Will Splits Within Tunisia's Ennahda Lead to Its Collapse?
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Ennahda's Approach to Tunisia's Constitution
BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER ANALYSIS PAPER Number 10, February 2014 CONVINCE, COERCE, OR COMPROMISE? ENNAHDA’S APPROACH TO TUNISIA’S CONSTITUTION MONICA L. MARKS B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha TABLE OF C ONN T E T S I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. Diverging Assessments .................................................................................................4 IV. Ennahda as an “Army?” ..............................................................................................8 V. Ennahda’s Introspection .................................................................................................11 VI. Challenges of Transition ................................................................................................13 -
[Tunisia, 2013-2015] Tunisia
Case Study Series Women in Peace & Transition Processes: [Tunisia, 2013-2015] December 2019 Name of process Tunisia Constituent Assembly (2013-2015) and National Dialogue Type of process Constitution-making The role of women in resolving Tunisia’s post-“Arab Spring” political crisis, which and political reform peaked in 2013, was limited, but not insignificant. Institutionalized influence Modality of women's was very limited: there was no formal inclusion of women’s groups in the main inclusion: negotiations of the 2013/2014 National Dialogue and the influence of organized • Consultations advocacy was also limited in the pre-negotiation and implementation phases. • Inclusive commission For example, the women’s caucus formed in the Tunisian National Constituent • Mass mobilization Assembly (Tunisia’s Parliament from the end of 2011 to 2014, hereafter NCA) Women’s influence could not prevail over party politics and was not institutionalized. However, in the process: individual women played decisive roles in all three phases: one of the four main Moderate influence due to: civil society mediators, who not only facilitated the main negotiations, but also • + The progressive legislation in initiated the dialogue process and held consultations to determine the agenda Tunisia on women's rights and in the pre-negotiation phase, was a woman, (Ouided Bouchamaoui President political participation of the Tunisian Union of Industry, Commerce and Crafts (UTICA), from 2011 • + The influential role and status to 2018). A small number of women represented political parties in the of individual women negotiations of the National Dialogue. And women were active in consultations • - The lack of organized and group-specific women's and commissions concerning the National Dialogue, before, in parallel or after involvement the main negotiation period, for example in the consensus committee of the • - The involvement of relatively National Constituent Assembly. -
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ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. -
Islam and Politics in Tunisia
Islam and Politics in Tunisia How did the Islamist party Ennahda respond to the rise of Salafism in post-Arab Spring Tunisia and what are possible ex- planatory factors of this reaction? April 2014 Islam and Politics in a Changing Middle East Stéphane Lacroix Rebecca Koch Paris School of© International Affairs M.A. International Security Student ID: 100057683 [email protected] Words: 4,470 © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be repreoduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Table of Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 2. Definitions and Theoretical Framework ............................................................... 4 3. Analysis: Ennahda and the Tunisian Salafi movements ...................................... 7 3.1 Ennahda ........................................................................................................................ 7 3.2 Salafism in Tunisia ....................................................................................................... 8 3.3 Reactions of Ennahda to Salafism ................................................................................ 8 4. Discussion ................................................................................................................ 11 5. Conclusion -
2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report
ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Map of Tunisia................................. 4 The Independent High Authority Executive Summary ............................ 5 for Audiovisual Communications .............. 40 Background ................................. 6 Conclusion ................................ 41 Legal Framework ............................ 7 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns ........... 42 Election Management ........................ 7 Campaigning in the First Round Voter Registration ........................... 8 of the Presidential Election .................. 42 Voter Education ............................. 8 Conclusion ................................ 44 Citizen Observation .......................... 8 Campaigning in the Parliamentary Election .... 44 Candidate Registration ....................... 8 Campaigning in the Second Round of the Campaign .................................. 9 Presidential Election ........................ 46 Voting and Counting ........................ 11 Campaign Finance ............................ 47 Tabulation ................................. 12 Social Media Monitoring ...................... 49 Electoral Dispute Resolution ................. 12 Legal Framework ........................... 49 Results .................................... 13 Methodology ............................. -
Islamism in the IS Age March 17, 2015 Contents
POMEPS STUDIES 12 islam in a changing middle east Islamism in the IS Age March 17, 2015 Contents Analytical frameworks Why academics can’t get beyond moderates and radicals . .. 9 By Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College and Graduate Center, CUNY Vanilla Muslims . 13 By Peter Mandaville, George Mason University What I talk about when I talk about Islamists . 16 By Ahmed Khanani, Indiana University The Islamic State How much of a state is the Islamic State? . 20 By Quinn Mecham, Brigham Young University The Islamic State’s model . 24 By Aaron Y. Zelin, King’s College London Does the Islamic State believe in sovereignty? . 28 By Richard A. Nielsen, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Salafi ideas on state-building before and after the rise of the Islamic State . 31 By Joas Wagemakers, Radboud University, Nijmegen, the Netherlands The Islamic State identity and legacies of Baath rule in Syria’s northeast . 34 By Kevin Mazur, Princeton University Islamists in the region The ISIS-ification of Islamist politics . 37 By Khalil al-Anani, Johns Hopkins University and George Washington University Mutual escalation in Egypt . 39 By Mokhtar Awad, Center for American Progress, and Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University Brotherhood activism and regime consolidation in Egypt . 43 By Steven Brooke, University of Texas at Austin How Egypt’s coup really affected Tunisia’s Islamists . 45 By Monica Marks, University of Oxford Why Tunisia didn’t follow Egypt’s path . 49 By Sharan Grewal, Princeton University The future of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Gulf . .. 52 By Kristin Smith Diwan, American University and George Washington University The Syrian Brotherhood’s Islamic State challenge . -
Freedom of Religion in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound International Immersion Program Papers Student Papers 2019 Freedom of Religion in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution Allison Bitz [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/ international_immersion_program_papers Recommended Citation Bitz, Allison, "Freedom of Religion in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution" (2019). International Immersion Program Papers. 100. https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/international_immersion_program_papers/100 This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Papers at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Immersion Program Papers by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Allison Bitz International Immersion Program Research Paper Tunisia/Morocco IIP Trip The University of Chicago- The Law School June 3, 2019 Freedom of Religion in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution 3 years after the 2011 revolution in Tunisia, the elected government finalized and put into place a new constitution. Due to negotiations between the Islamist Ennahda Party and the secular Nidaa Tounes Party, the constitution contains protections for religious freedoms while also establishing Islam as the state religion, among other contradictions1. This led to a constitution that ostensibly protects religious freedom while privileging practitioners of Islam. Additionally, the lack of a constitutional court and discrepancies in enforcement exacerbate such disparities. This paper will examine the tensions and contradictions surrounding religious freedom in the 2014 constitution and the ways in which the constitution’s construction and enforcement may undermine the stated goal of religious freedom. Tunisia became independent from France in 1956, with the county moving from a monarchy to a republic in 1957.2 Habib Bourguiba was the first President of Tunisia ruled until 1 Ghribi, Asma. -
Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition
Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Zeghal, Malika. 2013. Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition. Constellations 20, no. 2: 254–274. Published Version doi:10.1111/cons.12038 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12724047 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition Malika Zeghal The Tunisian uprisings1 of 2010-2011 constituted a moment that can be described as “fugitive democracy,” a term coined by Sheldon Wolin to describe ephemeral and exceptional moments of commonality that contrast with fractioned everyday institutionalized politics. In the context of “fugitive democracy,” “a free society composed of diversities can nonetheless enjoy moments of commonality when, through public deliberations, collective power is used to promote or protect the well-being of the collectivity.”2 Between the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on December 17, 2010, and the departure of President Ben Ali on January 14, 2011, Tunisians experienced such a political moment: the usual boundaries separating those excluded from political institutions from those included in them disappeared. It was precisely during this moment–comparable to a tabula rasa–that it became possible for demonstrators all over Tunisia to readily demand and imagine the possibility of an entirely new political system. -
Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021. -
FREEDOM in the WORLD 2020 Tunisia 70 FREE /100
3/17/2020 Tunisia | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Tunisia 70 FREE /100 Political Rights 32 /40 Civil Liberties 38 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 69 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/tunisia/freedom-world/2020 1/17 3/17/2020 Tunisia | Freedom House Overview After ousting a longtime autocrat from power in 2011, Tunisia began a democratic transition, and citizens now enjoy unprecedented political rights and civil liberties. However, the influence of endemic corruption, economic challenges, security threats, and continued unresolved issues related to gender equality and transitional justice remain obstacles to full democratic consolidation. Key Developments in 2019 After the death in July of President Beji Caid Essebsi, Tunisia held a snap presidential election in September and October. Kais Saied, a political outsider, won the presidency in the runoff, defeating television station owner Nabil Karoui by a large margin. (Karoui spent most of the campaign in prison on money laundering and tax evasion charges.) The Ennahda party placed first in parliamentary elections held in October, but at year’s end was still working to form a governing coalition. Both the presidential and parliamentary elections were generally well administered, and stakeholders accepted the results. In June 2019, two suicide bombers affiliated with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) detonated their explosives in Tunis, killing a police officer and wounding eight other people. In response to the July attack, interim president Mohamed Ennaceur renewed a state of emergency that has been in force since 2015, and grants the government and security forces extraordinary powers. -
Internacionals 223 TUNISIA IS the SICK MAN of NORTH JANUARY 2020 AFRICA
CIDOB ISSN: 2013-4428 notesinternacionals 223 TUNISIA IS THE SICK MAN OF NORTH JANUARY 2020 AFRICA Francis Ghilès, Senior Associate Researcher, CIDOB hree months after parliamentary and presiden- The challenge facing the next Tunisian tial elections, Tunisia still has no government. government is to speak the naked and The prime minister designate, Habib Jemli failed Tto win the confidence of parliament when he present- uncomfortable economic truth to the ed his list of ministers on 10th January. He would have people and combating the marginaliza- been the first prime minister since the country’s inde- tion of the eastern and southern hinter- pendence not to hold a baccalauréat. Nominally “inde- pendent”, he is in fact a member of the Islamist Ennah- land, poverty and corruption. da party which polled the greatest number of votes in last October’s general elections, followed by a lay party, The Assembly of People’s Representati- Qalb Tunes. Mr Jemli is no more than a puppet of Ennah- ves is more fragmented than ever. Wha- da’s supreme leader Rachid Ghannouchi. Qalb Tunes’ tever government eventually emerges, leader, Nabil Karoui withdrew his support for Mr Jemli because he felt that, rather than a coalition government, whether technocratic or political, it will Rachid Ghannouchi was intent on controlling most key face very strong economic, financial, so- department not least by the device of appointing people cial and regional headwinds. of little stature and no political experience. The leader of the Parti Socialiste Destourien Libre, Abir Moussa made a scathing attack on those who had run Tunisia since the Any government which is the result of fall of Ben Ali. -
Elections in Tunisia: Steps Toward Democratic Consolidation by Sarah Feuer
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2320 Elections in Tunisia: Steps Toward Democratic Consolidation by Sarah Feuer Oct 3, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Sarah Feuer Dr. Sarah Feuer, an expert on politics and religion in North Africa, is the Rosenbloom Family Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy's Geduld Program on Arab Politics. Brief Analysis Tunisia will need U.S. support for its continuing, fragile transition away from authoritarianism. omorrow, October 4, marks the formal launch of Tunisia's campaign period for parliamentary and presidential T elections, scheduled for October 26 and November 23, respectively. These will be the second elections held since the December 2010 self-immolation of an exasperated street vendor, Muhammad Bouazizi, sparked protests that led to the overthrow of President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and the wider regional upheaval often known as the Arab Spring. The path to the upcoming vote has not always been smooth, but a successful transfer of power in Tunisia would be a crucial next step for the country and a rare bright spot for the region. THE BUMPY ROAD TO THE 2014 ELECTIONS S ince January 2011, Tunisia's political transition has gone through four phases. The first began immediately after President Ben Ali's ouster, when a series of interim governments culminated in the country's first free and fair legislative elections in October 2011. Those elections ushered in a second phase, in which the newly elected parliament began drafting a constitution and the country's main Islamist party, Ennahda (Renaissance), agreed to govern in a coalition, or troika, with two smaller secular parties.