The Consociational Theory and Challenges to Democratization in South Caucasus Plural Societies
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Unit 16 Ethnicity Politics and State
UNIT 16 ETHNICITY POLITICS AND STATE Structure 16.1 Introduction 16.2 Ethnicity : Meaning 16.2.1 Characteristics of Ethnic Groups 16.2.2 Ethnicity 16.3 Ethnicity and State 16.4 Assimilation and Integration 16.5 Pluralism 16.5.1 Multiculturalism 16.6 Power Sharing 16.6.1 Federalism 16.6.2 Consociationalism 16.7 Summary 16.8 Exercises 16.1 INTRODUCTION Almost all states today are marked by diversity and difference-differences of ethnicity, culture and religion in addition to many individual differences which characterise members of societies. A large number of these states are confronted with ethnic conflicts, assertion of ethno-religious identity, movements for recognition, rights of self determination etc. In view of the fact that the prospect for peace and war, the maintenance of national unity and the fundamental human rights in many parts of the world and in many ways depend on the adequate solution of ethnic tensions the way States deal with the question has become one of the most important political issues in the contemporary world. Of course each state has its own unique way to deal with or responding to its cultural diversities yet there are some general approaches which states adopt, or have been suggested by experts. An understanding of the responses of States and approaches in dealing with ethnic groups will be useful for the students of comparative politics to analyse the phenomena in general and specific situations as also to make policy suggestions. 16.2 ETHNICITY: MEANING Race, ethnicity and cultural identity are complex concepts that are historically, socially and contextually based. -
Conditional Consociationalism: Electoral Systems and Grand Coalitions∗
Conditional Consociationalism: Electoral Systems and Grand Coalitions∗ Nils-Christian Bormanny March 25, 2011 Abstract Consociationalism is a complex set of rules and norms that is sup- posed to enable democratic governance and peaceful coexistence of different social segments in plural societies. Statistical studies of con- flict often reduce it to either a PR or federalism dummy in a regression. I extract the core definition of consociationalism from Lijphart's writ- ing and explicitly link its institutional and behavioral dimensions. I also address the possible endogeneity of electoral systems and show that once endogeneity is accounted for PR has a positive effect on eth- nic elite cooperation although historical, socio-structural and interna- tional factors exert a more robust influence. A history of violence in a country seems to antagonize elites and hinder cooperation. ∗Paper to be presented at the ECPR Joint Sessions workshop on Political Violence and Institutions from 12-17 April in St. Gallen, Switzerland. I thank Manuel Vogt and Julian Wucherpfennig for helpful discussion and comments. yCenter of Comparative and International Studies, ETH Zurich, Switzerland. Email: [email protected] 1 1 Introduction Was Lijphart (1977, 238) correct in pronouncing that \[f]or many of the plural societies of the non-Western world (. ) the realistic choice is not between the British normative model of democracy and the consociational model, but between consociational democracy and no democracy at all?" The appraisal of the alleged blessings of consociationalism has been incom- plete and/or hotly disputed. Most studies focus on the application to single cases, and large-N studies have only gained systematic insight at the expense of conceptual clarity. -
Romanies in Italy: from National ‘Emergency’ to National ‘Strategy’ in Rome’S Campi Nomadi
Romanies in Italy: From National ‘Emergency’ to National ‘Strategy’ in Rome’s Campi Nomadi Riccardo Armillei Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Swinburne Institute for Social Research Faculty of Health, Arts and Design Swinburne University of Technology 2015 Abstract This dissertation deals with the social exclusion of Romanies in Italy. Based on interviews with Romani individuals, institutional and Civil Society Organisations’ (CSOs) representatives, participant observation and a broad range of secondary sources, the thesis focuses on the condition of those living in ‘ campi nomadi’ (nomad camps) and on the recent implementation of a state of emergency, the so-called ‘ Emergenza Nomadi’ (Nomad Emergency). The enactment of this extraordinary measure concealed the existence of a long-established institutional tradition of racism and control directed at Romanies. It was not the result of a sudden, unexpected situation which required an immediate action, as the declaration of an ‘emergency’ might imply, but rather of a precise government strategy. The extreme poverty of the ‘Romanies of the camps’ should be understood as the result of a protracted institutional immobility and political vacuum, which has basically created the ‘emergency’ and the premises for the implementation of a ‘state of exception’. Specifically, the present study focuses on the city of Rome, where the author conducted fieldwork in 2011 and 2012, and provides an investigation of the interactions between Romanies, local institutions and Third Sector organisations. It finds that national and local institutions and their sub-contracted agents have failed to promote the social inclusion of this minority group. -
Political Science 190.607 Comparative Racial Politics Fall 2011 Johns Hopkins University Tuesdays 1-2:50Pm Mergenthaler 366
Political Science 190.607 Comparative Racial Politics Fall 2011 Johns Hopkins University Tuesdays 1-2:50pm Mergenthaler 366 Professor Erin Aeran Chung Office: 365 Mergenthaler Hall Phone: 410-516-4496 Email: [email protected] Office hours: Mondays 1:30-2:30pm and by appointment COURSE DESCRIPTION: This course surveys the major trends and approaches to the comparative study of race in political science and critically examines the link between race and politics. The goals of the course are two-fold. First, we will investigate how the study of race is linked to some of the classic preoccupations of comparative political science, such as capitalist development, state formation, and nationalism. Second, we will explore how race “works” and how it is made and remade over time and across space. We thus seek to understand how the ideologies of race and racism connect disparate peoples, regimes, institutions, and national mythologies. Topics will include race and state formation, citizenship and national membership, immigration, racial regimes, and the political economy of race. PREREQUISITES: This course is open to graduate students only. COURSE REQUIREMENTS AND EVALUATION: Participation and Discussion (30%), 2 short essays (15% each), Research Paper (40%) Because this seminar is based primarily on peer-led discussions, regular attendance and active participation are essential. All students must complete the assigned readings before coming to class and prepare ideas for debate, discussion, or interpretation. Students will write 2 short essays (approximately 3 pages double-spaced)—to be circulated via email to other seminar members at least one day before the seminar—that includes a brief discussion of the key debates and issues brought up in the designated week’s readings as well as a short critique. -
Non-Territorial Autonomy in Theory and Practice: a 2020 Report
Non-Territorial Autonomy in Theory and Practice: A 2020 Report Non-Territorial Autonomy in Theory and Practice: A 2020 Report Edited by: Marina Andeva Skopje, 2020 ENTAN – The European Non-Territorial Autonomy Network www.entan.org Non-Territorial Autonomy in Theory and Practice: A 2020 Report Edited by: Marina Andeva © 2020 University American College Skopje (UACS) This is an open-access and free-of-charge publication that can be distributed for non-commercial purposes provided that attribution to the authors is observed. This publication is based upon work from COST Action “ENTAN – The European Non-Territorial Autonomy Network”, supported by COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology). Funded by the Horizon 2020 Framework Programme of the European Union COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology) is a funding agency for research and innovation networks. Our Actions help connect research initiatives across Europe and enable scientists to grow their ideas by sharing them with their peers. This boosts their research, career and innovation. www.cost.eu CONTENTS 1. 7 3. 27 5. 45 Introduction NTA - Legal and NTA and Economic Political Arrangements and Regional Development 2. 11 4. 37 6. 55 Non-Territorial NTA and the Promotion NTA: A Autonomy - The Time of Cultural Identities Bibliographical Has Come Database CONTENTS 6.1. 59 NTA Bibliography – History History: Case studies History: Theoretical 113 123 Approach 7. 9. Research projects Conclusions focusing on non-territorial 6.2. autonomy 127 65 NTA Bibliography – About the Contemporary theory contributors 6.3. 81 NTA Bibliography – Contemporary case studies 8. 117 University courses focusing on minority rights and non- territorial autonomy Introduction1. -
The Limits of Consociationalism (As a Method of Conflict Management)
THE LIMITS OF CONSOCIATIONALISM (AS A METHOD OF CONFLICT MANAGEMENT): BELGIUM AND CANADA AS CRUCIAL TESTS By Adrien Elleboudt Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations and European Studies Supervisor: Professor Erin Kristin Jenne CEU eTD Collection 14,660 Words Budapest, Hungary 2007 Abstract The thesis offers a critique on consociationalism as a method of ethnic integration. It tests two crucial-cases, Belgium and Canada, which are widely considered as successful consociational cases in the literature. This thesis attempt to demonstrate that internal factors of consociational systems can often become causes of further ethnic fragmentation instead of limiting them. Further, it argues that once consociational institutions are in place, separatist tendencies of ethnic groups are likely to pursue their road. It concludes that states should not put such institutions in place to begin with, because there is little or even nothing to do later to fix the problems they created. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgments I would like to thank my professor and supervisor Erin Jenne for her enthusiasm and encouragements, as well as for her thoughtful advices. I would also like to thank my Academic Writing professor, Robin Bellers, for his optimism and disponibility. CEU eTD Collection ii Table of Contents Abstract................................................................................................................................. -
The Model of Ethnic Democracy
THE MODEL OF ETHNIC DEMOCRACY Sammy SMOOHA ECMI Working Paper # 13 October 2001 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper # 13 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Marc Weller © European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) 2001. ISSN 1435-9812 The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of inter-ethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethno- political tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper # 13 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) © ECMI 2001 CONTENTS 1. About the Author......................................................................................................3 -
Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants
Ethnicising Ulster’s Protestants Tolerance, Peoplehood, and Class in Ulster-Scots Ethnopedagogy Peter Robert Gardner Jesus College, The University of Cambridge This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Contents Figures and Tables iv Abbreviations and Short Forms v Acknowledgements vi Word Limit and Plagiarism Statement vii Abstract viii Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Research Questions, Methods and Chapter Overview 5 1.2 Tolerance, Peoplehood, Dignity 7 Chapter Two: Protestantism, Unionism and Consociational Ideology 11 2.1 Shifting Peoplehoods 12 2.1.1 From British Rule to Unionist Rule 12 2.1.2 From Multiplicity toward Britishness 15 2.1.3 Defeatism and the Cultural Turn 18 2.2 Consociationalism, Normativity, Power 21 2.3 Ulster-Scots 26 2.3.1 Ethnic Peoplehood 26 2.3.2 Who are the Ulster-Scots? 30 2.3.3 “Revival” 35 2.4 Conclusion 38 Chapter Three: Communal Segregation and Educational Peace-Building 39 3.1 The Current State of Segregation 39 3.2 Segregated Education 45 3.3 Education and Peace-Building 55 3.4 Conclusion: De-segregating the Mind 63 Chapter Four: Methods 65 4.1 Research Design and Methods 65 4.1.1 Educational Materials 66 4.1.2 Interviews 67 4.1.3. Primary School Survey 69 4.2 Analysis 70 4.2.1 Euphemism, “Telling” and Reading Silences 72 4.2.2 Reflexivity, Stickiness and Power Dynamics 75 4.3 Conclusion 78 Chapter Five: The Development of Ulster-Scots Education 79 5.1 Processes of Peoplehood-Building 79 5.2 Three Phases of Development 81 5.2.1 Phase One: Grass-Roots Education, Elite Lobbying -
Consociationalism and Racial Cleavages: Redefining the Boundaries of Consociationalism
Consociationalism and Racial Cleavages: Redefining the Boundaries of Consociationalism By Jitske Mijna Grift Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts/Sciences Supervisor: Professor Matthijs Bogaards CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2019) Abstract “A portion of mankind may be said to constitute a Nationality if they are united among themselves by common sympathies which do not exist between them and any others—which make them co-operate with each other more willingly than with other people, desire to be under the same government, and desire that it should be government by themselves or a portion of themselves exclusively.” (Mill, 1873, 308). With this, John Stuart Mill opened chapter sixteen of his book Considerations on Representative Democracy, and established his case for why democracies need to have a uniting factor. But what about countries that do not have this uniting factor? Countries that have divides. Almost 200 years after John Stuart Mill published his book, Arend Lijphart wrote about just that, democracies in divided societies. Lijphart coined the theory consociational democracies, which are democracies that have divides based on factors such as language, religion, ethnicity, race, or culture, but they still function as democracies (Lijphart, 1969). However, Lijphart’s theory has not been without controversy, as some criticize the idea that consociationalism can work for countries that have a racial divide (Barry, 1975). The question about whether democracy can work in racially divided societies is now more relevant than ever, with globalization and international migration, more and more societies are becoming racially diverse. -
Peace and Conflict in Inter-Group Relations
Peace and Conflict in Inter-Group Relations by Agnes Katalin Koos M.A., University of New Orleans, 2004 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Agnes K. Koos 2013 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2013 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for “Fair Dealing.” Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. Approval Name: Agnes Katalin Koos Degree: Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) Title of Thesis: Peace and Conflict in Inter-Group Relations Examining Committee: Chair: James Busumtwi-Sam, Associate Professor Michael Howard Senior Supervisor Professor David Laycock Supervisor Professor Paul Warwick Supervisor Professor Cindy Patton Internal Examiner Professor Department of Sociology and Anthropology Antje Ellermann External Examiner Associate Professor, Department of Political Science University of British Columbia Date Defended/Approved: April 8, 2013 ii Partial Copyright Licence iii Abstract The dissertation aims to contribute to the explanation of internal inter-group conflict, more narrowly of the conflict between majority and minority communal groups. It develops arguments that suggest the importance of inter-group economic inequality in bringing about inter-group hostility, and works toward providing empirical support for this causal connection by primarily relying on a large-N cross-national research design. This design culminates in multivariate regression models. Because of data availability issues, the task of addressing multiple potential determinants of the inter-group conflict advocated in the literature has been implemented by involving three datasets, of which two serve group-level analyses and one confines itself to the country level. -
WHY CONSOCIATIONALISM HAS NOT UNITED IRAQ by ASHLEY A
- p WHY CONSOCIATIONALISM HAS NOT UNITED IRAQ by ASHLEY A. REES A THESIS Presented to the Department ofPolitical Science and the Clark Honors College ofthe University of Oregon in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements for the degree of Bachelor ofArts May 2007 +- - y 11 Copyright 2007 Ashley A. Rees • _----:-------------------------------- ,. III An Abstract ofthe Thesis of Ashley A. Rees for the degree ofBachelor ofArts in the Department ofPolitical Science to be taken June 2007 Title: WHY CONSOCIATIONALISM HAS NOT UNITED IRAQ Approved: _ Parsons This thesis examines the reasons that consociational theory has been unable to unite Iraq's disparate religious and ethnic communities and prevent sectarian violence. It describes, analyzes and applies Arend Lijphart's theory ofconsociationalism to Iraq in order to determine ifthe resulting instability stemmed from theoretical flaws, problems in its application, or ifspecific characteristics ofIraqi culture caused the power-sharing model to fail. In light ofscholarly support for a consociational government i,n Iraq, this proj ect will explore ifconsociationalism was attempted in Iraq, and ifso, what went wrong in its implementation. To do so, this thesis analyzes Iraq's constitutional provisions in light of Lijphart's theory to determine that it was consociational. Having established this, the thesis then highlights the divisive nature ofIraq's constitutional process and the intensified Shi'a-Sunni tensions that resulted. Lastly, it considers theoretical criticisms ofconsociationalism with regard to Iraq, specifically highlighting the role ofkey Shi'a and Sunni leaders in eroding inter-ethnic relations. This analysis of consociationalism's failure in Iraq highlights the points of departure from inter-group cooperation in Iraq and draw conclusions about the causes for current Shi'a-Sunni tensions. -
Lebanon Country Profile Pdf
Lebanon country profile pdf Continue (Arabic) اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔCountry in the Middle East This article is about the country. For other applications Lebanon, see Lebanon (disambiguation), Liban (disambiguation), and Libnan (disambiguation). Coordinates: 33'50'N 35'50'E / 33.833'N 35.833'E / 33.833; 35.833 Lebanese Republic Arabic) Kullun' li-l-wa'an All of us! For our country! (English) Capitals largest city Bayruth3'54'N 35'32'E / 33.900'N 35.533'E / 33.900; 35.533Official languagesArabic[nb 1]Local vernacularLebanese Arabic[nb 2]Religion 61.1%) ﻛﻠّﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ :al-Jumharaha al-Lubnani Flag Herb Anthem Muslim33.7% Christian5.2% Druze[1]Demonym(s)LebaneseGovernmentUnitary parliamentary confessionalist constitutional republic[2]• President Michel Aoun• Prime Minister Hassan Diab• Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri LegislatureParliamentEstablishment• Greater Lebanon 1 September 1920• Constitution 23 May 1926• Independence declared 22 November 1943• French mandate ended 24 October 1945• Withdrawal of French forces 17 April 1946• Syrian and Israeli occupations 1976–2005• Israeli troops withdrawn 24 May 2000• Syrian troops withdrawn 30 April 2005 Area • Total10,452 km2 (4,036 sq mi) (161st)• Water (%)1.8Population• 2018 estimate6,859,408[3][4] (109th)• Density560/km2 (1,450.4/sq mi) (21st)GDP (PPP)2019 estimate• Total$91 billion[5]• Per capita$15,049[5] (66th)GDP (nominal)2019 estimate• Total$58 billion[5] (82nd)• Per capita$9,655[5]Gini 50.7highHDI (2018) 0.730[6]high · 93rdCurrencyLebanese pound (LBP)Time zoneUTC+2 (EET)• Summer (DST)UTC+3 (EEST)Driving sideright [7]Calling code+961[8]ISO 3166 codeLBInternet TLD.lb Lebanon (/ ˈlɛbənɒn, -hun/ (listen); Arabic: Romanticized: romanticized: al-Jumhara al-Lubnan, Lebanese Arabic pronunciation: lˈʒʊmhuːrijje lˈlɪbneːnijje; French: Republic libanaise or widely mentioned among residents in ,اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ :Lubnin, Lebanese Arabic pronunciation: lɪbˈneːn),), officially known as the Republic of Lebanon (Arabic French: Liban), is a Middle Eastern country in West Asia.