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China and Weapons of Mass Destruction: Implications for the United States

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China and Weapons of Mass Destruction: Implications for the United States National Intelligence Council China and Weapons of Mass Destruction: Implications for the United States Conference Report 5 November 1999 This conference was sponsored by the National Intelligence Council (NIC) with Armed Forces Journal International and the National Security Studies Program at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. The views expressed in this conference summary are those of individuals and do not represent official US intelligence or policy positions. The NIC routinely sponsors such unclassified conferences with outside experts to gain knowledge and insight to sharpen the level of debate on critical issues. Introduction | Schedule | Papers Appendix I | Appendix II | Appendix III | Appendix IV Introduction This conference document includes papers produced by distinguished experts on China's weapons-of-mass-destruction (WMD) programs. The seven papers were complemented by commentaries and general discussions among the 40 specialists at the proceedings. The main topics of discussion included: The development of China's nuclear forces. China's development of chemical and biological weapons. China's involvement in the proliferation of WMD. China's development of missile delivery systems. The implications of these developments for the United States. Interest in China's WMD stems in part from its international agreements and obligations. China is a party to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Zangger Committee, and the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and has signed but not ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). China is not a member of the Australia Group, the Wassenaar Arrangement, the Nuclear Suppliers Group, or the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), although it has agreed to abide by the latter (which is not an international agreement and lacks legal authority). The papers below reflect important trends in thinking outside the Intelligence Community on the issue of China and WMD. As noted on the title page, the views stated in the papers are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the Intelligence Community or any particular US Government agency. Schedule Welcome (9:00-9:05 AM): Robert L. Worden, Chief, Federal Research Division Opening (9:05-9:15 AM): Robert G. Sutter, Moderator, National Intelligence Comments Officer for East Asia Panel One (9:15-10:45 AM): WMD Capabilities Bates Gill and James Mulvenon - The Chinese Strategic Rocket Forces: Transition to Credible Deterrence Eric Croddy - Chinese Chemical Warfare Capabilities Commentators: Torrey Froscher and Catherine E. Johnston Panel Two (11:00-12:30 AM): Scope of WMD Proliferation Evan Medeiros - The Changing Character of China's WMD Proliferation Activities Shirley Kan - Chinese Proliferation of Missiles and WMD: Issues for US Policy Commentators: Harlan Jencks, Peter Brookes, Janice Hinton Panel Three (2:00-3:45 PM): China's Views on WMD Michael Swaine - The Chinese View of Weapons of Mass Destruction Mark Stokes - Weapons of Mass Destruction: PLA Space and Theater Missile Development Ken Allen - Key Indicators of Changes in Chinese Development and Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction Commentators: Lonnie Henley and Vincent Bonner (4:00-5:15 PM): Wrap-Up: Implications for US Interests and Panel Four Policies Peter Almquist, Michael McDevitt, and Thomas Fingar Contributors Ken Allen is with the Stimson Center. Peter Almquist is with the Department of State. Peter Brookes is a member of the staff of the International Relations Committee, House of Representatives. Eric Croddy is a senior research associate at the Chemical and Biological Weapons Nonproliferation Project, Center for Nonproliferation Studies (CNS), Monterey Institute. Bates Gill is Senior Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution, and Director of the Brookings Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies. Thomas Fingar is with the Department of State. Torrey Froscher is with the Central Intelligence Agency. Janice Hinton is a specialist on Chinese affairs. Lonnie Henley is with the Defense Intelligence Agency. Harlan Jencks is with the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. Catherine E. Johnston is with the Defense Intelligence Agency. Shirley Kan is with the Library of Congress. Michael McDevitt is with the Center for Naval Analysis. Evan Medeiros is a senior research associate on the East Asia Nonproliferation Project at the Center for Nonproliferation Studies in Monterey, CA. James Mulvenon is Associate Political Scientist at the RAND Corporation, and Deputy Director of the RAND Center for Asia-Pacific Policy. Mark Stokes is with the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. Robert G. Sutter is National Intelligence Officer for East Asia, National Intelligence Council. Michael Swaine is with the RAND Corporation. Robert L. Worden is Chief, Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. Papers Bates Gill and James Mulvenon1 Introduction The doctrine and force structure of China's Strategic Rocket Forces (also known as the Second Artillery from the Chinese di er pao) remain some of the most heavily shrouded and poorly understood aspects of the Chinese military. Yet, as China undergoes a continued modernization of its nuclear forces, to include improved mobility, reliability, accuracy, and firepower, concerned analysts are compelled to understand and analyze the Second Artillery more precisely, including its evolving doctrine, organization, and hardware, and their implications for international security.2 To date, the most prominent work on China's nuclear posture has either dwelled primarily on hardware and R&D,3 focused on doctrinal debates,4 or described the technological development of Chinese nuclear weapons in the form of political-military histories.5 Some past work, now more than 10 years old, attempts to weave several of these strands together in the context of a "cultural" explanation.6 More recent work by Johnston and Xue goes furthest in providing more unifying analyses that carefully draw together aspects of doctrine and force structure, yet this work requires some reexamination.7 In light of China's continuing nuclear weapons modernization program, an updated and more comprehensive framework is needed that fully pulls together theoretical analysis, China's declared nuclear principles, and an empirical assessment of its nuclear force structure. Taking such an approach, we reach four key findings on Chinese nuclear posture: First, from a theoretical perspective, traditional approaches such as neo-Realist and organization theory do not adequately predict and explain key aspects of Chinese nuclear doctrine and force structure. Rather, an understanding of such variables as domestic political, technological, historical, and cultural factors provide far greater insight and predictive capacity about the drivers that shape China's doctrinal and force structure decisions. Second, from a technical perspective, although we agree with analysts who highlight the role of technology in shaping Chinese doctrine, we go beyond the somewhat simplistic understanding that technology drives doctrine. Rather, we see patterns of rational strategic choice made for China's nuclear posture, though technology limited the realm of the possible for Chinese leaders. Perhaps it could be said that the Chinese made a virtue out of necessity in the construction of their nuclear deterrent, accepting the technological constraints of the system and making rational choices under those constraints. Third, we find that the evolution over time of China's doctrine and force structure is the story of trying to close the gap between real capability, on the one hand, and what one might call "aspirational doctrine" on the other. In the United States, the appropriate analog would be a comparison of current operational doctrine, as outlined in the Joint Doctrine publications series, with an aspirational doctrine, such as Joint Vision 2010. In the Chinese case, the discontinuity between reality and aspiration is of times referred to as the "capabilities-doctrine gap." At the present stage in the Second Artillery's modernization, China is nearing an historic convergence between doctrine and capability, allowing it to increasingly achieve a degree of credible minimal deterrence vis-à-vis the continental United States--a convergence of its doctrine and capability it has not confidently possessed since the weaponization of China's nuclear program in the mid-1960s. Finally, for the future, the doctrine and force structure of China's Second Artillery should be analyzed at three distinct levels, reflecting a multifaceted force with very different missions: a posture of credible minimal deterrence with regard to the continental United States and Russia; a more offensive-oriented posture of "limited deterrence" with regard to China's theater nuclear forces; and an offensively configured, preemptive, counterforce warfighting posture of "active defense" or "offensive defense" for the Second Artillery's conventional missile forces. Theoretical Examination of China's Nuclear Posture In reaching these findings, the work proceeds in five sections. First, we begin with a theoretical analysis of Chinese nuclear posture. Second, in the absence of an open and official declaration of Chinese nuclear doctrine, we examine China's declared nuclear principles to inferentially deduce certain aspects of China's nuclear doctrine.
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