Navigating the Many Englishes of the World in the Classroom

Teachers’ Attitudes Towards English Accents and How They Work with Accents in the Classroom

Att navigera bland världens många varianter av engelska i klassrummet Lärares attityder kring engelska accenter och hur de arbetar med accenter i klassrummet

Lovisa Olausson

Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Department of Language, Literature and Intercultural Studies English English III, Degree project 15 credits Marie Tåqvist Marika Kjellén Spring 2021

Title: Navigating the Many Englishes of the World in the Classroom: Teachers’ Attitudes Towards English Accents and how they Work with Accents in the Classroom Titel på svenska: Att navigera bland världens många varianter av engelska i klassrummet: Lärares attityder kring engelska accenter och hur de arbetar med accenter i klassrummet Author: Lovisa Olausson Pages: 51 Abstract According to the curriculum for upper secondary school, various English accents should be introduced. However, it does not state what accents and how these should be introduced. Both American and British English have had a historical stronghold in Sweden, with both having been preferred in previous curriculums. This study shows that both continue to have a stronghold in Swedish schools, but in a different way. Through a questionnaire, teachers in Sweden were asked to answer how they introduce and work with accents in their own teaching.The teachers that responded to the questionnaire introduce and work with accents to a high degree. It becomes evident that while American and British English are still very much prevalent, other accents are prevalent as well. While the majority of the respondents believed that all accents are equally important to teach, some still upheld the notion that English accents from countries where English is the native language are more important to incorporate in their teaching as these are more commonly heard. Additionally, a majority of the respondents also believed that a student’s grade should not be affected by the accent they use. However, this was dependent on whether or not the accent sounded too Swedish or not and not what English accent the students choose to use or approximate. Thus, the overall results show that the teachers who responded to the questionnaire believe in the importance of introducing accents and teaching accents as well as introducing a wide variety of accents.

Keywords: English accents, American English, British English, Quantitative, Qualitative, Teaching practices, Attitudes Sammanfattning på svenska Enligt läroplanen för gymnasieskolan bör olika engelska accent introduceras. Den anger dock inte vilka accenter och hur dessa bör införas. Både amerikansk och brittisk engelska har haft ett historiskt fäste i Sverige, och denna studie visar att dessa fortsätter att ha det. Dessutom introducerar och arbetar lärarna accenter i hög grad och det framgår att även om amerikanska och brittiska engelska fortfarande är mycket utbredda, är andra accenter också det. Medan majoriteten av de tillfrågade trodde att alla accenter är lika viktiga att undervisa ansåg vissa fortfarande uppfattningen att engelska accenter från länder där engelska är modersmålet är viktigare att integrera i sin undervisning eftersom dessa oftare hörs. Dessutom trodde en majoritet av de tillfrågade att studentens betyg inte borde påverkas av den accent de använder. Detta var emellertid beroende av om accenten lät för svensk eller inte och inte vilken engelsk accent eleverna väljer att använda. Således visar de övergripande resultaten att lärarna som svarade på frågeformuläret anser att det är viktigt att introducera accenter och undervisa accenter samt att introducera flera olika accenter. Nyckelord: Engelska accenter, Amerikansk engelska, Brittisk engelska, kvantitativ, kvalitativ, undervisningspraxis, attityder

Contents Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Aims ...... 2

2. Background ...... 4

2.1 English becoming a world language ...... 4

2.1.1 Kachru’s Circles of English ...... 5

2.2 English accents ...... 6

2.2.1 English in England, Scotland and Ireland ...... 6

2.2.2 English in the USA and Canada ...... 9

2.2.4 English in Australia and New Zealand ...... 10

2.2.7 English in India ...... 11

2.2.3 English in South Africa ...... 12

2.2.6 English in Nigeria ...... 12

2.2.5 English in Jamaica ...... 13

2.2.8 Mid-Atlantic English ...... 14

2.3 English in Swedish schools ...... 14

2.4 Teaching English as an international language ...... 17

3. Method and material ...... 21

3.1. Questionnaire ...... 21

3.1.1 Creation and distribution of the questionnaire ...... 21

3.1.2 Respondents and selection criteria ...... 23

3.1.3 Selecting varieties of English accents ...... 24

3.2 Limitations of the study ...... 26

4. Analysis ...... 28

4.1 Accents in the classroom ...... 28

4.1.1 The students’ accents ...... 28

4.1.2 Introducing accents in the classroom ...... 29

4.1.3 Working with accents in the classroom ...... 33

4.2 Teachers’ attitudes towards what accents should be included in the classroom ...... 35

4.3 Teachers’ opinions on accents as a factor in grading ...... 37

5. Discussion ...... 39

6. Conclusion ...... 42

6.1 Suggestions for further research ...... 43

Reference list ...... 44

Appendix 1: Questionnaire ...... 47

Appendix 2: Questionnaire information ...... 51

Introduction Today, English holds a position as the international language in the world (Matsuda, 2012, p. 1). English is recognised as a global language, which indicates that the language is used in countries where it is not the native language or an official language (Crystal, 2012, p. 4). English acts as an official or a semi-official language in more than 70 countries globally (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p 11-12). Since English is not centered around a specific region or country, the is both culturally and linguistically diverse (Matsuda, 2012, p. 3). Around 400 million people speak a variety of English as their native language. The main areas where English is spoken as the native language are “the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa” (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). However, native speakers of English only make up roughly a quarter of the total number of people who speak the language (Algeo, 2006, p. 1). It is estimated that more than a billion people speak English as either a native language or a foreign or second language (McArthur, 2002, p. 2). Therefore, in a global context, English often acts as an international language for communication (Matsuda, 2012, p. 2). In today’s world, we are constantly exposed to English through various media, such as film, radio and TV, as well as when we travel (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 11). We come in contact with the English language mainly through spoken language, as close to all communication, around 99%, is spoken. Since English is an international language, spoken by native language speakers as well as foreign and second language speakers, there are many varieties of spoken English (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12; McArthur, 2002, p. 2). American English and British English accents are the most commonly spoken varieties of English among native speakers (Algeo, 2006, p. 1). However, in international communication, it is unrealistic to assume that merely one variety or a few varieties of English are used since communicative exchanges occur in various contexts and most likely with speakers of different linguistic and cultural backgrounds (Matsuda, 2012, p. 7). In countries in which English is neither the native language or an official language, it is common that the accents of English that are used or approximated among speakers are accents that are spoken in countries where English is the native language, like the USA or the UK (Matsuda and Friedrich, 2012, p. 20). Historically, this is also true for Sweden (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147; Axelsson, 2002, p. 132). Up until the 1980s and 1990s in Sweden, British English was the standard pronunciation in schools (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147). The notion that students should imitate a

1 specific accent was previously stated in the curriculums released in the 1960s, which emphasised pronunciation and highlighted that students should aim to imitate a native English accent (Skolöverstyrelsen, 1964, p. 195; Skolöverstyrelsen, 1966, p. 127). While an ideal accent is not mentioned in the current curriculum for English (Lgy11), the commentary for the curriculum mentions that students should have linguistic security, which encompasses pronunciation and (Skolverket, 2011b, p. 2). If students aim to use or approximate a particular English accent, mastering that accent’s pronunciation and prosody would give them a more native-like speech. However, teachers might have different opinions on whether or not the accent is important in students’ oral production and whether their accent can affect their grading. Additionally, the curriculum for upper secondary school, Lgy11, states that students in Swedish upper secondary schools should be introduced to different varieties of spoken English, with various social and dialectal features (Skolverket, 2011a, p. 3). However, it does not specify what varieties of English should be included. Therefore, it is up to the teacher to decide what accents to introduce in the classroom to the students. With American English and British English having an already established presence in Swedish schools (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147; Axelsson, 2002, p. 132), it is of interest to see if these accents still have a strong influence in Swedish schools. Regarding teaching materials, there are more materials in both American English and British English compared to other varieties of English (Algeo, 2006, p. 1). Since there is an excess of teaching materials in American and British English, it would be natural if these had a stronger presence in the classroom. However, seeing as the presence of the internet and other media has increased, the usage of conventional teaching materials could be used to a lesser extent. Especially since the internet and other media can be used as an alternative to teaching materials to introduce or work with more varieties of English accents.

1.1 Aims The hypothesis from which this study has materialised is that British English and American English still have the strongest presence and influence in Swedish schools, despite other English accent varieties being introduced and used (Modiano, 1996, p. 18). In addition to British English and American English, another hypothesis is that English accents from countries where it is the native language, such as Ireland and Australia (Matsuda, 2012, p. 1; Kachru, 1996, p. 137), are also more prevalent compared to countries where English has an official status while not being

2 the native language, such as India (2001, p. 249). This study aims to analyse whether or not this is the case and what other accents the teachers introduce. The study also aims to analyse how the respondents introduce or work with accents. Lastly, this study will also analyse whether or not the respondents find their students’ accents important regarding grading, i.e. to what extent the students’ accents are a factor in the respondents’ grading. The research questions are as follows:  Are American English and British English still the dominating English accents in Swedish schools with regards to them being the most introduced or worked with?  What accents do the teachers introduce or work with?  What accents tend to be excluded?  How do the teachers introduce or work with accents?  To what extent are students’ accents a factor in the grading of their English?

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2. Background In the following section, an outline of how and why English has become a world language will be discussed (2.1; 2.1.1). This section will also entail the history of how English became a native or an official language in a selection of countries (2.1.2-2.2.8). English in the Swedish school system will be discussed (2.3) along with how English as a world language can be taught (2.4).

2.1 English becoming a world language Today, English is the lingua franca of the world (Penhallurick, 2003, p. 136; Matsuda, 2012, p. 1). The process of English becoming a world language began in the Middle Ages and continues to this day (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 165). Crystal (2012) reports that English became a world language because “it has repeatedly found itself in the right place at the right time” (p. 120). To understand why English became the world language, it is important to understand how the language initially spread across the world since the dispersion of the language is not due to a single event in history (Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137). Instead, the language has prospered due to several factors. Fennell (2001, p. 243) breaks down how and why English became a world language. The process can be broken down into four phases, which partially overlap. English spread because of: (1) British colonialism in the 17th and 18th centuries; (2) British influence and leadership in the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries; (3) America becoming an economic superpower and with America’s political leadership in the 19th and 20th century; (4) the influence of American technology in the 20th century. One of the phases that has been a factor behind English having the status of the world’s lingua franca is through colonialism (Fennell, 2001, p. 243; Crystal, 2012, p. 59). Kachru (1996, pp. 136-137) divides the process of English becoming a world language through colonialism into three stages. English was initially spoken in England, and in the Middle Ages, the language also spread to Scotland and Ireland, initiating the first stage (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 165; Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137). The second stage entails a wider spread of the language, in which English speaking populations emerged in other parts of the globe than the British Isles and Ireland (Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137). As North America was colonised in the 17th and 18th century, English spread to the continent. Later on, in the 18th and 19th century, English also spread to South Africa, Australia and New Zealand. During the second stage, English was also influenced by the cultures of the countries that were colonised as well as the languages spoken in these countries. Kachru (1996) explains this as “reincarnations of the English language” (p.

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137), in which cultural, linguistic and literary influence impacted the language. The third stage includes countries that were colonised from the 19th century and onwards, which includes countries in Asia, such as India, as well as countries in Africa, such as Nigeria (Kachru, 1996, pp. 126-137; Crystal, 2012, p. 59). In these countries, English functions as an additional language, and it often has an official status within society (Matsuda, 2012, p. 2). Apart from British colonialism, another phase that Fennell (2001, p. 243) highlights as the reason for the English language's current position today is Britain becoming the leading country of the industrial revolution in the late eighteenth century (Crystal, 2012, p. 120). Additionally, the third and fourth phases that Fennell (2001, p. 243) mentions are the USA subsequently becoming a leading economic power and political power as well as the emergence of the technology and the media (Crystal, 2012, p. 59; Fennell, 2001, p. 243). With this, the English language played a significant role in people’s everyday life through various mediums, such as the press, advertising, broadcasting and other media (Crystal, 2012, p. 10). This allowed for communication to expand outside of national boundaries and English reaching a wider audience in countries where English is not a native language (Crystal, 2012, p. 10). The influence of American English is especially significant in Sweden as it was the dominating variety of English in Swedish media in the 1990s (Giota, 1995, p. 311).

2.1.1 Kachru’s Circles of English The four partially overlapping phases Fennel (2001, p. 243) discusses (see 2.1) can be viewed through Kachru’s (1996, pp. 136-137) Three Concentric Circles of English. The circles include the Inner Circle, the Outer Circle and the Expanding Circle. Specifically, during the first two phases of the English language dispersion, the language spread to countries included within the Inner Circle. The majority of speakers in countries within the Inner Circle learn English as their first language, and it is also their strongest language (Matsuda, 2012, p. 1). This is true even if speakers use another language at home since the prevalence of English outside the home generates the most exposure. The Inner Circle includes countries like the USA, UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand (Kachru, 1996, p. 136-137). The Outer Circle countries are former colonies of countries within the Inner Circle, like India and Nigeria (Matsuda, 2012, p. 1; Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137; Crystal, 2012, p. 59). In this phase, English was implanted in countries where the linguistic context was dissimilar, which in turn, created a society where the initial languages and culture collided with the implanted language and culture (Kachru, 1996, p. 136-137). Subsequently, the English language developed in these countries and local English varieties arose (Penhallurick, 2003, p. 136). The last circle is called the Expanding Circle 5

(Kachru, 1996, p. 137). This circle encompasses countries where English is not the native language or an official language. However, English is the most commonly learned foreign language (Matsuda, 2012, p. 2).

2.2 English accents Rönnerdal and Johansson (1993, p. 165) exemplify different ways to categorise varieties of accents. Following Trudgill and Hannah (1985), Rönnerdal and Johansson (1993, p. 165) arrange English accents into two primary categories. The first category encompasses the accents spoken in England, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand and is called the British type. The second category encompasses the accents spoken in the USA and Canada and is called the American type. This paper will not categorise the accents according to these types. Instead it will categorise the many varieties of English accents in relation to the regions where the varieties are spoken. While it might be considered generalising to categorise the accents this way since there are many regional accents and dialects within each country, it is the most beneficial. Rönnerdal and Johansson (1993) explain this as follows: [a]mong the large number of English speakers we can distinguish between many accents. The borderlines are not crystal clear; there are gradual transitions. But for pedagogical reasons it is appropriate to talk about some well-defined areas with common defining features (p. 165). Thus, to provide an extensive range of varieties, it seems beneficial to discuss English accents in relation to specific countries or regions rather than arrange them within certain categories, as exemplified in Rönnerdal and Johansson (1993, p. 165). A more detailed account of why specific accents were discussed over others will be given in section 3.1.3.

2.2.1 English in England, Scotland and Ireland English was initially spoken in England (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 165). The history of English began with the invasion of England by the Germanic Angles, Saxons and Jutes in the 5th century, in the year 449 (Fennell, 2001, p. 55-59). Between the 8th and 11th century, England was also invaded by Scandinavians. With the invasions, English was influenced by , which was spoken by the Scandinavians of the time. The dialects of English spoken in England are often divided into North and South (McArthur, 2002, p. 48). McArthur (2002, pp. 55-77) recounts various dialects spoken within England, such as Cockney in London, Scouse in Liverpool and Geordie in Newcastle. However, in educational contexts, these are often neglected compared to standard English accents.

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Standard English is not a specific accent but rather a term that mainly refers to grammar and vocabulary (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). However, in terms of spoken language, Standard English could be spoken with various accents, such as the Standard British English accent, the Standard American English accent, or other varieties (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). In England, a standard variety of spoken English took form in the late nineteenth century (Penhallurick, 2003, p. 135). The variety is known as Received Pronunciation (RP). In this context, Received indicates “socially accepted” (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). Initially, the accent developed in southeast England from several dialects (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). However, the accent itself lacks distinct regional characteristics. Instead, Received Pronunciation acts as a social accent to distinguish social status. The variety was also promoted within the public school system in the UK (Penhallurick, 2003, p. 135; Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). Fennell (2002, p. 185) explains that after the Education Act in 1870 in England, a minimum education for all children was prescribed, which enabled the dissemination of a standardised accent. Using an accent other than the standardised Received Pronunciation accent became an indicator for lack of education. With time, Received Pronunciation went from defining the educated elite in the UK to being used in national broadcasting, beginning at the BBC and later on in mass media (Mair, 2006, p. 169). In England, people who use Received Pronunciation are a minority. In England, Received Pronunciation speakers make up less than five per cent of the entire population (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 165). Nevertheless, some people adapt their accent to RP in certain contexts, e.g. formal situations (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). Received Pronunciation was also influential within the British Empire and its colonies (Mair, 2006, p. 162). Among the native-speaking settlers of the colonies, and the colonial subjects of non-European background, the accent was the norm in education and teaching (Mair, 2006, p. 162). The term Received Pronunciation is known within certain circles, such as English-language scholars and teachers of English as a second language (McArthur, 2002, p. 40). However, among the general public, the accent is known as one of the following terms: “the King’s/Queen’s English, BBC English, Oxford English, and Public School English” (McArthur, 2002, p. 40 , italics in original), or even simply “talking posh” (McArthur, 2002, p. 40). While the use of Received Pronunciation in Britain is relatively centered in the public domain, with a minority speaking it natively, the variety is still the dominant standard among foreign learners of English as they learn English (Mair, 2006, p. 173). Hereafter, the term RP

7 will indicate British English Standard Pronunciation, and Unmarked British English will indicate other regional British accents. In the Middle Ages, English spread from England to nearby Scotland (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 165). Rönnerdal and Johansson (1993, p. 172) disclose that the native language of Scotland was Gaelic, which is still the first language among thousands of Scottish inhabitants, mainly in northern and western Scotland. Furthermore, a separate language called Scots evolved from English. It is essentially a dialect of English, which many considered to be an inferior version of English. Over many hundred years, there was a shift towards English, and it became more common compared to the native languages of Scotland (Fennell, 2001, p. 191- 195). Fennell (2001, p. 191-195) explains that with the attempts to modernise the Scottish monarchy in the 11th and 12th centuries by King Malcolm III and later his son King David I, Old English gained prominence. From the beginning, as Old English was introduced in Scotland, it was associated with modernity, prosperity as well as with trade and commercial opportunity. A few hundred years later, it gained prominence in religious institutions with the use of English in the Bible and among Reformers as they used English in confessions and theological works. Additionally, the Bible had not been translated into Scots. Thus, literacy centred on English since the Bible was the primary source of literature. It also became the language of the court, which was especially prominent after the Union of Crowns in 1603. Scotland remained independent until the beginning of the 18th century, with the Union of Parliaments in 1707, which is reflected in the language (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 172; Fennell, 2001, p. 194). While RP is prestigious in England, it does not hold the same status in Scotland (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 172). Scottish English differs from the many British English dialects spoken in England in pronunciation, spelling and grammar (MacArthur, 2002, p. 84-85). Scottish English is very distinct in its pronunciation in various features (McArthur, 2002, p. 97). What happened in Scotland also came to happen in Ireland as English also spread these in the Middle Ages (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 165). Fennell (2001, p. 198) accounts that in Ireland, the Celtic language Gaelic was spoken. The English language influence in Ireland can be understood through three historical events. The first event is when Anglo- Norman troops landed in Ireland in the year 1171. The second event is the colonisation of Ireland by the British in the 17th and 18th century as the British instituted plantations in Ireland. The third event is the Act of Union in 1801, as Ireland became part of the United Kingdom. Furthermore, with the Reformation, Irish Gaelic became a symbol for Catholicism and English

8 became a symbol for Henry III’s protestant England. English also became the language of the Irish upper class from the 18th century and onwards. The linguistic divisions of Irish English are divided into Northern and Southern, which are further divided into Anglo-Irish, which is spoken in the Dublin area, Hiberno-English, which is spoken in western Ireland, and Ulster-Scots, which is spoken in Northern parts of the island (McArthur, 2002, p. 118-122). While the accents are distinct in their own right, the accents are comprised in the study as Irish English for the sake of simplicity. The term is used since Irish English is a generic term, which includes the many regional varieties of the island (McArthur, 2002, p. 117).

2.2.2 English in the USA and Canada Rönnerdal & Johansson (2005, p. 122) states that American English is less varied compared to England and British English. American English accents are more similar with less variation between them. The most distinct differences of American English are found in the eastern USA along the Atlantic coast. When America was colonised, the colonists first settled along the coast. Eventually, settlers spread west across the country towards the Pacific Ocean. Thus, the boundaries of American dialects generally run from the eastern coast to the western coast. The accents spoken in the east are categorised into three major areas: (1) the North area, which encompasses the states of New England and New York; (2) the Midland area, which encompasses the states of New Jersey and Pennsylvania; (3) and the South area, which encompasses the state of Virginia, North and South Carolina, as well as other southern states along the Atlantic coast as well as the inland South (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 178). Fennell (2001, pp. 209-215) explains that the different regional accents spoken in the USA were influenced by the dialects of the original settlers. For example, settlers of New England were mainly from the south-eastern and eastern parts of England, which influenced the variety of English spoken in that area. In the US, the standard variety of English is called General American (GA) (Penhallurick, 2003, p. 136). Compared to RP, which is only spoken by a minority, GA is more widespread (Mair, 2006, p. 173). General American is an umbrella term for the accents used in the central and western states of the USA (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 178). General American is a relatively neutral accent that is not tied to a specific region (McArthur, 2002, p. 170). General American is “a variety without distinct regional features, that does not mark class, is not learned collectively in childhood, and has never been institutionalized or directly offered as a pronunciation model” (McArthur, 2002, p. 171). Much like RP, “General American [...] is 9 used [as] a model of pronunciation taught to foreign learners” (Penhallurick, 2003, p 136). Henceforth, the term GA will indicate the standard American accent that is often taught in educational contexts. The other English accents spoken in the USA, not the standardised version, will be called unmarked American English. Canada was initially colonised by settlers in the 16th century along the Atlantic coast (Fennell, 2001, pp. 244-245). Among the first settlers were the French and the British. Britain took control over Canada in the 19th century. While French was and still is spoken in Canada, English became the language of society in most parts of the country, with French Quebec being the exception. Both English and French are official languages in Canada (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 174). Canadian English accents are similar to GA, but with some differences in pronunciation. McArthur (2002, p. 223) points out that Canadian English is relatively homogenous, with some provinces being the exception. These provinces are the Maritimes, notably Newfoundland, and Quebec as a result of its French influence. However, there are some features of pronunciation that are relatively prevalent in Canadian English as a whole. One of the features is Canadian Raising, in which the tongue is positioned higher, in which a diphthong is produced in singular word forms, such as house, compared to other varieties of English where the tongue is raised lower.

2.2.4 English in Australia and New Zealand Fennell (2001, pp. 256-247) explains that Australia initially was a penal colony. The first colony was established in 1790 in Sydney, with prisoners from overcrowded jails in Britain. With time, more people moved to the colony. It is believed that around 90% of the immigrants that moved to Australia came from Britain, mainly London, and Ireland. It has also been suggested that this could be the reason for the homogeneity of Australian pronunciation. RP was used in Australian media until the 1940s. Since then, Australian English and its status have prospered. This has become especially significant since Australia has emerged as a country of power in the South- West Pacific. Much like in Australia, there has been a European presence in New Zealand since the 1790s. However, New Zealand was not colonised by convicts but rather traders and whalers. It was not until 1840 that New Zealand became a colony. McArthur (2002, pp. 376-377) points out that Australian English and New Zealand English are similar since they share similar histories. Thus, the two can be lumped together under the umbrella term Australasian English. From an outside perspective, it can be difficult to differentiate the two varieties. However, both New Zealand English and Australian English can be used in their own right. Scottish English influenced New Zealand English while 10

Australian English was influenced by Irish English. While the two accents are similar, a shift in their respective phonology has culminated into two distinct accents. In New Zealand, the pronunciation of short front vowels has been raised and retracted, which can be heard through the pronunciation of fish and chips. Australians pronounce it as feesh and cheeps and New Zealanders pronounce it fush and chups. Another pronunciation feature that distinguishes the two accents is that speakers of New Zealand English understand the words air and ear to be homophones. Since there are distinct differences between Australian English and New Zealand English, this study differentiates between the two.

2.2.7 English in India Fennell (2001, p. 249) explains that with the formation of the British East India Company in the year 1600, Britain operated trading posts in many cities on the Indian subcontinent, such as Madras and Bombay. In the 18th century, Britain increased the British East India Company’s control in India. Between 1765 and 1947, Britain held control over India, and English became a medium of control. The time period is called the British Raj. English took over in both education and administration. English was in many ways seen as the colonial enemy’s language among those who sought after independence from the British. Still, even after independence, English is an official language in India. Indian English can be used as an umbrella term for the English spoken in India, as well as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 176). English is an official language in India and Pakistan (Fennell, 2001, p. 250). However, it is not an official language in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka or Nepal. While not an official language, it is still used as a lingua franca in these countries. In South Asia, around 40 million people use English regularly (Fennell, 2001, p. 248). In India, the people using English regularly made up about four percent of the total population in 1992; therefore, “[making] India the third largest English-speaking community in the world” (McArthur, 2002, p. 312). However, MacArthur (2002, pp. 312-313 explains that this number is believed to be vastly underestimated and in 2002, it is estimated that around 100- 200 million people in India use English regularly. The English language has a national significance in India. The language is an official language, along with Hindi. The language is also used, among others, in several domains, for instance in educational contexts, in administration, business and the media. While the use of English in India is in relation to social and geographic diversity, there are some features that are extensive regarding pronunciation (McArthur, 2002, p. 320). Despite the influence of British English and RP, Indian English is essentially rhotic, which means that the r is pronounced in all positions in a word, compared to 11 most non-rhotic British accents. Rönnerdal & Johansson (1993, p. 176-177) disclose that pronunciation features of Indian English accents are very much dependent on the speaker’s mother tongue as well as their education. However, a common feature of Indian English is that the rhythm generally is syllable-timed as opposed to -timed.

2.2.3 English in South Africa Fennell (2001, pp. 247-248) explains that British Control over South Africa was established in the early 19th century. The Cape of Good Hope, present-day Cape Town, had already been a Dutch colony since the late 17th century. In 1806, the British established control of the region. However, it was not until 1820 that settlement truly began as the English were handed land on the Eastern Cape. Within two years, English had become the official language in the Eastern Cape. More Europeans settled in South Africa in the second half of the 19th century, as gold and diamond mining started in the region. By the end of the 19th century, most of the immigrants spoke English as their native language. With time, a homogenous English dialect developed in the region. In South Africa, English is one of eleven official languages, and it is a minority language, being outnumbered by Afrikaan and Bantu speakers (McArthur, 2002, p. 287; Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 175). However, it is still an official language and native language for around a tenth of the population. English is also generally learned as a second language in South Africa (Fennell, 2001, p. 248). It is also the first language for industry and business (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 175). While there is no standard South African English, traditionalists in South Africa look towards RP while a growing influence of American English transpires (McArthur, 2002, p. 291). However, many South African English varieties have emerged, having been influenced by Afrikaan speakers, Black South African speakers and Indian immigrant speakers respectively (Fennell, 2001, p. 248).

2.2.6 English in Nigeria England has settled many regions in Western Africa (Fennell, 2001, pp. 250-251). Thus, English has a presence in many Western African countries. One Western African country that has been colonised by Britain is Nigeria (Fennell, 2001, pp. 250-251). MacArthur (2002, p. 271) explains that Nigeria is one of six countries, the others being Cameroon, Gambia, Ghana, Liberia and Sierra Leone, that are encompassed within the term West African English. All of the countries mentioned, apart from Liberia, are former British colonies and English is an

12 official language in all of them. However, English is generally acquired as a second or even third or fourth language. Thus, it is not generally the native language among the native West Africans. English was first taught in Nigeria by British missionaries in the 19th century (McArthur, 2002, p. 278). Later in the same decade, Nigeria became a British colony (McArthur, 2002, p. 278). Fennell, (2001, pp. 250-251) disclose that the colony was founded in 1861 and remained a colony until Nigeria became independent in 1960. English is the lingua franca in Nigeria. There are many varieties of Nigerian English, ranging from pidgin varieties to more standard varieties of English. A pidgin language “is a reduced form of language that is the product of contact between speakers of two different languages who are not familiar with each other’s language” (Fennell, 2001, p. 127). In the late 1990s, around half of the population in Nigeria speak a pidgin or creole variety of English (Fennell, 2001, pp. 250-251). A common feature of Nigerian English is that it is non-rhotic and generally syllable-timed (McArthur, 2002, p. 278). Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa with around 150 million people (McArthur, 2002, p. 278). It is also the most powerful country in Western Africa (Fennell, 2001, pp. 250-251).

2.2.5 English in Jamaica In the Caribbean, the most widely spoken language is Spanish as opposed to English (Fennell, 2001, p. 245). Jamaica is one country with a variety of English still spoken since the island was captured by England in 1655 (Fennell, 2001, p. 241). Fennell (2001, pp. 245-246) mentions that historically, language has been used as a means of control in the Caribbean, mainly after the American Civil War in the 18th century. There were millions of slaves in the Caribbean. The slave owners equated language with power and thought it necessary to separate slaves who spoke the same mother tongue. As a result, the slaves had to come up with ways to communicate, and thus, creating creole languages. Many native speakers in the Caribbean speak a creole language. In Jamaica, as people have advanced in education, Jamaican Creole has developed more towards Standard English. Additionally, as McArthur (2002, p. 234) points out, Jamaican English, also known as Jamaican or Patwa, has become widely known through art, in both music and poetry, as well as through Rastafarianism. Out of the many varieties of English spoken in the Caribbean, Jamaican English has the broadest and long-lived literature and it is the variety that has been the most studied. The variety and its influence are notably significant in the UK, and especially in its influence of British Black English. Despite this, Jamaican English remains stigmatised and is even perceived as an obstacle to education. 13

2.2.8 Mid-Atlantic English In the European Union, English has become the lingua franca among several countries (McArthur, 2002, p. 158). In the EU, the use of English in communication is growing in several domains, such as business, science, commercial and on the internet. An estimated 47% of people in the EU used English as the native, second or foreign language. Among foreign language speakers of English in Europe, it is also common to mix features of American English and British English (Modiano, 2002, p. 11). With the presence and influence of both accents, it is difficult for students to acquire a native-like British accent. Likewise, students who strive to use American English often use features that are common in British English. This mixing of features is called Mid-Atlantic English. Modiano (1996) explains that in the following way: [A]n increasing number of native speakers are mixing features of [American English] and [British English], and furthermore, many, if not most second language speakers in Europe and elsewhere have begun to speak a mixture, sometimes called Mid-Atlantic English (p. 5). While American English and British English, and other English accents, are culture-specific, Mid-Atlantic English is culture-neutral (Modiano, 2002, p. 12). By not using a culture-specific accent, like American English or British English, and instead use the cross-cultural accent Mid- Atlantic English, the notion of prestige that might be associated with using a specific accent is diminished (Modiano, 2002, p. 13). In the late 1990s, Modiano (1996, p. 18) indicated that other varieties of English, apart from American English and British English as well as Mid-Atlantic English, are becoming more widespread among users.

2.3 English in Swedish schools While the spread of English has a long history, spanning back several decades (Hickey, 2004, p. 10), its history in Sweden is more recent. In the Swedish school system, English became an established subject in Swedish schools for higher education in 1856. In 1946 it became the first Foreign language to be taught in Sweden. Malmberg (2000, pp. 7-9) explains that with the release of the syllabus Lgr62 in 1962, English, then classified as a Modern Language, was mandatory for all students between year four and seven in compulsory school. In year eight and nine, students decide not to take English classes. Thus, in the early years of the Swedish Compulsory school, students were required to study English for only four years. In 1969, English was mandatory in compulsory school between year three and nine. In the 1990s, English was introduced in year one of the nine-year compulsory school instead of year three. Thus, the English subject was taught during all years in Sweden’s compulsory school. With the

14 release of a new syllabus in the year 2000, Gy2000, the subject was distinctly distinguished from other modern languages that are taught. There is an apparent shift in how English is viewed and taught in Swedish schools, which can be seen through the curriculums for lower and upper secondary schools that have been released since the 1960s. Historically, the focus of English in schools was on linguistics, which can be seen in earlier curriculums (Oscarson & Apelgren, 2005, p. 82). Malmberg (2000, p. 16) discloses that the teaching method that was advocated in the early curriculums from the 1960s, was the audio-linguistic method. An important principle of the method was to ensure that students made no mistakes, as the importance of students being correct in their use of English was highlighted. The teacher was supposed to act as a linguistic role model for the students to imitate. Teachers were also expected to have the right answer beforehand as there could only be one correct answer. With the release of a new curriculum in 1980, a shift in how English was to be taught occurred, which became apparent in the curriculums as the focus shifts from linguistics, focusing on vocabulary and grammar, to English as a communicative tool (Malmberg, 2000, pp. 15-16). In the commentary for the curriculum Lgy11, it is stated that students should, to the most extent, become proficient in the English language (Skolverket, 2011b, p 2). In order to become proficient, students should have a degree of linguistic security in their use of English. Linguistic security means that students should master the form of the language, which includes vocabulary, phraseology, pronunciation, prosody, spelling and grammar. In mastering the form, students can become proficient and become more precise in their use of English. While not stated in the commentary, mastering the English language could be interpreted as students also mastering an English accent since pronunciation and prosody are important aspects of using or approximating an accent, making the speaker sound more native-like. However, at the very least, the pronunciation and spoken language of students should be comprehensible. Rönnerdal and Johansson (2005, p. 11) state that there are certain demands when English is used in spoken language, with the minimum demand being intelligibility. In other words, speakers have to be intelligible in their communication to avoid misunderstandings between the speaker and the listener, which can be achieved through the proficiency of sound units and basic intonation patterns of English. Rönnderdal and Johansson (2005, p. 11) indicate that intelligibility is acceptable for everyday communicative purposes. However, to ensure comprehension between speakers, a higher demand than intelligibility might need to be met. Correctness and variation according to register is a higher demand that encompasses the proficiency of more complex aspects of spoken language. In addition to having knowledge in

15 sound-units and intonation, a speaker who meets the higher demand can “pronounce individual sounds and their variants correctly [...], reduce vowels in unstressed positions [...], place stress correctly [...] and speak with fluency and idiomatic intonation” (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 11). Achieving the higher demand can provide the speaker with a sense of security. Another shift that also becomes apparent when looking at older and more current curriculums for English is whether or not an ideal accent that students should master is stated. The traditional practice of English in Swedish schools favoured British English, which was, therefore, the educational standard (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147). Historically in Sweden, the accent that was the ideal norm was English Standard Pronunciation, also known as Standard Southern accent or RP (Received Pronunciation), which is stated in the curriculum for the upper secondary school from the early 1960s, Lgr62 (Skolöverstyrelsen, 1966): The normative ideal for pronunciation in Swedish schools is “Received Pronunciation (RP)”. Other proper British accents, that a student might have learnt, is however acceptable. A briefing of characteristics of “General American”, its pronunciation and intonation, is to be given. However, students should not be taught to use American pronunciation. On the other hand, a student who speaks idiomatic American English should not be forced to use a British accent. The same goes for students who have acquired their pronunciation in Canada, Australia etc. (p. 127, my translation). Later curriculums for upper secondary school, Lgy70 and Lpf94, did not specify an ideal accent (Skolöverstyrelsen, 1983, pp. 233-234; Utbildningsdepartementet, 1994, pp. 37-38). The third edition of the curriculum for English, Lgy70, released in 1983, did, however, mention that students should learn about various cultures in which the language is spoken (Skolöverstyrelsen, 1983, pp. 233-234). This applies to English as well as other Modern languages as they were lumped together in the syllabus. The syllabus for upper secondary school, released in 1994, does not include an ideal accent for pronunciation. In regard to pronunciation and accents, it states that students should be made aware of social and regional differences from English speaking countries in the world (Utbildningsdepartementet, 1994, p. 37-38). The current curriculum for English, Lgy11, much like the syllabus from 1994, states that students should listen to spoken language with various social and dialectal features, which is included in all courses for English in upper secondary school (Skolverket, 2011a, p. 3). Thus, it shows that the Swedish school system did not officially advocate an ideal standard accent from the 1970s. This was not unusual as “[m]any educational establishments in Europe have gone beyond exclusively promoting [British English]” (Modiano, 1996, p. 18).

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While an ideal accent has not been included in later curriculums, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the influence of British English was still prevalent in Swedish schools (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147). Before the 1990s, British English was the exclusive standard in Swedish schools (Modiano, 2002, p. 10). However, that was later replaced with modified forms of the standardised accent (Axelsson, 2002, p. 132). American English also came to be an accepted model with time (Axelsson, 2002, p. 132). Despite facing many implications, an increasing influence of American English in both Sweden and Europe has been noted (Modiano, 2002, p. 14). With time, the increased impact of American English reached the Swedish school system (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147; Axelsson, 2002, p. 132). Söderlund and Modiano (2002, p. 147) note that with the growing impact, many students in Sweden began to use American English pronunciation. Furthermore, Mid-Atlantic, which incorporates characteristics of both American English and British English, became more prevalent in Sweden as American English became more influential. However, it did not occur without implications. The authors also note that some teachers and students found the use of American English and its linguistic features intrusive. Thus, a number of problems emerged. Some teachers accepted the use of American English pronunciation and its features but underlined that the students should stick to one accent and be consistent. Other teachers insisted that British English was more valued compared to American English and still emphasised the British English accent as the educational standard in school. Thus, teachers’ attitudes towards the different accents were biased by tradition and subsequently, while not official, the ideal of British English lived on. Algeo (2006, p. 1) explains that American English is becoming the dominant variety in countries where the English language is not the native language, which Modiano (2002, p. 189) has noticed in Sweden as well. His studies have shown that the preference for learning British English has shifted in Sweden and growing influences from American English, as well as a preference for its features, has been highlighted as factors for the shift. A self-report study conducted in 1999 by Mobärg (2002, p. 119) showed that students who had a preference for American media output also had a preference towards American English.

2.4 Teaching English as an international language When English is taught and learned, certain varieties often act as pronunciation models (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12). However, with around 400 million speakers and an additional billion foreign and second language speakers, it can be difficult to decide which variety should serve as the pronunciation model (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 17

12; McArthur, 2002, p. 2). Rönnerdal and Johansson (2005, p 12) suggest that the pronunciation model should be a variety of English that is not limited to a specific region or social context. The model should also represent a variety of English that people encounter, which could be through various media or travel. Additionally, there should be a supply of teaching material that utilises the variety of English that acts as a model. Rönnerdal and Johansson (2005, p. 12) indicate that a model that has met these requirements is RP, which is also the standard that was highlighted in early curriculums in Sweden (Skolöverstyrelsen, 1966, p. 127). However, with English being an international language, it is important that students are prepared to meet many varieties of English. In the context of English Language Teaching (ELT), there are several aspects that need to be considered when teaching English as an international language (Matsuda, 2012, p. 4). Especially since it has an expansive scope of linguistic forms and functions (Matsuda, 2012, p. 4). Thus, it can be difficult to navigate these aspects as a teacher. Matsuda (2012) explains that “[a] number of scholars have pointed out the limitations of the traditional approach to ELT, which tends to conceptualize English as a static language of native English speakers [...] in the context where English is learned as an international language” (p. 4). In other words, using RP as the standard or ideal accent can present English as a static language, associated with a specific country or region, rather than a global language. There are many implications that come with proposing a certain variety of English accent as the pronunciation model. Matsuda and Friedrich (2012, p. 19) point out that having a standard variety of English accents in an international context could add to the already existing English language hierarchy. This mirrors the historical view of English in Swedish schools since the English that was used and taught in the classroom was exclusive to certain varieties of English, specifically RP (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147). An additional limitation of using a standarised accent is explained by Modiano (2002) in the following way: Moreover, when [English language teaching] activities are based on the axiom that learners should feel compelled to imitate the speech of an idealized minority, which is the case when Received Pronunciation is the educational standard for pronunciation, the cultural integrity of the learner may be compromised (Modiano, 2002, p. 13). Relying on a specific accent might not prepare students for the reality of how English is used in today’s world as international communicative exchanges often involve people with different linguistic and cultural backgrounds (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2012, p. 17). Thus, the variety of English that is used cannot be foreseen and merely teaching one variety would be

18 deficient. Additionally, Ammon (2003, p. 24) notes that teaching an international variety is not without its implications since the acceptability of different varieties differs. For example, in international communication, the use of American English is presumably the most accepted, with British English being the second most accepted. Furthermore, varieties of English from developing countries are, according to Ammon (2003, p. 24), the least accepted in international communication. Despite British English and American English having a stronger presence in Swedish schools (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147), teachers can use either and simultaneously introduce other varieties of English accents (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2012, p. 21). In other words, they would use an accent that is established in Swedish schools, which American English and British English are (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147) but still introduce other accents, for example accents from the Outer Circle. If teachers include many accents, they prepare students for English as an international language (Matsuda and Friedrich, 2012, p. 21-22). The notion of introducing students to different varieties of spoken English accents is also highlighted in the Swedish curriculum for English (Skolverket, 2011a, p. 3).While American English and British English might be the option many consider, other varieties from Inner Circle countries, such as Australian English, as well as varieties from Outer Circle countries, such as Indian English, can be introduced as well (Matsuda and Friedrich, 2012, p. 22). However, as mentioned by Ammon (2003, p. 24), varieties of English accents are accepted to different degrees. Thus, this could suggest that the use of English accents that are less accepted in international contexts compared to Inner Circle Englishes could be viewed as less ideal. Matsuda and Friedrich (2012, p. 20) note that there is also a growing acceptance of students embracing their own variety of English, where the indigenous values of the native language are embraced, in English Language Teaching. In other words, teachers are free to use an English accent that is influenced by their native accent, which in the given context would be English influenced by Swedish. Subsequently, students might feel more free in doing so as well. As a result, countries in the Expanding Circle can use a localised variety to serve their communicative needs. This is similar to what Outer Circle countries have done with English that originally was transmitted from countries within the Inner Circle. Countries within the Expanding Circle, like Sweden, often try to use or approximate varieties of English accents from the Inner Circle. However, using this approach would sanction using an English accent with a heavy influence of Swedish. The same would be for other countries in the Expanding Circle. There could, however, be some implications to this. While the curriculum, Lgy11, does not mention pronunciation, the commentary for Lgy11 does to an extent (Skolverket, 2011b, p.

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2). It states that students should master the form of the language to achieve linguistic security, in which pronunciation and prosody are mentioned. Thus, having an English accent that is heavily influenced by Swedish could be interpreted as not upholding linguistic security since the pronunciation and prosody differ between the two languages. Thus, some teachers might find the use of English heavily influenced by Swedish distributive. Additionally, as Rönnerdal and Johansson (2005, p. 11) point out, it could also be questioned whether an English accent with a heavy influence of the speaker’s native language is fully intelligible for native speakers. Seeing as languages have different intonation patterns, it might be difficult to understand as a native English speaker. Furthermore, having proficiency in an English accent can give speakers security in their communication as well as them being more easily accepted among native speakers of English. However, another factor that is taken into consideration is the attitudes towards the many varieties of English accents that exist within the context of teaching (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2012, p. 22).

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3. Method and material In the following section, the material and method that have been used to conduct this study will be introduced. This study used a questionnaire, and the reason why will be presented (3.1). How the questionnaire was created and distributed will be discussed (3.1.1). It will also include information about respondents (3.1.2) and a background of what accents were included in the study and why (3.1.3). The study’s limitations, along with reliability and validity will be discussed in the last section (3.2).

3.1. Questionnaire In any study, the method has to fit the purpose of the study. Since the present study aims to analyse teachers’ attitudes and teaching practices, it was deemed the most beneficial to use a quantitative approach to gather as much information as possible. Therefore, the method that is used to gather the information is through a questionnaire. A questionnaire was used because the format allows for gathering much information that is very precise (Wray & Bloomer, 2016, p. 167-168). Another positive aspect, and why it was used in this study, is that a questionnaire provides answers that are easy to process and to compare. Thus, the form is beneficial to use in quantitative research. Additionally, the method was chosen because it can be widely distributed (Schilling, 2013, p. 98), which would not be possible if a qualitative method were used.

3.1.1 Creation and distribution of the questionnaire The questionnaire used in this study was electronic and was created in Google Forms. The questionnaire consists of 32 questions (see Appendix 1). The questionnaire includes different types of questions. The questionnaire included various types of close-ended questions, specifically, multiple-choice items and single-choice items, since these are beneficial for a quantitative approach (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 101; 106). The questionnaire also used multiple- choice items, which allowed for several answers to be chosen simultaneously. Thus, these types of questions ensured that the respondents could choose more than just one option in several questions. However, the respondents could only choose one answer in the single-choice questions, for example when choosing an age category. Another type of question that was used was a Likert scale, which is beneficial for the study since the respondents are offered more options than a yes or a no (Wray & Bloomer, 2016, p. 168). Instead, the respondents could choose on a five-point scale, ranging from Strongly disagree to Strongly agree (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 105).

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Open-ended questions are also included as these items allow the respondents to answer the questions freely and at length (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 107; Wray & Bloomer, 2016, p. 167). In other words, the questions did not make use of pre-given options from but instead provided a blank space in which the respondents could give extensive answers (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 107). The open-ended questions were included to provide more detailed answers, which was not possible through the questionnaire’s closed-ended questions. Being of a qualitative nature, open-ended questions were used to provide answers with greater detail and richness, which would have been left out had they not been included (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 107). Since this study seeks information about specific pieces of information, specifically, teachers’ attitudes and the teaching practices regarding accents, it also used specific open questions (Dörnyei 2007, p. 107). In other words, some questions were open but provided some degree of guidance in how the question is asked. In this study, the respondents were asked to add additional information to certain questions in the questionnaire. All of the questions in the questionnaire were in English. However, the respondents were not asked to use a specific language. Thus, responses in both English and Swedish have been accepted. Before the questionnaire was distributed, it was sent to two English teachers as a pilot study. The teachers were asked to ensure that the questionnaire was comprehensible. With both teachers having understood the questionnaire, it was distributed. The questionnaire was shared in two Facebook groups. In the questionnaire’s information, the respondents were also asked to distribute it to their colleagues (see Appendix 2). The link to the questionnaire was posted in two different groups for teachers of English in Sweden on Facebook. The groups were “Gymnasielärare i svenska och/eller engelska” [Upper secondary school teachers in Swedish and/or English] and “Nätverk för lärare i engelska” [Network for teacher of English]. Both groups are closed, and to become a member, people have to apply for membership. However, pending members do not have to confirm that they are teachers to become members. Therefore, some of the respondents might not be teachers. To ensure reliability, the questionnaire included questions that acted as a judgement sample (Wray and Bloomer, 2016, p. 166), which will be further discussed in section 3.1.2. The questionnaire was conducted with ethical considerations following the Swedish Research Council (2014, p. 28). The questionnaire included information about the study, which the respondents were asked to read beforehand (see Appendix 2). Furthermore, the questionnaire was also anonymous, which the respondents were made aware of in the questionnaire’s introduction. They were also notified that they could not withdraw from the study if they chose to submit their responses.

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3.1.2 Respondents and selection criteria The questionnaire was, as mentioned, distributed through Facebook. Some of the respondents might also have shared the link with their colleagues. The questionnaire was open for two weeks. When the questionnaire was closed, 75 respondents had answered the questionnaire. However, ten of these were excluded. In the questionnaire, the first eight questions were included to provide background information. The first two questions functioned as the judgement sample (Wray and Bloomer, 2016, p. 166). The respondents were asked to answer if they are certified teachers, i.e. that they have a degree, and if they are currently working as teachers in an upper secondary school. Since ten respondents did not fulfil the judgement sample’s criteria, the total number of respondents was 65. In the background section of the questionnaire, the respondents were asked to fill in information about themselves. All the 65 respondents are currently working in upper secondary schools, and all of them are qualified teachers. They were also asked to add some additional background information about themselves. As can be seen in Figure 1, the majority of respondents were between the ages of 26- 55. Only one respondent was between the ages 18-25, and none of the respondents was over 65. The number of years of teaching experience varied greatly, as shown in Figure 2. While most of the respondents had between 0-25 years of experience, four respondents had over 26 years of experience.

Figure 1. The respondents’ age. N=65. Figure 2. The respondents’ age of experience. N=65.

The respondents were also asked to give information about their own accents, as shown in Table 1. The reason was to see if the respondents had changed the accent they initially used or approximated when first learning or acquiring English. The results showed that a majority (N=35) of the 65 respondents had initially used or approximated British English, and

23 specifically RP. However, the number of RP accent users has since decreased. Instead, American English, specifically GA, was the most common among the respondents (N=21).

Table 1. Comparison of the respondents’ accents when they initially learned or acquired it compared to the accent they use or approximate currently when teaching. Accents used or approximated when learning or No. Accents used or approximated when No. acquiring English teaching English

British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP) 35 American English (General American, 21 GA)

American English (General American, GA) 14 British English (Standard Southern 20 Accent/RP)

British English (Other accent than RP) 7 Mid-Atlantic English 11

Mid-Atlantic English 6 British English (Other accent than RP) 7

Australian English 1 Australian English 1

New Zealand English 1 Irish English 1

Other answer 1 New Zealand English 1

Other answer 3

As presented in Table 1, 26 respondents indicated that they had switched accents. All of the respondents who had switched accents were between the ages of 26-65. Thus, the one respondent who was under 26 had not switched his or her accent. Among the 26 who had switched, almost half (N=12) had switched from RP or unmarked British English to American English. Additionally, a total of six respondents had switched from RP or GA to Mid-Atlantic. Three respondents had switched from Mid- Atlantic to RP (N=2) or Irish English (N=1). To summarise, among the respondents who had switched their accent, the two most common accents they switched to were American English, specifically GA, and Mid-Atlantic English. There was no significant difference between the age groups regarding what accent they switched to or from.

3.1.3 Selecting varieties of English accents Since the study examines teachers’ attitudes and teaching practices regarding accents, the questionnaire had to include many varieties of accents as options for the teachers to choose from. The varieties of accents included in the study are countries that are part of Kachru’s Inner Circle and Outer Circle (1996, pp. 136-137). The English accents included from the Inner Circle are British English, Scottish English, American English, Canadian English, Australian English and New Zealand English. Additionally, the questionnaire also included unmarked British

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English and unmarked American English. In other words, British accents other than RP and American accents other than GA. These were included since it is unrealistic that the only varieties of British English and American English are RP and GA respectively, as these, generally are used in educational contexts for foreign language learners of English (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2012, p. 20; Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147). Furthermore, seeing as we encounter English daily (Crystal, 2012, p. 10), the probability of just encountering RP or GA is unlikely. Rönnerdal and Johansson (1993) explain that both the Irish English accent and Scottish English accent “are best described as independent and neither [are] oriented towards the American [or] the British type” (p. 167). In other words, the accents in Ireland and Scotland are not encompassed within either category, i.e. the British type or the American type, since neither direct towards American or British English. When discussing Inner Circle countries, Fennell (2001, p. 255) includes Great Britain as a whole, as opposed to England, Scotland and Wales. However, since Scottish English does not orient towards the British type (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 1993, p. 167), it is legitimate that this variety is its own category. Since Wales is oriented towards the British type, it will not be given a category of its own. In the Outer Circle, Fennell (2001, p. 256) reports that there are more than 50 territories that meet the criteria for being included in the circle. The criteria indicates that English is part of institutions in the countries and that it has a second language role in the countries’ multilingual societies. At the initial part of this study, a selection among the Outer Circle countries had to be made since it was deemed impractical to include all of the countries included in the Outer Circle. The selection was mainly based on geographical factors, with the aim of including accents from different parts of the world. In this study, the following Outer Circle English accents were included in the questionnaire: South African English, Indian English, Jamaican English and Nigerian English. The respondents also could add their own option to what accents they introduce or teach in the questionnaire. Thus, they were free to add accents included in the Outer Circle if they introduce or teach these. To summarise, the English accents that have been included in the study are British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP); unmarked British English accents; American English (General American, GA); unmarked AmE accents; Mid-Atlantic English; Scottish English; Irish English; Australian English; New Zealand English; Canadian English; South African English; Indian English; Nigerian English; and Jamaican English.

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3.2 Limitations of the study There are some limitations to using a questionnaire as a means to gather data (Wray & Bloomer, 2016, p. 166). Since the approach relies on the respondents’ self-assessment, the respondents will report what they believe they do rather than what they actually do because it can be difficult to assess themselves. In this study, the aim was to gather information about teachers’ attitudes towards English accents and how they work or introduce accents in the classroom. Since the questionnaire was submitted anonymously, there is no way to ensure what the respondents have answered about their attitudes and teaching practice to be factual. It is noteworthy to point out that this study’s results are not generalisable but instead indicative of the respondents of the present study. Since this study researches individual respondents’ attitudes and teaching practices, it affects the reliability since the results could look different with other respondents (Bryman, 2016, p. 72). Another limitation to using a questionnaire is that the formulation of the questions can substantially affect the respondents’ answers. In this study, some questions appeared to be somewhat confusing for some of the respondents, despite the questionnaire having passed the pilot study. For example, some respondents appeared to misconstrue some questions. An example of this is two questions that asked for different information but in the second of the two, a respondent referenced back to their answer in the first question. Thus, the validity of these questions are compromised since the second question asked for other information than the first, but the same information was given. In one question, number 30, some respondents answered that they did not fully understand the question. The question asked: “To what extent do you agree with the following statement: “The accent that the majority of the students use or approximate most closely should be the accent that they hear the most and/or work actively with the most in the classroom””. The respondents gave their answer through the Likert scale. All 65 respondents answered the questions. However, in the following question, number 31, they were asked to motivate their answer in the previous question. Here, 41 of the respondents answered, and four indicated that they did not understand the previous question. Thus, the validity of the study is affected since these four still answered question 30. Therefore, the result of that question might not indicate what the respondents actually believe, causing inconsistency in the measurement (Bryman, 2016, p. 73). Another limitation of the study concerns which English accents were included and excluded. More varieties of English accents from Kachru’s Inner Circle were included compared to accents from the Outer Circle (1996, pp. 136-137). It is also noteworthy to point

26 out that had other Outer Circle English accents been included in the study, the results might have looked different. Furthermore, the accents were also positioned in the same place in all the questions where the respondents could choose among the accents. Here, English accents from Inner Circle countries were placed before accents from Outer Circle countries. The choice was intentionally made to provide coherence in the questionnaire. However, this might have affected the respondents’ choices since the same accents were listed at the beginning of the list and the same accents were listed at the end. Additionally, this could also be construed as contributing to the already existing English accents hierarchy, where Inner Circle English accents are more highly regarded than Outer Circle English accents (Matsuda and Friedrich, 2012, p. 9).

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4. Analysis In this section, the results of the questionnaire will be presented. The results are presented in subsections based on the questionnaire’s various themes. The first section (4.1) will discuss accents, which will be discussed in relation to certain topics in the subsections (4.1.1-4.1.3). The respondents’ opinions on the importance of what accents to introduce or work with will be presented (4.2). Lastly, the respondents’ viewpoints regarding to what extent accents should be a factor in grading will be presented (4.3).

4.1 Accents in the classroom In this subsection, the results showing the use of accents in the classroom will be presented. The students' accents will be presented (4.1.1). The section will also discuss what English accents are introduced (4.1.2) or worked with (4.1.3) in the classroom and how these are introduced or worked with.

4.1.1 The students’ accents As can be seen in Table 2, the respondents indicated that their students use or approximate many different accents in the classroom. The majority of the respondents (N=61) noted that their students use or approximate GA. RP was the second most noted among the respondents (N=41). Unmarked American English and unmarked British English were also prevalent according to the respondents. Additionally, according to the respondents, accents within Kachru’s (1996, pp. 136-137) Outer Circle were the least used or approximated accents among students. The results appear to be in line with Inner Circle Englishes being more prevalent in educational contexts (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2012, p. 20). Furthermore, in accordance with what Söderlund and Modiano (2002, p. 147) point out, Mid-Atlantic was also prevalent, as around a third the respondents (N=22) answered that it is used or approximated among their students. As shown in Table 3, the respondents were asked to choose the most commonly used or approximated accent and the second most commonly used or approximated accent. Again, accents within Kachru’s (1996, pp. 136-137) Inner Circle were chosen to a greater extent than Outer Circle English accents. Furthermore, the respondents noted that their students use or approximate the non-culture-specific Mid-Atlantic English (Modiano, 2002, p. 12). Among the respondents who gave another answer than the ones already given, none of them suggested an accent within the Outer Circle (Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137).

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Table 2. The respondents’ perception of what accent their students use or approximate. N=65 (multiple-choice).

Accents No.

American English (General American, GA) 61

British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP) 41

Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English) 22

British English (Other accent than RP) 8

American English (Other accent than GA) 6

Australian English 3

Scottish English 3

Irish English 2

Indian English 2

Nigerian English 1

Canadian English 1

Jamaican English 1

New Zealand English 0

South African English 0

Other answer 6

Table 3. The most and second most commonly used accents. N=65 (single-choice).

Most used or approximated accent No. Second most used or approximated accent No.

American English (GA) 48 British English (RP) 22

Mid-Atlantic English 12 Mid-Atlantic English 21

American English (Other than GA) 2 American English (GA) 12

British English (other than RP) 1 British English (other than GA) 6

Other answer 2 Other answer 3

4.1.2 Introducing accents in the classroom The respondents were asked if they introduce accents, i.e. that their students hear accents, but the accents are not the focus of an assignment or task. A vast majority (N=62) of the 64 respondents who answered said that their students get acquainted with various English accents. As presented in Table 4, the results showed that the respondents introduce various accents from

29 both the Inner Circle and Outer Circle (Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137). While Inner Circle Englishes were chosen to a greater extent, both Indian English and South African English were chosen over New Zealand English and Canadian English, which are both part of the Inner Circle English accents (Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137). However, both Nigerian and Jamaican English were the least chosen. Nevertheless, Jamaican English and Nigerian English were chosen by 35% (N=22) and 32% (N=20) of the respondents respectively. Thus, the results indicate that while they were the least introduced, they were still introduced to a great extent.

Table 4. Accents that the respondents introduce to their students. N=62 (multiple-choice).

Accents No.

American English (General American, GA) 60

Australian English 60

British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP) 59

British English (Other accent than RP) 53

Irish English 47

American English (Other accent than GA) 47

Scottish English 46

Indian English 44

South African English 36

New Zealand English 26

Canadian English 25

Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English) 24

Jamaican English 22

Nigerian English 20

Other answer 3

In Table 5, more precise results can be found of the most common accent, the second most common accent and the least common accent that the respondents introduce to their students. In relation to previous studies on accents in education, it concurs with American English and British English being the most prevalent accents in educational context among foreign learners of English (Algeo, 2006, p. 1). When asked about the least common accent, Nigerian English and Jamaican English were the answers most respondents chose. However, as seen in Table 5,

30 the results indicate that Nigerian English is by far the least introduced accent according to the respondents since 45% (N=28) out of the 62 respondents answered Nigerian English compared to the 16% (N=9) of the 62 respondents who answered Jamaican English. 8% (N=5) of the respondents answered that the accent they introduce the least is GA. Notably, this differs greatly from the overall result of this study so far, since GA is the most commonly used or approximated among the respondents’ students, as well as it being the most introduced accent in the classroom. Furthermore, it also contradicts previous studies where American English is one of the most prevalent accents in educational contexts (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2012, p. 20). While the results were not further explored in the questionnaire, it could be assumed that these respondents actively aim to introduce GA to a lesser extent since it already has a strong historical presence in Swedish schools (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147).

Table 5. To what extent accents are being introduced. N=62.

The most common accent No. The second most common No. The least common No. accent accent

American English (GA) 34 British English (RP) 29 Nigerian English 28

British English (RP) 11 American English (GA) 16 Jamaican English 9

American English (other than 5 British English (other than 7 American English (GA) 5 GA) RP)

British English (other than 3 South African English 2 Canadian English 3 RP)

Other answer 9 Other Answer 8 Irish English 3

Other Answer 14

Since the respondents were free to add their own option, nine respondents chose to do so. When asked what accent is the most common, the answers were somewhat similar. The most frequent answers were in line with them not being able to choose just one accent:

(1) It’s a mix. I try consciously to include accents other than [British English] and [American English].

(2) Can’t just pick one.

When the respondents were asked about the second most common accent they introduced, eight respondents added their own option here as well. Among these eight, four of the respondents

31 who added their own answer in the previous question also did so for this question. Here, the respondents referenced back to their previous answers, i.e. that it is a mix and they cannot choose just one. Regarding the least introduced accents, 14 respondents reported that their least introduced accent is none of the accents shown in Table 5. While almost half (N=6) of the 14 respondents gave unique answers, a majority (N=8) of these did not. The accents represented among these respondents were Australian English (N=2), Indian English (N=2), Mid-Atlantic English (N=2) and South African English (N=2). Again, Englishes from the Outer Circle were included as the least introduced accents (Kachru, 199, pp. 136-137).

Table 6. Means and materials the respondents’ students get acquainted with accents. N=62 (multiple-choice).

Means and materials for introducing accents No.

Through tv-series/movies/YouTube clips etc. 61

Practice examples from the National Test 46

Exemplified through the respondents’ own pronunciation 40

The students look up accents themselves 15

Other answer 8

The respondents introduced accents to their students in various ways. The results indicate that the use of media and the internet are the most common, as shown in Table 6. The most common way the respondents introduced English accents was through TV-series, movies, YouTube clips or similar types of media, which 98% (N=61) of the 62 respondents indicated. More traditional teaching materials were also prevalent, which is indicated through the use of National Tests, which 74% (N=46) of the respondents reported. Some respondents chose to add their own option. Here, textbooks were added by five respondents, which again indicates that more traditional teaching materials were utilised. When asked to list some examples of the means and materials the respondents use to introduce accents, the answer varied greatly.

(3) TED Talks usually feature speakers of different accents. Recently we watched a doctor from Nigeria discussing cardiovascular disease treatment. Textbooks (in our case the “Echo” series). YouTube videos (last Halloween we listened to a poem read by Christopher Lee). There’s loads more.

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(4) I mostly use youtube and other streaming services to find native speakers to get authentic material.

(5) For instance: Youtube clips where people pronounce the same word in different accents or just clips with different accents.

(6) I let them watch films/shows from different parts of the world. I aim to do it even more though!

4.1.3 Working with accents in the classroom While a majority of the respondents (N=62) introduce accents, fewer respondents (N=21) work with accents in the classroom, i.e. that the students try to identify accents, that they try to imitate accents, or that they are assigned other tasks where accents are in focus. Two respondents also indicated that they sometimes work with accents, giving a total of 37% (N=23) of the 65 respondents. As shown in Table 7, the results show that accents within the Inner Circle are chosen to a greater extent than accents within the Outer Circle (Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137).

Table 7. Accents students work with. N=23 (multiple-choice).

Accents No.

American English (General American, GA) 22

British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP) 21

Australian English 18

Indian English 18

Scottish English 17

Irish English 16

South African English 16

American English (Other accent than GA) 14

British English (Other accent than RP) 14

New Zealand English 12

Canadian English 10

Jamaican English 7

Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English) 5

Nigerian English 5

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Among the Outer Circle Englishes, both Indian English and South African were chosen by a majority of the respondents, while both Jamaican and Nigerian English were the least frequently chosen, which can be seen in Table 7. Mid-Atlantic is also ranked fairly low, which could relate to the accent not being culture-specific (Modiano, 2002, p. 12). When working with accents, the results indicated that the respondents adopt various ways to do so, as presented in Table 8. All of the respondents (N=23) answered that they use Listening tasks when their students work with accents. Thus, the results indicate that spoken language tasks are more commonly used than tasks where spoken language is not, for example, through grammar tasks.

Table 8. Means and materials the respondents' students work with accents. N=23 (multiple-choice).

Means and materials for working with accents No.

Listening tasks 23

Discussions 15

Vocabulary 14

Pronunciation tasks 11

Reading tasks 8

Grammar tasks 6

Other answer 2

In addition to answering how they work with accents and what accents they introduce, the respondents were also asked if they believe any accent to be less important to work with. As shown in Figure 3, more respondents (N=11) indicated that is not the case compared to the respondents who believe some accents are less important.

Figure 3. The respondents’ opinion on whether some accents are more important to work with. N=23.

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There is a clear distinction between the two polarising opinions. Among the respondents who do not believe any accent is less important, the reasons for their view appears to be in line with not treating English as a static language (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2012, p. 4), but rather as a global language (Crystal, 2012, p. 4). Furthermore, seeing many varieties of English are linguistically diverse (Matsuda, 2012, p. 3), the respondents indicated that students should recognise the differences. Several respondents gave reasons for their opinions:

(7) All accents are parts of the English language and are therefore equally important.

(8) Because anything else would be an awful view of humanity. As long as the English [is] clear enough to understand, it’s good enough. My students are going to experience [...] many different types of English in their life, I need to prepare them for that.

(9) Some are important to understand since they meet them frequently, others because they should know that there are differences.

The respondents who indicated that some accents are less important than others conformed to the notion that American English and British English are more accepted internationally (Ammon, 2003, p. 24), and that American English and British English are the most common varieties of native speakers (Alego, 2006, p. 1). The results indicate that some respondents think these are more important since students are more likely to come across these.

(10) It is more important to work with accents that students are likely to come across. Nigerian English and English from Hong Kong are less important [than] British and Irish accents and American accents.

(11) GA and RP are the most common ones. It is more important that the students know these than [Jamaican] English for example.

(12) The less common ones. It’s more important to understand [...] more common ones because the students are more likely to, say, listen to lectures with an American or British accent, than lectures with an Jamaican accent.

4.2 Teachers’ attitudes towards what accents should be included in the classroom The respondents indicate that their students mainly use or approximate American English, specifically GA, and British English, specifically RP, the most (see Table 3). Furthermore, both

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GA and RP are among the most introduced accents and worked with accents (see Table 4, 5 & 7). Despite this, the majority of the respondents do not believe that the accent that the majority of the students use or approximate should be the accent that is the most introduced or worked with, as can be seen in Figure 4. While many appeared negative or neutral to the question, seven respondents indicated that they somewhat agree with it.

Figure 4. The respondents’ opinion on whether or not the accent the students hear or work with in the classroom should be the accent the majority of them use or approximate. N=65.

Among the seven respondents who somewhat agreed with the statement that the most introduced or worked with accent in the classroom should also be the accent that the majority of the students use or approximate, one respondent gave reason for his or her opinion:

(13) I believe that a student’s accent is set from when you start learning the language. So, if they had a teacher prior to me that spoke British English, then it will be harder for them to try to pronounce it with American English as I do.

The previous quote indicates that the respondent believes that hearing different English accents can make it difficult for students in their pronunciation, which could affect their linguistic security when they speak English (Skolverket, 2011b, p. 2). However, this could be disputed, as another respondent argues that students could be deprived of various linguistic features if they do not encounter other varieties than the accents they speak themselves. Additionally, being exposed to several accents could also enable students to adapt their own language to the person they are speaking to.

(14) This would lead to a favorisation of a particular accent and frankly robs the student of further linguistic knowledge. Casting a wider net to understand more accents is more beneficial and it’s also something we want to strive for to reach the goals of understanding each other’s culture.

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(15) It doesn’t matter to me which accent they speak. As long as their speech is clear and works in communication. The purpose of listening to different accents is to practice listening comprehension and to make them aware of the fact that English can sound differently depending on who you talk to. And also that you might have to adapt your language depending on where in the world you are.

4.3 Teachers’ opinions on accents as a factor in grading As presented in Figure 5, the majority (N=42) of the respondents do not believe that their students’ accents are important in oral production. Regarding whether or not a student’s accent should be an important factor as they are graded, the majority of respondents who strongly or somewhat disagreed were even greater (N=56), with 86% of the respondents disagreeing, as shown in Figure 6.

Figure 5. The respondents’ opinions on the importance Figure 6. The respondents’ opinions on the importance of of accents in oral production. N=65. accents when grading. N=65.

The respondents who believe that accent is not an important factor when they grade their students gave varied answers. Some respondents indicated that accent is not that important for various reasons:

(16) Even if a student doesn't have an accent from an English speaking country, they can still be understood and have a good flow, pronunciation and vocabulary.

(17) The accent is not relevant at all. I never grade or comment on it.

(18) Since me and my students live in Sweden I can’t expect them to sound like a true English man

A factor that was highlighted was the focus of English as a communicative tool, which is highlighted in more recent curriculums (Oscarson & Apelgren, 2005, p. 82; Malmberg 2000, pp. 15-16). Here, the focus lies on the student being understood instead of using or

37 approximating an English accent. Additionally, seeing as the curriculum for English does not discuss accents in any mean (Skolverket, 2011a), it could also be argued whether or not a student’s accent matters at all, as one respondent pointed out. Many respondents appeared to agree with Modiano (2002, p. 11) regarding the ambition of students’ accent being near-native in their pronunciation of English. He states that this has progressively more become unrealistic. Seeing as we are bound to certain cultural and linguistic contexts, Sweden in this case, achieving a native accent might not be reasonable, and students should not be held to this standard. While some respondents answered that they do not agree with accents being an important factor in their grading, they still indicated that a student’s accent has some impact as they are being graded:

(19) It gives a better impression in general and shows that the student has an interest in and knowledge about the language.

(20) A very strong [Swedish] accent can affect the student from reaching the highest grade, but a specific English accent does not.

The three respondents who somewhat agree that a student’s accent should be a factor in their grading indicated that students should strive to sound native-like when speaking English.

(21) The accent is important because it affects the listeners understanding and concentration [and] it also gives a "flow" to the speech pattern. It isn't everything but a too strong Swenglish accent absolutely affects the students ability to make themselves understood and by extension their grade.

(22) I believe that we should learn English to the extent that we speak it properly, not with a Swedish accent. Sure, the English speaking population will understand, but it won't be proper English.

(23) Must be understandable to native English speaking people with no knowledge of [the] speaker's mother [tongue].

Among the respondents who indicated that accents should be a factor in grading their students, none of them specified any variety of English accents as a factor. Instead, they explained that an English accent that is heavily influenced by the student’s native accent becomes a factor, which in this case is Swedish.

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5. Discussion According to the results of the questionnaire, teachers in upper secondary schools in Sweden are both similar and different in their attitudes towards accents and their teaching practices when and if accents are incorporated into the classroom. The hypothesis of this study is that American English and British English are the accents that are most present in the classroom. This hypothesis proved to be true. Thus, the results are in line with previous findings that these varieties are the most prevalent (Modiano, 2002, p. 189). With that being said, the number of respondents in this study is fairly low, making it difficult to draw a general conclusion. The teachers that took part in this study reported that their students use or approximate American English (GA) to a greater extent than British English (RP) and Mid-Atlantic English. Additionally, when the respondents were asked to answer what accent was the most commonly used or approximated among their students, none of the respondents answered British English (RP). However, British English was chosen as the second most used or approximated accent among a majority of the respondents. These results concur with previous findings, where varieties of English accents from native speaking countries are more commonly adopted (Matsuda and Friedrich, 2012, p. 20). However, an exception to this is Mid-Atlantic English, which is not spoken in a specific region or culture (Modiano, 2002, p. 12). It is common to use or approximate an accent that incorporates features of both British and American English in Europe (Modiano, 2002, p. 11), which appears to be the case among the respondents’ students as well. While certain accents sometimes act as the model for pronunciation (Rönnerdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 12), there was no indication of this in the results of the study, which deviate from previous studies. Studies from the early 2000s that looked at pronunciation models in the 1980s and 1990s in Sweden suggest that while there is no standard accent the students should aim for, British English was to some degree still considered superior to other accents, specifically American English and Mid-Atlantic English (Söderlund & Modiano, 2002, p. 147; Modiano, 2002, p. 10). However, seeing as the previous studies were conducted some twenty years ago, the results of this study are not surprising. Especially since Swedish curriculums have not advocated a standardised accent since the 1960s (Skolöverstyrelsen, 1966, p. 127; Skolöverstyrelsen, 1983, pp. 233-234; Utbildningsdepartementet, 1994, pp. 37-38; Skolverket, 2011a). While a vast majority of respondents answered that they incorporate a great variety of accents, both regarding the students encountering and/or working with these accents, GA and

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RP were the most present. Furthermore, Inner Circle Englishes, where English is spoken as the native language, are, to some extent, also more prevalent compared to Outer Circle Englishes (Kachru, 1996, pp. 136-137). The exceptions were Canadian English and New Zealand English as the results showed that in regards to accent being introduced and worked with, both Indian English and South African English were chosen to a greater extent. The results of the study showed that among the Outer Circle countries, both Indian English and South African English were continually more included than Nigerian English and Jamaican English. This was the case concerning accents being introduced and accents being worked with in the classroom. In relation to what Ammon (2003, p. 24) notes on the acceptability of English accents, the results could be interpreted as both Nigerian English and Jamaican English being the least accepted out of the varieties of English accents that were presented in the questionnaire. However, had other Outer Circle accents been included instead, the results might have looked different. The teachers that took part in the study adopted similar methods for introducing and working with accents. The results showed that while more traditional teaching materials are used, accents are to the most extent introduced to accents through the use of the Internet or other media. Additionally, when accents are worked with, listening tasks were the most chosen option that the teachers indicated that they use. While American English and British English are the most common accents in traditional teaching materials (Alego, 2006, p. 1), the utilisation of the Internet and other media can allow the respondents to introduce more English accents if the teaching materials they use are limited to fewer varieties of English accents. However, since this was not studied in the present study, conclusive answers as to whether this is the case cannot be drawn. The majority of the respondents do not think that the accent the majority of the students use or approximate should be the accent that is the most frequently introduced or worked with. In this study, the most commonly used accent among the respondents’ students was GA. Coincidentally, it was also the most introduced and worked with accents. However, the majority of the teachers who took part in the study still maintained that it is important for the students to encounter many varieties of English accents. Their responses concur with Matsuda (2012, p. 1; 4) about English being a global language and that it should not be treated as a static language. The respondents highlighted the cultural and linguistic variations of English, which aligns with what the curriculum says about incorporating spoken language showcasing different social and dialectal features (Skolverket, 2011a, p. 3). It was also suggested that introducing or working with GA the most could create favouritism. Favouring certain accents, to the extent where they become standardised, concurs with discussions on hierarchy among English accents (Matsuda

40 and Friedrich, 2012, p. 9). As American English is already the most accepted in international communication (Ammon. 2003, p. 24), adopting this approach could enhance its position. There was an apparent difference regarding whether or not accents should be an important factor as the students are graded. The majority of the respondents disagreed. Among those who disagreed, it was stated that accent is not relevant and that it is unrealistic to assume that native Swedish speakers should speak like native English speakers. Thus, allowing students to use whatever accent they feel comfortable with can, as Modiano (2002, p. 13) puts it, protect the speaker’s cultural integrity. Some respondents thought that a student’s accent should be considered as that student is being graded. Among those who agreed, none of them highlighted a particular variety of English accents. Instead, they indicated that should their students’ accents be heavily influenced by Swedish, it would influence their grades. While there is an overall growing acceptance of students’ using or approximating an English accent influenced by their native accent (Matsuda and Friedrich, 2012, p. 20), some respondents indicated that they found this disruptive as it affects the flow of the language. A reason for this could be that the respondents do not believe that these students do not uphold linguistic security (Skolverket, 2011b, p. 2) and that it affects the intelligibility of their spoken language (Rönnrdal & Johansson, 2005, p. 11). The results of the study show that the teachers who partook in the study follow the instructions in the curriculum for English, which states that students should encounter various spoken English accents (Skolverket, 2011a, p. 3). While no specific accents are stated, the results show that the majority of the respondents adhere to the curriculum and include many different varieties of English accents; albeit, some more than others.

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6. Conclusion This study aimed to analyse teachers' attitudes towards accents regarding what accents they introduce or work with in the classroom and how they do it. It also aimed to analyse to what extent students’ accents are a factor in grading their students. Since the total number of respondents was 65, it is difficult to draw a general conclusion of the results. Instead, the results that have been presented in the study are indicative of the given study. Additionally, since the study had to choose among a great variety of English accents, not every variety has been included. Thus, the results might be different had other varieties of Englishes been included as opposed to the ones that were. With that said, the results of the study showed that while most of the teachers in the study include many different varieties, the most prevalent varieties are GA and RP. English accents from countries where English is the native language were generally more prevalent than English accents from countries where English is not the native language but rather an official language. There were, however, some notable exceptions. The results showed that both South African English and Indian English were more introduced and worked with compared to Canadian English and New Zealand English. However, Nigerian English and Jamaican English were the least introduced and worked with. The results of the study also showed that it was more common to introduce accents in the classroom than work with accents. The respondents indicated that they mostly use the Internet and other media to introduce accents through spoken language. Additionally, grammar tasks and reading exercises were also used to introduce varieties of English through written language. In regards to working with accents, the most commonly used practice was through listening tasks. The results showed that the majority of the teachers who took part in the study had recognised GA as the most commonly used accent among their students. This was followed by RP and Mid-Atlantic English. Despite the findings, the majority of respondents believed that it is important to hear and work with other accents than the most commonly used ones. There were some differences of opinions regarding to what extent accents should affect a student’s grade. Few of the teachers who took part in the study answered that accent is important in their students’ oral production. Furthermore, even fewer thought that accents are an important factor in grading. The results showed that most of the respondents did not think that a student’s accent is important as they set a grade. Among those who did find a student’s accent important, there was no distinction made between different English accents concerning

42 one being preferred over the other. Instead, these respondents highlighted that an English accent that is influenced by Swedish could affect their grading. Conclusively, the results show that a vast majority of the respondents incorporate a great variety of English accents in their classrooms, but Inner Circle accents are generally included to a greater extent. The results also showed that they use various materials and means to do so, and that students' accents are, to some extent, not an important factor in their grading.

6.1 Suggestions for further research This study merely scratched the surface of what accents teachers include in their teaching and how they do so. Among the most interesting findings was the polarising opinions on whether or not a students’ accent should affect a teacher’s grading, and if so, to what extent the respondents believed it should. None of the respondents indicated that any specific English accent should affect the grading but rather a Swenglish accent. Therefore, it could be of interest to further research this topic to see how teachers approach this. This study analysed the use of different materials and means to introduce or work with accents. However, it would be interesting to analyse this further. One approach could be to analyse audio material from textbooks to see what accents are used.

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Reference list Algeo, J. (2006). British or American English?: A handbook of word and grammar patterns. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Ammon, U. (2003). Global English and the non-native speaker: Overcoming disadvantage. In Tonkin, H. & Reagan, T. (eds.) Language in the Twenty-first century. Philadeliphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. pp. 23–34. Axelsson, M. W. (2002). “Refined” or “Relaxed” English Pronunciation: Usage and Attitudes Among Swedish University Students. In Modiano, M. (ed.) Studies in Mid-Atlantic English. Högskolan i Gävle. pp. 132–146. Bryman, A. (2016). Samhällsvetenskapliga metoder [Social Research Methods] [3d ed.]. Stockholm: Liber AB. Crystal, D. (2003). English as a Global Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Dörnyei, Z. (2007). Research Methods in Applied Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford Unity Press. Fennell, B. A. (2001). A History of English: A Sociolinguistic Approach. Aberdeen: Blackwell Publishing. Giota, J. (1995). Why do all children in Swedish schools learn English as a foreign language? An analysis of an open question in the national evaluation programme of the Swedish compulsory comprehensive school. System Volume 23, Issue 3. August. pp. 307-324. Hickey, R. (2004). Introduction. In Hickey, R. Legacies of Colonial English - Studies in transported dialects. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–30. Kachru, B. J. (1996). World Englishes: Agony and Ecstasy. The Journal of Aesthetic Education. Vol. 30, No. 2. pp. 135–155. University of Illinois Press. Accessed: 07-05- 20. Mair, C. (2006). Twentieth-Century English: History, Variation and Standardization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Malmberg, P. (2000). Om Språk och språkinlärning. De moderna språken i grundskolan och gymnasieskolan från 1960 och framåt. In Skolverkets Språk: Grundskola och gymnasieskola. Kursplaner, betygskriterier och kommentarer. Stockholm: Skolverket. pp. 7–25.

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Matsuda, A. (2012). Introduction: Teaching English as an International Language. In Matsuda, A. (ed.) Principles and Practices of Teaching English as an International Language. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. pp. 1–16. Matsuda, A. & Friedrich, P. (2012). Selecting an Instructional Variety for an EIL Curriculum. In Matsuda, A. (ed.) Principles and Practices of Teaching English as an International Language. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. pp. 17–27. McArthur, T. (2002). The Oxford Guide to World English. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Modiano, M. (1996). A Mid-Atlantic Handbook - American and British English. Lund: Studentlitteratur. Modiano, M. (2002). Introduction. In Modiano, M. (ed.) Studies in Mid-Atlantic English. Högskolan i Gävle. pp. 10–22. Oscarson, M. & Apelgren, B. M. (2005). Tankar kring grundskolans utveckling: Ämnet Engelska. I Skolverkets Grundskolans ämnen I ljuset av nationella utvärderingen 2003. Penhallurick. R. (2003). Studying the English Language. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Rönnerdal, G. & Johansson, S. (2005). Introducing English Pronunciation: Advice for Teachers and Learners: British Version [3d ed]. Lund: Studentlitteratur AB. Rönnerdal, G. & Johansson, S. (1993). English Pronunciation: A Handbook [2nd ed]. Lund: Studentlitteratur. Schilling, N. (2013). Surveys and interviews. In Podesva, R. J. & Sharma, D. (eds.) Research Methods in Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 96– 115. Skolöverstyrelsen. (1964). Läroplan för grundskolan [2nd ed.]. Falköping: Gummessons Boktryckeri AB. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/50804 Skolöverstyrelsen. (1966). Läroplan för gymnasiet [3d ed.]. Stockholm: Tiden-Barnängen Tryckeri AB. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/57522 Skolöverstyrelsen. (1983). Läroplan för gymnasieskolan [3d ed]. Stockholm: Liber. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/31039 Söderlund, M. & Modiano, M. (2002). Swedish Upper Secondary School Students and their Attitudes Towards AmE, BrE, and Mid-Atlantic English. In Modiano, M. (ed.) Studies in Mid-Atlantic English. Högskolan i Gävle. pp. 147–171. Skolverket. (2011a). English [PDF]. Stockholm: Skolverket.

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Skolverket. (2011b). Kommentarmaterial till kursplanen i engelska [PDF]. Stockholm: Skolverket. Utbildningsdepartementet. (1994). 1994 års läroplan för de frivilliga skolformerna, Lpf 94: Särskilda programmål för gymnasieskolans nationella program ; Kursplaner i kärnämnen för gymnasieskolan och den gymnasiala vuxenutbildningen. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/30998 Wray, A. & Bloomer, A. (2013). Projects in Linguistics [3d ed.]. London: Routledge. [e-book]. Retrieved from Google Books.

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Appendix 1: Questionnaire Here are the questions the respondents were asked to answer with the options being in italics.

1. Are you currently working as a teacher at an upper secondary school in Sweden? Yes, No

2. Are you a qualified teacher? I.e. that you have a degree. Yes, No

3. How old are you? 18-25, 26-35, 36-45, 46-55, 56-65, 65+

4. How many years have you been working as a teacher? 0-5, 6-10, 11-15, 16-20, 21-25, 26- 30, 30+

5. Do you consider yourself a native speaker of English? If yes, continue to question 7. If no, continue to question number 6. Yes, No

6. At what age did you first begin to learn English as a foreign language? 0-5, 6-10, 11-15, 15- 20, 21+

7. What accent did you use or approximate most closely at the time of learning? British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

8. What accent do you use or approximate most closely when teaching? British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

9. Have you noticed that any of your students actively strive to use a specific accent? For example, they ask how things are pronounced in a specific accent. Yes, No, Other 10. What accents have you noticed that your students use or approximate most closely? (Multiple choice). British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

11. What accent have you noticed is the most commonly used or approximated most closely among your students in the classroom? British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British

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English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

12. What accent have you noticed is the second most commonly used or approximated most closely among your students in the classroom? British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

13. To what extent do you agree with the following statement: "A student's accent is important in oral production"? 1 (Strongly disagree), 2, 3, 4, 5 (Strongly agree)

14. To what extent do you agree with the following statement: "A student's accent should be an important factor when setting a grade"? 1 (Strongly disagree), 2, 3, 4, 5 (Strongly agree)

15. Please give motivation to the previous question, number 14.

16. What do you think has the biggest influence over what accent(s) students use or approximate most closely? Accents heard inside of the school (teacher, classmates etc.), Accents heard inside of the school (teacher, classmates etc.), Other

17. Do your students get acquainted with various English accents in the classroom? I.e. that the students hear various accents in spoken language (in a movie, tv-series etc.) but the accents are not in focus for a task/assignment. If yes, continue to question 18. If no, continue to question 24. Yes, No, Other

18. What accent(s) do your students get acquainted with in the classroom? (Multiple choice). British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid- Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

19. Through which means or materials do your students get acquainted with the accent(s)? (Multiple choice). Through your own pronunciation - that you give examples, Practice examples from The National Tests or similar recordings, Through tv-series/movies/You-Tube clips etc., The students look them up themselves, Other

20. Please list some examples of the means/materials you use when introducing the accents:

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21. If you use recordings, tv-series, movies or other teaching materials that use spoken language, which accent is the most frequently used? British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

22. If you use recordings, tv-series, movies or other teaching materials that use spoken language, which accent is the second most frequently used? British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

23. If you use recordings, tv-series, movies or other teaching materials that use spoken language, which accent is the least frequently used? British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

24. Do you work with different accents in the classroom? I.e. that students hear spoken language and learn to identify the accents, that they are trying to imitate the accents they have heard or other tasks where the students are actively working with the accents. If yes, continue to question

25. If no, continue to question 30. Yes, No, Other

25. What accent(s) do your students work with? (Multiple choice). British English (Standard Southern Accent/RP), British English (Other accent than RP), American English (General American, GA), American English (Other accent than GA), Mid-Atlantic English (A mix between British and American English, Scottish English, Irish English, Australian English, New Zealand English, Canadian English, South African English, Indian English, Nigerian English, Jamaican English, Other

26. In what ways do your students work with different accents and spoken language? (Multiple choice). Listening tasks, Pronunciation tasks, Reading tasks, Grammar tasks, Discussions, Vocabulary, Other

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27. In your opinion, is any accent less important to work with? If yes, continue to question 28. If no, continue to question 29. If no opinion, continue to question 30. Yes, No, No opinion, Other

28. If yes, why and what accent(s)?

29. If no, why are the accents equally important?

30. To what extent do you agree with the following statement: "the accent that the majority of the students use or approximate most closely should be the accent that they hear the most and/or work actively with the most in the classroom"? 1 (Strongly disagree), 2, 3, 4, 5 (Strongly agree)

31. Please give motivation to the previous question, number 30.

32. Is there any additional information you would like to add? Please write below:

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Appendix 2: Questionnaire information This questionnaire aims to study teachers' attitudes and teaching practices regarding accents and spoken language in the classroom.

All participants will remain anonymous in the study. If you choose to partake, please note that you cannot withdraw from the study after you have sent in the questionnaire.

It would be much appreciated if you could send this to your colleagues to fill in. Thank you so much for your participation!

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