “civilized” and “savage,” and even Te migration of peoples to the New World led to an 34 settlements of Chris tianized native peoples were segre- exchange of animals, plants, and disease, a complex 35 process known as the Columbian exchange. Euro- 36 pean immigrants to the Americas wanted a 37 familiar diet, so they searched for climatic 38 zones favorable to those crops. Columbus 39 had brought sugar plants on his second 40 voyage; Spaniards also introduced rice and 41 bananas from the Canary Islands, and the 42 Portuguese carried these items to Brazil. Ev- 43 erywhere they settled, the Spanish and Portu- 44 guese brought and raised wheat with labor 45 46 47 48 49 50 A Mixed Race Procession Incas used drinking vessels, 51 known as keros, for the ritual consumption of maize beer 52 at feasts. This kero from the early colonial period depicts a 53 multiracial procession: an Incan dignitary is preceded by a 54 Spanish trumpet player and an African drummer. This is 55 S believed to be one of the earliest visual representations of 56 R an African in the Americas. (akg-images/Werner Forman)

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provided by the encomienda system. Grapes and olives 1 brought over from Spain did well in parts of Peru and Europe and the World 2 Chile. Not all plants arrived intentionally. In clumps 3 of mud on shoes and in the folds of textiles came the After Columbus 4 seeds of immigrant grasses, including the common How was the era of global contact shaped 5 dandelion. by new commodities, commercial empires, 6 Apart from wild turkeys and game, Native Ameri- and forced migrations? 7 cans had no animals for food. Moreover, they did not 8 domesticate animals for travel or use as beasts of bur- 9 den, except for alpacas and llamas in the Inca Empire. Te centuries-old Afroeurasian trade world was for- 10 On his second voyage in 1493 Columbus introduced ever changed by the European voyages of discovery 11 horses, cattle, sheep, dogs, pigs, chickens, and goats. and their aftermath. For the first time, a truly global 12 Te multiplication of these animals proved spectac- economy emerged in the sixteenth and seventeenth 13 ular. Te horse enabled the Spanish conquerors and centuries, and it forged new links among far-flung 14 native populations to travel faster and farther and to peoples, cultures, and societies. Te ancient civiliza- 15 transport heavy loads. In turn, Europeans returned tions of Europe, Africa, the Americas, and Asia con- 16 home with many food crops that became central ele- fronted one another in new and rapidly evolving ways. 17 ments of their diet. (See “Living in the Past: Foods of Tose confrontations often led to conquest and exploi- 18 the Columbian Exchange,” page 450.) tation, but they also contributed to cultural exchange 19 Disease brought by European people and animals and renewal. 20 was perhaps the most important form of exchange. 21 Te wave of catastrophic epidemic disease that swept Sugar and Slavery 22 the Western Hemisphere after 1492 can be seen as an 23 extension of the swath of devastation wreaked by the Troughout the Middle Ages slav ery was deeply en- 24 Black Death in the 1300s, first on Asia and then on trenched in the Mediterranean, but it was not based 25 Europe. Te world after Columbus was thus unified by on race; many slaves were white. How, then, did black 26 disease as well as by trade and colonization. African slav ery enter the European picture and take 27 28 29 30 A New World Sugar Refinery, Brazil Sugar was the most important and most profitable plantation crop in the New World. This image shows the processing and refinement of sugar on a Brazilian plantation. Sugar- 31 cane was grown, harvested, and processed by African slaves who labored under brutal and ruthless condi- 32 tions to generate enormous profits for plantation owners. (The Bridgeman Art Library/Getty Images) 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 S 55 R 56

1st Pass Pages 14_MCK_1513_ch14_0425_0461_r3jm.indd 449 1st Pass6/27/13 Pages 7:36 AM MASTER MASTER 450 LIVINGChapter 1 Origins ca. 400,000– 1100IN B.C.E. THE PAST Foods of the Columbian Exchange

any people are aware of the devastating effects of foods of southeastern Europe. Even more valuable was the European diseases on peoples of the New World nutritious white potato, which slowly spread from west to Mand of the role of gunpowder and horses in the east — to Ireland, England, and France in the seventeenth conquest of native civilizations. They may be less aware of century, and to Germany, Poland, Hungary, and Russia in how New World foodstuffs transformed Europeans’ daily the eighteenth, contributing everywhere to a rise in popu- life. lation. Ironically, the white potato reached New En gland Prior to Christopher Columbus’s voyages, many common from old En gland in the early eighteenth century. elements of today’s European diet were unknown in Europe. Europeans’ initial reaction to these crops was often fear It’s hard to imagine Italian pizza without tomato sauce or or hostility. Adoption of the tomato and the potato was long Irish stew without potatoes, yet tomatoes and potatoes hampered by the belief that they were unfit for human con- were both unknown in Europe before 1492. Additional crops sumption and potentially poisonous. Both plants belong to originating in the Americas in- the deadly nightshade family, cluded many varieties of beans, and both contain poison in their squash, pumpkins, avocados, leaves and stems. It took time and peppers. and persuasion for these plants One of the most important of to win over tradition-minded Eu- such crops was maize (corn), first ropean peasants, who used pota- introduced to Europe by Colum- toes mostly as livestock feed. bus in 1493. Because maize gives During the eighteenth-century a high yield per unit of land, has Enlightenment, scientists and a short growing season, and doctors played an important role thrives in climates too dry for in popularizing the nutritive ben- rice and too wet for wheat, it efits of the potato. proved an espe cially important Columbus himself contrib- crop for Europeans. By the late uted to misconceptions about seventeenth century the crop New World foods when he mis- had become a staple in Spain, took the chili pepper for black Portugal, southern France, and pepper, one of the spices he had Italy, and in the eighteenth cen- hoped to find in the Indies. The tury it became one of the chief Portuguese quickly began ex- porting chili peppers from Brazil to Africa, India, and Southeast Incan women milking goats, Asia along the trade routes they from a collection of illustrations dominated. The chili pepper ar- by a Spanish bishop that offers a rived in North America through valuable view of life in Peru in the its place in the diet of enslaved 1780s. (Oronoz) Africans.

root in the Americas? In 1453 the Ottoman capture of western coast of Africa, one of the first commodities Constantinople halted the flow of white slaves from they sought was slaves. In 1444 the first ship returned the eastern Mediterranean to western Europe. Te suc- to Lisbon with a cargo of enslaved Africans; the Crown cesses of the Iberian reconquista also meant that the was delighted, and more shipments followed. supply of Muslim captives had drastically diminished. While the first slaves were simply seized by small Cut off from its traditional sources of slaves, Mediter- raiding parties, Portuguese merchants soon found that ranean Europe then turned to sub-Saharan Africa, it was easier to trade with local leaders, who were ac- which had a long history of internal slave trading. (See customed to dealing in slaves captured through warfare “Individuals in Society: Juan de Pareja,” page 453.) As with neighboring powers. From 1490 to 1530 Portu- Portuguese explorers began their voyages along the guese traders brought hundreds of enslaved Africans to

450 1 The first European scientific 2 illustration of maize appeared in 1542, a half century after it 3 was introduced to the continent. 4 (The LuEsther T. Mertz Library, NYBG/Art 5 Resource, NY) 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Saint Diego of Alcala Feeding the Poor (1645–1646), by Bartolome Esteban Murillo, the first dated European depiction of the potato in art. (Joseph Martin/akg-images) 29 30 31 32 European settlers introduced various foods to the native QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS 33 peoples of the New World, including rice, wheat, lettuce, 1. Why do you think it was so difficult for Europeans to 34 and onions. Perhaps the most significant introduction to accept new types of food, even when they were high in 35 the diet of Native Americans came via the meat and milk nutritional quality? 36 of the livestock that the early conquistadors brought with 2. What do the painting and illustrations shown here 37 them, including cattle, sheep, and goats. suggest about the importance of the Columbian 38 The foods of the Columbian exchange traveled a truly exchange? 39 global path. They provided important new sources of nutri- 3. List the foods you typically eat in a day. How many of 40 tion to people all over the world, as well as creating new them originated in the New World, and how many in 41 and beloved culinary traditions. French fries with ketchup, the Old World? How does your own life exemplify the 42 anyone? outcome of the Columbian exchange? 43 44 45 46 Lisbon each year (Map 14.3), where they eventually stored and shipped. From there, sugar crops traveled to 47 constituted 10 percent of the city’s population. China and the Mediterranean, where islands like Crete 48 In this stage of European expansion, the history of and Sicily had the warm and wet climate needed for 49 slav ery became intertwined with the history of sugar. growing sugarcane. When Genoese and other Italians 50 Originally sugar was an expensive luxury that only the colonized the Canary Islands and the Portuguese 51 very affluent could afford, but population increases settled on the Madeira Islands, sugar plantations came 52 and monetary expansion in the fifteenth century led to to the Atlantic. 53 increasing demand. Native to the South Pacific, sugar Sugar was a particularly difficult and demanding 54 was taken in ancient times to India, where farmers crop to produce for profit. Seed-stems were planted by S 55 learned to preserve cane juice as granules that could be hand, thousands to the acre. When mature, the cane R 56

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 Map 14.3 Seaborne Trading Empires in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries By the mid- 34 seventeenth century, trade linked all parts of the world except for Australia. Notice that trade in slaves 35 was not confined to the Atlantic but involved almost all parts of the world. 36 37 38 had to be harvested and processed rapidly to avoid were being imported annually. After its founding in 39 spoiling, requiring days and nights of work with little 1621, the , with the full 40 rest. Moreover, sugar’s growing season is virtually con- support of the United Provinces, transported thou- 41 stant, meaning that there is no fallow period when sands of Africans to Brazil and the Caribbean, mostly 42 workers could recuperate from the arduous labor. Te to work on sugar plantations. In the mid-seventeenth 43 demands of sugar production only increased with the century the English got involved. From 1660 to 1698 44 invention of roller mills to crush the cane more effi- the Royal African Company held a monopoly over the 45 ciently. Yields could be augmented, but only if a suf- slave trade from the En glish crown. 46 ficient labor force was found to supply the mills. European sailors found the Atlantic passage cramped 47 Europeans solved the labor problem by forcing first and uncomfortable, but conditions for enslaved Afri- 48 native islanders and then enslaved Africans to provide cans were lethal. Before 1700, when slavers decided it 49 the backbreaking work. was better business to improve conditions, some 20 per- 50 Sugar gave New World slav ery its distinctive shape. cent of slaves died on the voyage.19 Te most common 51 Columbus himself, who spent a decade in Madeira, cause of death was from dysentery induced by poor- 52 brought the first sugar plants to the New World. Te quality food and water, crowding, and lack of sanitation. 53 transatlantic slave trade began in 1518 when the Span- Men were often kept in irons during the passage, while 54 ish emperor Charles V authorized traders to bring en- women and girls were considered fair game for sailors. 55 S slaved Africans to the Americas. Te Portuguese brought To increase profits, slave traders packed several hun- 56 R slaves to Brazil around 1550; by 1600 four thousand dred captives on each ship. One slaver explained that

1st Pass Pages MASTER INDIVIDUALS IN SOCIETY Juan de Pareja

uring the long wars of the reconquista, Muslims and travel to Madrid to visit his brother and “to perfect his art.” Chris tians captured each other in battle and used the The document lists his occupation as “a painter in Seville.” Ddefeated as slaves. As the Muslims were gradually Since it mentions no other name, it is reasonable to assume eliminated from Iberia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centu- that Pareja arrived in Madrid a free man. Sometime between ries, the Spanish and Portuguese turned to the west coast of 1630 and 1648, however, he came into the possession of the Africa for a new supply of slaves. Most slaves worked as domes- artist Diego Velázquez (1599–1660); Pareja became a slave. tic servants, rather than in the fields. Some received specialized How did Velázquez acquire Pareja? By purchase? As a gift? training as artisans. Had Pareja fallen into debt or committed some crime and Not all people of African descent were slaves, and some thereby lost his freedom? We do not know. Velázquez, the experienced both freedom and slav ery in a single lifetime. The greatest Spanish painter of the seventeenth century, had a life and career of Juan de Pareja (pah-REH-huh) illustrates the large studio with many assistants. Pareja was set to grinding complexities of the Iberian slave system and the heights of powders to make colors and to preparing canvases. He must achievement pos sible for those who gained freedom. have demonstrated ability because when Velázquez went to Pareja was born in Antequera, an agricultural region and Rome in 1648, he chose Pareja to accompany him. the old center of Muslim culture near Seville in southern Spain. In 1650, as practice for a portrait of Pope Innocent X, Of his parents we know nothing. Because a rare surviving doc- Velázquez painted Pareja. The portrait shows Pareja dressed ument calls him a “mulatto,” one of his parents must have in fine clothing and gazing self-confidently at the viewer. Dis- been white and the other must have had some African blood. played in Rome in a public exhibition of Velázquez’s work, the In 1630 Pareja applied to the mayor of Seville for permission to painting won acclaim from his contemporaries. That same year, Velázquez signed the document that gave Pareja his free- Velázquez, Juan de Pareja, 1650. (Private Collection/Photo dom, to become effective in 1654. Pareja lived out the rest of © Christie’s Images/The Bridgeman Art Library) his life as an independent painter. What does the public career of Pareja tell us about the man and his world? Pareja’s career suggests that a person of Afri- can descent might fall into slav ery and yet still acquire profes- sional training and work alongside his master in a position of confidence. Moreover, if lucky enough to be freed, a former slave could exercise a profession and live his own life in Ma- drid. Pareja’s experience was far from typical for a slave in the seventeenth century, but it reminds us of the myriad forms that slav ery took in this period.

QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS 1. Since slav ery was an established institution in Spain, speculate on Velázquez’s pos sible reasons for giving Pareja his freedom. 2. In what ways does Pareja represent Europe’s increasing participation in global commerce and exploration?

ONLINE DOCUMENT ASSIGNMENT How could an individual like Pareja experience both slav ery and freedom in a single lifetime? Go to the Integrated Media and analyze sources from Pareja’s contemporaries that reflect changing ideas about racial identity and slav ery, and then complete a writing Sources: Jonathan Brown, Velázquez: Painter and Courtier (New Haven, Conn.: Yale assignment based on the evidence and details from University Press, 1986); Grove Dictionary of Art (New York: Macmillan, 2000); Sister this chapter. Wendy Beckett, Sister Wendy’s American Collection (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 2000), p. 15.

453 454 Chapter 14 European Exploration and Conquest 1450–1650

1 he removed his boots before entering the slave hold be- Spanish Silver and Its 2 cause he had to crawl over the slaves’ packed bodies.20 3 On sugar plantations, death rates from the brutal pace Economic Effects 4 of labor were extremely high, leading to a constant Te sixteenth century has often been called Spain’s 5 stream of new shipments of slaves from Africa. golden century, but silver mined in the Americas was 6 In total, scholars estimate that European traders the true source of Spain’s wealth. In 1545, at an alti- 7 embarked over 10 million enslaved Africans across the tude of fifteen thousand feet, the Spanish discovered 8 Atlantic from 1518 to 1800 (of whom roughly 8.5 mil- an extraordinary source of silver at Potosí (poh-toh- 9 lion disembarked), with the peak of the trade occur- SEE) (in present-day Bolivia) in territory conquered 10 ring in the eighteenth century.21 By comparison, only from the Inca Empire. Te frigid place where nothing 11 2 to 2.5 million Europeans migrated to the New World grew had been un settled. A half century later 160,000 12 during the same period. Slaves worked in an infinite people lived there, making it about as populous as the 13 variety of occupations: as miners, soldiers, sailors, ser- city of London. By 1550 Potosí yielded perhaps 60 per- 14 vants, and artisans and in the production of sugar, cot- cent of all the silver mined in the world. From Potosí 15 ton, rum, indigo, tobacco, wheat, and corn. and the mines at Zacatecas (za-kuh-TAY-kuhhs) and 16 Guanajuato (gwah-nah-HWAH-toh) in Mexico, huge 17 quantities of precious metals poured forth. To protect Philip II, ca. 1533 This portrait of Philip II as a young man 18 this treasure from French and English pirates, armed and crown prince of Spain is by the celebrated artist Titian, 19 court painter to Philip’s father, Charles V. After taking the convoys transported it to Spain each year. Between 20 throne, Philip became another great patron of the artist. 1503 and 1650, 35 million pounds of silver and over 21 (Palazzo Pitti, Florence, Italy/The Bridgeman Art Library) 600,000 pounds of gold entered Seville’s port. Spanish 22 predominance, however, proved temporary. 23 In the sixteenth century Spain experienced a steady 24 population increase, creating a sharp rise in the demand 25 for food and goods. Spanish colonies in the Americas 26 also demanded consumer goods, such as cloth and 27 luxury goods. Since Spain had expelled some of its best 28 farmers and businessmen — the Muslims and Jews — 29 in the fifteenth century, the Spanish economy was suf- 30 fering and could not meet the new demands. Te excess 31 of demand over supply led to widespread inflation. 32 Te result was a rise in production costs and a further 33 decline in Spain’s productive capacity. 34 Did the flood of silver bullion from America cause 35 the inflation? Prices rose most steeply before 1565, but 36 bullion imports reached their peak between 1580 and 37 1620. Tus silver did not cause the initial inflation. 38 It did, however, exacerbate the situation, and, along 39 with the ensuing rise in population, the influx of sil- 40 ver significantly contributed to the upward spiral of 41 prices. Inflation severely strained government budgets. 42 Several times between 1557 and 1647, Spain’s King 43 Philip II and his successors wrote off the state debt, 44 thereby undermining confidence in the government and 45 leaving the economy in shambles. After 1600, when 46 the population declined, prices gradually stabilized. 47 As Philip II paid his armies and foreign debts with 48 silver bullion, Spanish inflation was transmitted to the 49 rest of Europe. Between 1560 and 1600 much of Eu- 50 rope experienced large price increases. Prices doubled 51 and in some cases quadrupled. Spain suffered most se- 52 verely, but all European countries were affected. Because 53 money bought less, people who lived on fixed incomes, 54 such as nobles, were badly hurt. Tose who owed fixed 55 S sums of money, such as the middle class, prospered be- 56 R cause in a time of rising prices, debts lessened in value

1st14_MCK_1513_ch14_0425_0461_r2jm.indd Pass Pages 454 6/25/13 10:13 AM 1st Pass Pages MASTER MASTER 1450–1650 Europe and the World After Columbus 455 each year. Food costs rose most sharply, and the poor successive commercial empires: the Portuguese, the fared worst of all. Spanish, and the Dutch. In many ways, though, it was not Spain but China Te Portuguese were the first worldwide traders. In that controlled the world trade in silver. Te Chinese the sixteenth century they controlled the sea route to demanded silver for their products and for the pay- India (see Map 14.3). From their fortified bases at ment of imperial taxes. China was thus the main buyer Goa on the Arabian Sea and at Malacca on the Malay of world silver, absorbing half the world’s production. Peninsula, ships carried goods to the Portuguese Te silver market drove world trade, with New Spain settlement at Macao in the South China Sea. From and Japan being mainstays on the supply side and Macao Portuguese ships loaded with Chinese silks and China dominating the demand side. Te world trade porcelains sailed to the Japa nese port of Nagasaki and in silver is one of the best examples of the new global to the Philippine port of Manila, where Chinese goods economy that emerged in this period. were exchanged for Spanish silver from New Spain. Troughout Asia the Portuguese traded in slaves — The Birth of the Global Economy sub-Saharan Africans, Chinese, and Japa nese. Te Por- tuguese exported horses from Mesopotamia and copper With the Europeans’ discovery of the Americas and from Arabia to India; from India they exported hawks their exploration of the Pacific, the entire world was and peacocks for the Chinese and Japa nese markets. linked for the first time in history by seaborne trade. Back to Portugal they brought Asian spices that had Te opening of that trade brought into being three been purchased with textiles produced in India and

Goods from the Global Economy Spices from Southeast Asia were a driv ing force behind the new global economy, and among the most treasured European luxury goods. They were used not only for cooking but also as medicines and health tonics. This fresco (below right) shows a fifteenth-century Italian pharmacist measuring out spices for a customer. After the discovery of the Americas, a wave of new items entered European markets, silver foremost among them. The incredibly rich silver mines at Potosí (modern-day Bolivia) were the source of this eight-reale coin (right) struck at the mine during the reign of Charles II. Such coins were the original “pieces of eight” prized by pirates and adventurers. Soon Asian and American goods were mixed together by enterprising tradesmen. This mid-seventeenth- century Chinese teapot (below left) was made of porcelain with the traditional Chinese design prized in the West, but with a silver handle added to suit European tastes.

(Spice shop: Alfredo Dagli Orti/The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY; teapot: Private Collection/Paul Freeman/The Bridgeman Art Library; coin: Hoberman Collection/ SuperStock) 456 Chapter 14 European Exploration and Conquest 1450–1650

1 with gold and ivory from East Africa. Tey also war with the Spanish, the Dutch West India Company 2 shipped back sugar from their colony in Brazil, pro- aggressively sought to open trade with North and 3 duced by enslaved Africans whom they had trans- South America and capture Spanish territories there. 4 ported across the Atlantic. Te company captured or destroyed hundreds of Span- 5 Coming to empire a few decades later than the Por- ish ships, seized the Spanish silver fleet in 1628, and 6 tuguese, the Spanish were determined to claim their captured portions of Brazil and the Caribbean. Te 7 place in world trade. Te Spanish Empire in the New Dutch also successfully interceded in the transatlantic 8 World was basically a land empire, but across the Pa- slave trade, establishing a large number of trading sta- 9 cific the Spaniards built a seaborne empire centered at tions on the west coast of Africa. Ironically, the nation 10 Manila in the Philippines. Te city of Manila served as that was known throughout Europe as a bastion of tol- 11 the transpacific bridge between Spanish America and erance and freedom came to be one of the principal 12 China. In Manila, Spanish traders used silver from operators of the slave trade starting in the 1640s. 13 American mines to purchase Chinese silk for Euro- Dutch efforts to colonize North America were less 14 pean markets. Te European demand for silk was so successful. Te colony of , governed 15 huge that in 1597, for example, 12 million pesos of from New (modern-day New York City), 16 silver, almost the total value of the transatlantic trade, was hampered by lack of settlement and weak gover- 17 moved from Acapulco in New Spain to Manila (see nance and was easily captured by the British in 1664. 18 Map 14.3). After 1640 the Spanish silk trade declined 19 in the face of stiff competition from Dutch imports. 20 In the late sixteenth century the Protestant Dutch 21 were engaged in a long war of independence from their 22 Spanish Catholic overlords (see Chapter 15). Te join- Changing Attitudes 23 ing of the Portuguese crown to Spain in 1580 gave the 24 Dutch a strategic incentive to attack Portugal, a major and Beliefs 25 economic competitor for the Dutch. Drawing on their How did new ideas about race and the works 26 commercial wealth and determined use of force, the of Montaigne and Shakespeare reflect the 27 Dutch emerged by the end of the seventeenth century encounter with new peoples and places? 28 as both a free nation and a worldwide seaborne trading 29 power. Te was initially built on spices. 30 In 1599 a Dutch fleet returned to Amsterdam carrying Te age of overseas expansion heightened Europeans’ 31 600,000 pounds of pepper and 250,000 pounds of contacts with the rest of the world. Tese contacts gave 32 cloves and nutmeg. Tose who had invested in the ex- birth to new ideas about the inherent superiority or 33 pedition received a 100 percent profit. Te voyage led inferiority of different races, in part to justify European 34 to the establishment in 1602 of the Dutch East India participation in the slave trade. Cultural encounters 35 Company, founded with the stated intention of cap- also inspired more positive views. Te essays of Michel 36 turing the spice trade from the Portuguese. de Montaigne epitomized a new spirit of skepticism 37 Te Dutch set their sights on gaining direct access and cultural relativism, while the plays of William 38 to and control of the Indonesian sources of spices. Te Shakespeare reflected the efforts of one great writer to 39 Dutch fleet sailed from the Dutch Republic to the come to terms with the cultural complexity of his day. 40 Cape of Good Hope in Africa and, avoiding the Portu- 41 guese forts in India, steered directly for the Sunda New Ideas About Race 42 Strait in Indonesia (see Map 14.3). In return for assist- 43 ing Indonesian princes in local squabbles and disputes At the beginning of the transatlantic slave trade, most 44 with the Portuguese, the Dutch won broad commer- Europeans would have thought of Africans, if they 45 cial concessions. Trough agreements, seizures, and thought of them at all, as savages because of their eat- 46 outright military aggression, they gained control of the ing habits, morals, clothing, and social customs and as 47 western access to the Indonesian archipelago in the barbarians because of their language and methods of 48 first half of the seventeenth century. Gradually, they war. Despite lingering belief in a Christian Ethiopia 49 acquired political domination over the archipelago it- under the legendary Prester John, they grouped Afri- 50 self. By the 1660s the Dutch had managed to expel the cans into the despised categories of pagan heathens 51 Portuguese from Ceylon and other East Indian islands, and Muslim infidels. Africans were certainly not the 52 thereby establishing control of the lucrative spice only peoples subject to such dehumanizing attitudes. 53 trade. Jews were also viewed as alien people who, like Afri- 54 Not content with challenging the Portuguese in the cans, were naturally sinful and depraved. More gen- 55 S Indian Ocean, the Dutch also aspired to a role in the erally, elite Europeans were accustomed to viewing the 56 R Americas. Founded in 1621, when the Dutch were at peasant masses as a lower form of humanity. Tey

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scornfully compared rustic peasants to dogs, pigs, and Michel de Montaigne and 1 donkeys and even reviled the dark skin color peasants Cultural Curiosity 2 acquired while laboring in the sun.22 3 As Europeans turned to Africa for new sources of Racism was not the only pos sible reaction to the new 4 slaves, they drew on and developed ideas about Afri- worlds emerging in the sixteenth century. Decades of 5 cans’ primitiveness and barbarity to defend slav ery and religious fanaticism, bringing civil anarchy and war, 6 even argue that enslavement benefited Africans by led some Catholics and Protestants to doubt that any 7 bringing the light of Chris tianity to heathen peoples. one faith contained absolute truth. Added to these 8 In 1444 an observer defended the enslavement of the doubts was the discovery of peoples in the New World 9 first Africans by Portuguese explorers as necessary for who had radically different ways of life. Tese shocks 10 their salvation “because they lived like beasts, without helped produce ideas of skepticism and cultural rela- 11 any of the customs of rational creatures, since they did tivism. Skepticism is a school of thought founded on 12 not even know what were bread and wine, nor gar- doubt that total certainty or definitive knowledge is 13 ments of cloth, nor life in the shelter of a house; and ever attainable. Te skeptic is cautious and critical and 14 worse still was their ignorance, which deprived them suspends judgment. Cultural relativism suggests that 15 of knowledge of good, and permitted them only a life one culture is not necessarily superior to another, just 16 of brutish idleness.”23 Compare this with an early- different. Both notions found expression in the work of 17 seventeenth-century En glishman’s complaint that the Frenchman Michel de Montaigne (duh mahn-TAYN) 18 Irish “be so beastly that they are better like beasts than (1533–1592). 19 Chris tians.”24 Montaigne developed a new literary genre, the es- 20 Over time, the institution of slav ery fostered a new say — from the French essayer, meaning “to test or try” — 21 level of racial inequality. In contrast to peasants, Jews, to express his ideas. Published in 1580, Montaigne’s 22 and the Irish, Africans gradually became seen as utterly Essays consisted of short reflections drawing on his 23 distinct from and wholly inferior to Europeans. From extensive reading in ancient texts, his experience as a 24 rather vague assumptions about non-Chris tian religious government official, and his own moral judgment. In- 25 beliefs and a general lack of civilization, Europeans de- tending his works to be accessible to ordinary people, 26 veloped increasingly rigid ideas of racial superiority Montaigne wrote in French rather than Latin and in 27 and inferiority to safeguard the growing profits gained an engaging conversational style. His essays were quickly 28 from plantation slav ery. Black skin became equated translated into other European languages and became 29 with slav ery itself as Europeans at home and in the some of the most widely read texts of the early modern 30 colonies convinced themselves that blacks were des- period. 31 tined by God to serve them as slaves in perpetuity. Montaigne’s essay “Of Cannibals” reveals the im- 32 Support for this belief went back to the Greek phi- pact of overseas discoveries on one thoughtful Euro- 33 losopher Aristotle’s argument that some people are pean. In contrast to the prevailing views of his day, he 34 naturally destined for slav ery and to biblical associa- rejected the notion that one culture is superior to an- 35 tions between darkness and sin. A more explicit jus- other. Speaking of native Brazilians, he wrote: 36 tification was found in the story of Noah’s curse upon 37 Canaan, the son of his own son Ham. According to I find that there is nothing barbarous and savage in 38 the Bible, Ham defied Noah’s ban on sexual relations this nation [Brazil], . . . except, that everyone gives 39 on the ark and further enraged his father by entering the title of barbarism to everything that is not ac- 40 his tent and viewing him unclothed. To punish Ham, cording to his usage; as, indeed, we have no other 41 Noah cursed his son Canaan and all his descendants to criterion of truth and reason, than the example and 42 be the “servant of servants.” Biblical genealogies listing pattern of the opinions and customs of the place 43 Ham’s sons as those who peopled North Africa and wherein we live. . . . Tey are savages in the same 44 Cush were read to mean that all inhabitants of those way that we say fruits are wild, which nature pro- 45 regions bore Noah’s curse. From the sixteenth century duces of herself and by her ordinary course; whereas, 46 onward, defenders of slav ery often cited this story as in truth, we ought rather to call those wild whose 47 justification for their actions. natures we have changed by our artifice and diverted 48 After 1700 the emergence of new methods of ob- from the common order. 49 serving and describing nature led to the use of science 50 to define race. Although the term originally referred to In his own time, few would have agreed with Montaigne’s 51 a nation or an ethnic group, henceforth “race” would challenge to ideas of European superiority or his even 52 mean biologically distinct groups of people, whose more radical questioning of the superiority of humans 53 physical differences produced differences in culture, over animals. Nevertheless, his popular essays contrib- 54 character, and intelligence. Biblical justifications for in- uted to a basic shift in attitudes. “Wonder,” he said, “is S 55 equality thereby gave way to supposedly scientific ones. the foundation of all philosophy, research is the means R 56

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1 of all learning, and ignorance is the end.”26 Montaigne insula. It could also be applied, though, to natives of 2 thus inaugurated an era of doubt. the Iberian Peninsula who converted to Islam or to 3 non-Muslim Berbers in North Africa. To complicate 4 William Shakespeare and things even more, references in the play to Othello as 5 His Influence “black” in skin color have led many to believe that 6 Shakespeare intended him to be a sub-Saharan Afri- 7 In addition to the essay as a literary genre, the period can. Tis confusion in the play aptly reflects the uncer- 8 fostered remarkable creativity in other branches of tainty in Shakespeare’s own time about racial and 9 literature. En gland — espe cially in the latter part of religious classifications. In contrast to the prevailing 10 Queen Elizabeth I’s reign and in the first years of her view of Moors as inferior, Shakespeare presents Othello 11 successor, James I (r. 1603–1625) — witnessed remark- as a complex human figure, whose only crime is to 12 able literary expression. Te undisputed master of the have “loved [his wife] not wisely, but too well.” 13 period was the dramatist William Shakespeare, whose Shakespeare’s last play, Te Tempest, also highlights 14 genius lay in the originality of his characterizations, the issue of race and race relations. Te plot involves 15 the diversity of his plots, his understanding of human the stranding on an island of sorcerer Prospero and his 16 psychology, and his unsurpassed gift for language. daughter Miranda. Tere Prospero finds and raises 17 Born in 1564 to a successful glove manufacturer in Caliban, a native of the island, whom he instructs 18 Stratford-upon-Avon, Shakespeare grew into a Renais- in his own language and religion. After Caliban’s at- 19 sance man with a deep appreciation of classical culture, tempted rape of Miranda, Prospero enslaves him, earn- 20 individualism, and humanism. Although he wrote ing the hatred of his erstwhile pupil. Modern scholars 21 sparkling comedies and stirring historical plays, his often note the echoes between this play and the realities 22 greatest masterpieces were his later tragedies, including of imperial conquest and settlement in Shakespeare’s 23 Hamlet, Othello, and Macbeth, which explore an enor- day. It is no accident, they argue, that the poet por- 24 mous range of human problems and are open to an trayed Caliban as a monstrous dark-skinned island na- 25 almost infinite variety of interpretations. tive who was best suited for slav ery. Shakespeare himself 26 Like Montaigne’s essays, Shakespeare’s work reveals borrows words from Montaigne’s essay “Of Cannibals,” 27 the impact of the new discoveries and contacts of his suggesting that he may have intended to criticize, 28 day. Te title character of Othello is described as a rather than endorse, racial intolerance. Shakespeare’s 29 “Moor of Venice.” In Shakespeare’s day, the term work shows us one of the finest minds of the age grasp- 30 “Moor” referred to Muslims of North African origin, ing to come to terms with the racial and religious com- 31 including those who had migrated to the Iberian Pen- plexities around him. 32 33 34 Titus Andronicus With classical allusions, fifteen murders and executions, a Gothic queen who takes a black 35 lover, and incred ible violence, this early Shakespearean tragedy (1594) was a melodramatic thriller that enjoyed 36 enormous popularity with the London audience. The shock value of a dark-skinned character on the English stage 37 is clearly shown in this illustration. (Bibliothèque nationale de France/Giraudon/The Bridgeman Art Library) 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 S 56 R

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Notes . Marco Polo, Te Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian: Concerning the . Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean, Kingdoms and Marvels of the East, vol. , trans. and ed. Colonel Sir – (London: Methuen, ), pp. –. Henry Yule (London: John Murray, ), pp. –. . Benjamin, Te Atlantic World, p. . . Tomas Benjamin, Te Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, Indians . Ibid., pp. –. and Teir Shared History, – (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge . Quoted in C. Gibson, ed., Te Black Legend: Anti-Spanish Attitudes University Press, ), p. . in the Old World and the New (New York: Knopf, ), pp. –. . Quoted in J. Devisse, “Africa in Inter-Continental Relations,” in . Quoted in L. B. Rout, Jr., Te African Experience in Spanish America General History of Africa, vol. , Africa from the Twelfth to the Six- (New York: Cambridge University Press, ), p. . teenth Century, ed. D. T. Niane (Berkeley, Calif.: Heinemann Edu- . Cited in Geoffrey Vaughn Scammell, Te First Imperial Age: Euro- cational Books, ), p. . pean Overseas Expansion, c. – (London: Routledge, ), . Geoffrey Atkinson, Les nouveaux horizons de la Renaissance française p. . (Paris: Droz, ), pp. –. . Ibid., p. . . G. V. Scammell, Te World Encompassed: Te First European Mari- . Herbert S. Klein, “Profits and the Causes of Mortality,” in David time Empires, c. – (Berkeley: University of Cal i fornia Press, Northrup, ed., Te Atlantic Slave Trade (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. ), pp. , . Heath and Co., ), p. . . Quoted in C. M. Cipolla, Guns, Sails, and Empires: Technological . Malcolm Cowley and Daniel P. Mannix, “Te Middle Passage,” Innovation and the Early Phases of European Expansion, – in David Northrup, ed., Te Atlantic Slave Trade (Lexington, Mass.: (New York: Minerva Press, ), p. . D. C. Heath and Co., ), p. . . Quoted in F. H. Littell, Te Macmillan Atlas: History of Christianity . Voyages: Te Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, http://www (New York: Macmillan, ), p. . .slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces. . Pablo E. Pérez-Mallaína, Spain’s Men of the Sea: Daily Life on the . Paul Freedman, Images of the Medieval Peasant (Stanford, Calif.: Indies Fleet in the Sixteenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Uni- Stanford University Press, ). versity Press, ), p. . . Quoted in James H. Sweet, “Te Iberian Roots of American Racist . Ibid., p. . Tought,” Te William and Mary Quarterly  (): . . Quoted in F. Maddison, “Tradition and Innovation: Columbus’ . Quoted in Sean J. Connolly, Contested Island: Ireland, – First Voyage and Portuguese Navigation in the Fifteenth Century,” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), p. . in Circa : Art in the Age of Exploration, ed. J. A. Levenson . C. Cotton, trans., Te Essays of Michel de Montaigne (New York: (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, ), p. . A. L. Burt, ), pp. , . . Quoted in R. L. Kagan, “Te Spain of Ferdinand and Isabella,” in . Ibid., p. . Circa : Art in the Age of Exploration, ed. J. A. Levenson (Wash- ington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, ), p. .

In 1517 Martin Luther issued his “Ninety- five Teses,” launching the Protestant Refor- mation; just five years later, Ferdinand Magellan’s expedition sailed around the globe, shattering European notions of terrestrial geography. Within a few short years, old medieval certainties about Heaven and earth began to collapse. In the ensuing decades, Europeans struggled to come to terms with religious difference at home and the multitudes of new peoples and places they encountered abroad. Tese processes were intertwined, as Puritans and Quakers fled religious persecution at home to colonize the New World and the new Jesuit order proved its devotion to the pope by seeking Catholic converts across the globe. While some Europeans were fascinated and inspired by this new diversity, too often the result was violence. Europeans endured decades of civil war between Protestants and Catholics, and indigenous peoples suffered massive population losses as a result of European warfare, disease, and exploitation. Tragi- cally, both Catholic and Protestant religious leaders condoned the African slave trade that was to bring suffering and death to millions of Africans. Even as the voyages of discovery coincided with the fragmentation of European culture, they also belonged to longer-term processes of state centralization and consolidation. Te new monarchies of the Renaissance produced stronger and wealthier governments capable of financing the huge ex- penses of exploration and colonization. Competition to gain overseas colonies became an integral part of European politics. Spain’s investment in conquest proved spectacularly profitable and yet, as we will see in Chapter 15, the ultimate result was a weakening of its power. Other European nations took longer to realize financial gain, yet over time the , En gland, and France reaped tremendous profits from colonial trade, which helped them build modernized, centralized states. Te path from medieval Christendom to modern nation-states led through religious warfare and global encounter. REVIEW and EXPLORE 1 2 3 4 5 6 MAKE IT STICK 7 8 LearningCurve 9 After reading the chapter, go online and use LearningCurve to retain what you’ve read. 10 11 12 13 Identify Key Terms 14 15 Identify and explain the significance of each item below. 16 17 conquistador (p. 433) Inca Empire (p. 443) 18 caravel (p. 433) viceroyalties (p. 445) 19 Ptolemy’s Geography (p. 433) encomienda system (p. 446) 20 Treaty of Tordesillas (p. 440) Columbian exchange (p. 448) 21 22 Mexica Empire (p. 441) 23 24 Review the Main Ideas 25 Answer the focus questions from each section of the chapter. 26 27 ͷWhat was the Afroeurasian trading world before Columbus? (p. 428) 28 How and why did Europeans undertake ambitious voyages of expansion? (p. 432) 29 ͷ 30 ͷWhat was the impact of European conquest on the peoples and ecologies of the New 31 World? (p. 445) 32 33 ͷHow was the era of global contact shaped by new commodities, commercial empires, 34 and forced migrations? (p. 449) 35 How did new ideas about race and the works of Montaigne and Shakespeare reflect the 36 ͷ 37 encounter with new peoples and places? (p. 456) 38 39 Make Connections 40 41 Think about the larger developments and continuities within and across chapters. 42 1. Michel de Montaigne argued that people’s assessments of what was “barbaric” merely 43 44 drew on their own habits and customs; based on the earlier sections of this chapter, 45 how widespread was this openness to cultural difference? Was he alone or did others 46 share this view? 47 48 2. To what extent did the European voyages of expansion and conquest inaugurate an era 49 of global history? Is it correct to date the beginning of “globalization” from the late 50 fifteenth century? Why or why not? 51 52 53 54 55 S 56 R

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1st14_MCK_1513_ch14_0425_0461_r4jm.indd Pass Pages 460 7/28/13 9:25 AM 1st Pass Pages MASTER MASTER ONLINE DOCUMENT ASSIGNMENT Juan de Pareja 1 2 How could an individual like Pareja experience both slav ery and freedom in a 3 single lifetime? 4 You encountered Juan de Pareja’s story on page 453. Keeping the question above in mind, go to the 5 Integrated Media and examine primary sources from Pareja’s time — including visual art, drama, 6 and legal excerpts. Ten complete a writing assignment based on the evidence and details from this 7 chapter. 8 9 10 11 12 Suggested Reading and Media Resources 13 14 books documentaries 15 ͷ Crosby, Alfred W. Te Columbian Exchange: Biological and ͷ Columbus: Te Lost Voyage (History Channel, 2007). 16 Cultural Consequences of 1492, 30th anniversary ed. 2003. An Recounts the little-known story of Christopher Columbus’s 17 innovative and highly influential account of the environmen- fourth and final voyage, featuring interviews with experts and 18 tal impact of Columbus’s voyages. re-creations of important episodes along the route. 19 ͷ Elliot, J. H. Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain ͷ Conquistadors (PBS, 2000). Traveling in the footsteps of the 20 in America, 1492–1830. 2006. A masterful account of the Spanish conquistadors, the narrator tells their story while fol- 21 differences and similarities between the British and Spanish lowing the paths and rivers they used. Includes discussion of 22 Empires in the Americas. the perspectives and participation of native peoples. 23 ͷ Fernández-Armesto, Felipe. Columbus. 1992. An excellent ͷ 1421: Te Year China Discovered America? (PBS, 2004). Inves- 24 biography of Christopher Columbus. tigates the voyages of legendary Chinese admiral Zheng He, 25 ͷ Mann, Charles C. 1491: New Revelations on the Americas Be- exploring the possibility that he and his fleet reached the 26 Americas decades before Columbus. fore Columbus, 2d ed. 2011. A highly readable account of the 27 peoples and societies of the Americas before the arrival of feature films and television 28 Europeans. ͷ Black Robe (Bruce Beresford, 1991). A classic film about 29 ͷ Menard, Russell R. Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and French Jesuit missionaries among Algonquin and Huron In- 30 Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados. 2006. Explores the dians in New France in the seventeenth century. 31 intertwined history of sugar plantations and slavery in seven- ͷ Marco Polo (Hallmark Channel, 2007). A made-for- television 32 teenth-century Barbados. film that follows Italian merchant Marco Polo as he travels to 33 ͷ Northrup, David, ed. Te Atlantic Slave Trade. 1994. Col- China to establish trade ties with Mongol emperor Kublai 34 lected essays by leading scholars on many different aspects of Khan. 35 the slave trade. ͷ Te New World (Terrence Malick, 2005). Set in 1607 at the 36 ͷ Parker, Charles H. Global Interactions in the Early Modern founding of the Jamestown settlement, this film retells the 37 Age, 1400–1800. 2010. An examination of the rise of global story of John Smith and Pocahontas. 38 connections in the early modern period, which situates the web sites 39 European experience in relation to the world’s other empires ͷ Te Globalization of Food and Plants. Hosted by the Yale Uni- 40 and peoples. versity Center for the Study of Globalization, this Web site 41 ͷ Pestana, Carla. Protestant Empire: Religion and the Making of provides information on how various foods and plants — such 42 the British Atlantic World. 2009. Shows the impact of religious as spices, coffee, and tomatoes — traveled the world in the 43 conflict between Protestants and Catholics on the emergence Columbian exchange. yaleglobal.yale.edu/about/food.jsp of European empires. 44 ͷ Historic Jamestowne. Showcasing archaeological work at the 45 ͷ Pomeranz, Kenneth, and Steven Topik. Te World Tat Trade Jamestown settlement, the first permanent En glish settlement 46 Created: Society, Culture, and the World Economy, 1400 to the in America, this site provides details of the latest digs along 47 Present. 1999. Te creation of a world market presented with biographical information about settlers, historical back- 48 through rich and vivid stories of merchants, miners, slaves, ground, and resources for teachers and students. and farmers. www.historicjamestowne.org 49 50 ͷ Restall, Matthew. Seven Myths of Spanish Conquest. 2003. ͷ Plymouth Colony Archive Project. A site hosted by the 51 A re-examination of common ideas about why and how the anthropology department at the University of Illinois that Spanish conquered native civilizations in the New World. contains a collection of searchable primary and secondary 52 ͷ Rountree, Helen C. Pocahontas, Powhatan, Opechancanough: sources relating to the Plymouth colony, including court re- 53 Tree Indian Lives Changed by Jamestown. 2005. Biographies cords, laws, seventeenth-century journals and memoirs, wills, 54 of three important Native Americans involved in the James- maps, and biographies of colonists. S 55 town settlement, presenting a rich portrait of the life of the www.histarch.uiuc.edu/Plymouth/index.html R 56 Powhatan people and their encounter with the English. 461

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