Non-Territorial Autonomy in Theory and Practice: a 2020 Report

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Non-Territorial Autonomy in Theory and Practice: A 2020 Report

Edited by: Marina Andeva Skopje, 2020 ENTAN – The European Non-Territorial Autonomy Network www.entan.org Non-Territorial Autonomy in Theory and Practice: A 2020 Report Edited by: Marina Andeva © 2020 University American College Skopje (UACS) This is an open-access and free-of-charge publication that can be distributed for non-commercial purposes provided that attribution to the authors is observed.

This publication is based upon work from COST Action “ENTAN – The European Non-Territorial Autonomy Network”, supported by COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology).

Funded by the Horizon 2020 Framework Programme of the European Union

COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology) is a funding agency for research and innovation networks. Our Actions help connect research initiatives across Europe and enable scientists to grow their ideas by sharing them with their peers. This boosts their research, career and innovation. www.cost.eu

CONTENTS

1. 7 3. 27 5. 45 Introduction NTA - Legal and NTA and Economic Political Arrangements and Regional Development

2. 11 4. 37 6. 55 Non-Territorial NTA and the Promotion NTA: A Autonomy - The Time of Cultural Identities Bibliographical Has Come Database CONTENTS 6.1. 59 NTA Bibliography – History History: Case studies History: Theoretical 113 123 Approach 7. 9. Research projects Conclusions focusing on non-territorial 6.2. autonomy 127 65 NTA Bibliography – About the Contemporary theory contributors

6.3. 81 NTA Bibliography – Contemporary case studies 8. 117 University courses focusing on minority rights and non- territorial autonomy

Introduction1.

This publication is a result of the first year of op- title of the keynote lecture of Prof. Ephraim eration of ENTAN – the European Non-Territorial Nimni delivered at the Belgrade conference: Autonomy Network. It presents an overview of “NTA – The Time Has Come”. research ideas and multi- and interdisciplinary ENTAN - the European Non-Territorial Auton- findings related to the concept of non-terri- omy Network - sets out with this basic prem- torial autonomy (NTA) both in theory and as a ise. As a COST Action aimed at examining the practice. The present report has a twofold aim: concept of non-territorial autonomy, it particu- first, to acknowledge the ongoing work of our larly focuses on NTA arrangements for reduc- Network, which now gathers more than one ing inter-ethnic tensions within a state and on hundred scholars from thirty-five European the accommodation of the needs of different countries; and second, to sensitise leaders, pol- communities while preventing calls to separate icy makers, experts, and community represent- statehood. The Action tackles recent develop- atives about the potential of NTA for successful ment in the theories and practices of cultural managing and promoting of cultural diversity. diversity; minority rights (including linguistic Indeed, the interest in NTA responses to eth- and educational rights); state functions and no-cultural demands seems to receive a re- sovereignty; conflict resolution through policy newed attention among professionals and arrangements; policymaking and inclusiveness. policy makers alike. Rekindled ethnic tensions The main objective is to investigate the existing NTA mechanisms and policies and to develop and secessionist claims along with massive new modalities for the accommodation of dif- migrations triggered by wars, economic depri- ferences in the context of growing challenges vation or climate change, compel us to revise stemming from globalisation, regionalisation the existing models as well as to search for new and European supranational integration. The solution. Although NTA is not a novel concept, network fosters interdisciplinary and multidis- its application in diverse historical and contem- ciplinary group work, and provides for training porary contexts invites a closer consideration and empowerment of young researchers, aca- precisely because of its promise to provide an- demic conferences and publications, as well as swers to recent challenges. As Prof. Tove Maloy for the dissemination of results to policy mak- suggested in her opening speech at the First ers, civil society organisations and communi- ENTAN conference held in Belgrade on 22 and ties. 23 November 2019, “NTA is increasingly [be- coming] a diversity governance tool used to ENTAN gathers scholars who are organised in empower ethno-cultural minority groups”. She four working groups: also observed that NTA as a functional model Working Group 1 - entitled ‘Non-Territorial Au- (that is – “without one comprehensive law, ei- tonomy: Legal and Political Aspects’ - aims at ther organic or primary”) has been evidenced in exploring current NTA models and practices. various countries, but “it was not until after the The goal is to find common methodological Cold War and the breakup of empires in 1989 tools for comparative research and analytical and onwards that we saw the first comprehen- tools for assessing the role of NTA arrangements sive legal frameworks on NTA”. Hence, our key and related legal/political settings in providing message is perhaps best encapsulated in the effective means for minorities to participate in public life and decision-making.

9 Working group 2 – entitled ‘Cultural Identities’ – We thank all members of ENTAN for their gathers researches in the field of cultural stud- involvement during the first year of opera- ies, identity politics, socio-linguistics, arts, hu- tion of our Network. Our appreciation goes to manities and sociology who aim at comparing Dr Mickael Pero, COST Scientific Officer, of NTA arrangements and exploring their po- Ms Olga Gorczyca, COST Administrative Officer, tential use in conflict resolution and managing and Mr Demjan Anatoli Golubov, ENTAN Grant of diversity. Manager, for their continuous assistance. We also express our gratitude to the leaders and Working group 3 – entitled ‘Regional and So- vice leaders of the working groups, as well as cio-economic Development: Incentives and to the coordinators of various committees of Resources’ – aims at exploring the econom- ENTAN. Special thanks go to the contributors to ic incentives and resources made available to this report, and in particular to its editor Marina self-governing structures of ethno-cultural Andeva who made it possible to collect and or- groups as a means of building inclusive democ- ganise diverse materials in a meaningful publi- racies, social balance, and stable and prosper- cation that we hope will inspire further interest ous societies. in the study and application of non-territorial Working group 4 – entitled ‘University Course autonomy. in Non-Territorial Autonomy’ – aims to gather and systematise the findings of the other three 25 April 2020 working groups, producing an NTA bibliography and teaching materials which would even- Ivan Dodovski, tually serve to design and implement an NTA Chair of ENTAN university course. The present report includes the slides of the mentioned keynote lecture of Prof. Ephraim Nimni delivered at the First ENTAN conference, as well as brief accounts of the critical issues raised within each working group of ENTAN. Moreover, this publication comprises an important NTA bibliography compiled by ENTAN researchers. This comprehensive database lists scientific titles from a rage of disciplines, as well as a number of recent and ongoing research projects and university courses – all related to the issues of minority rights and non-territorial autonomy. In this respect, what we hope to encourage by presenting this report is further path-breaking research and critical debate about new NTA models that would correspond to contemporary needs of community governance, civic participation and social inclusion.

10 Non-Territorial Autonomy - The Time Has Come 2.

The following slides have been presented by Prof. Ephraim Nimni during his keynote lecture at the First ENTAN Conference in Belgrade on 22 November 2020.

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NTA - Legal and Political 3. Arrangements

Working Group 1 contributors: Stipe Buzar, Against this background the members of WG1 Balázs Dobos, Flavia Ghancea, Damir Kapidžić, address different aspects of NTA: i) the theoreti- Christos Papastylianos, Andrius Puksas, cal issues that emerge in the context of the idea Adrian Stoica, Konstantinos Stratilatis, of shared sovereignty, and minority representa- Natalija Shikova, Balázs Vizi tion; ii) from a practical approach – the election procedures, legitimacy and representativity of The concept of „non-territorial autonomy” is NTA bodies deserves a closer analysis and final- broad enough to address a wide range of po- ly iii) single case studies and comparative analy- litical and legal issues. Essentially, the term NTA ses may reveal the great variety of existing state covers various practices and theoretical models practices in this field. that have one aspect in common: NTA is understood as a form of representation of one part The followings highlight few questions under these aspects. of the society on an ethno-cultural basis without formulating territorial claims. The different definitions of NTA offered in literature (see NTA as shared sovereignty Malloy 2015; Nimni 2013; Osipov 2013) all face through a mechanism the challenge to close the gap between theo- for the collective ry and practice. NTA can be seen as a specific representation of instrument having the potential to offer a viable solution for the collective aspirations of tra- minority communities ditional national-linguistic minorities without Liberal democracy empowers equal and ho- formulating territorial claims, and still creating mologous individuals through mechanisms of institutional structures for self-government and individual representation. This works well if cit- linguistic, cultural rights (Kymlicka 2000: 202). izens are a culturally homogenous, but this is However, state practices are so diverse that in not the case in most liberal nation states. The this aspect it would be difficult to offer a single lack of minority representation creates minori- definition for all situations where a state claims ty alienation even if it does not undermine the to implement a non-territorial autonomy: mi- rights of its individual members. The system nority NGOs may be considered as realizing a of one person one vote empowers individuals form of NTA (as it is claimed in Czechia) or even but not communities. In liberal states, minor- the participation of minority representatives ity communities, because of their numerical in a governmental cultural fund can be seen status, are collectively disadvantaged and suf- from this perspective (as in Slovakia, see Fiala fer from a democratic deficit. This democratic - Butora 2018). Moreover, not only governmen- deficit is one of the principal causes for seces- tal approaches differ on a broad scale, but also sionism. NTA enhances the democratic value of the situation of individual minority groups may liberal democracy by creating mechanisms of require a specific, tailor-made institutional de- community representation through the princi- sign. The demographic position of minorities, ple of shared sovereignty. The aim is to develop their bargaining position vis-à-vis the govern- collective rights, mechanisms of minority com- ment, their organisational and mobilisation ca- munity representation, shared sovereignty, and pacities are all important factors in this regard. the principle of demoicracy (a plurality of dem- os) as recently developed by EU theoreticians.

29 This enhances the democratic value of liberal persistent and serious injustices and violations democracies and prevents secessions. of minority rights. TAA’s are morally appropriate when secession is not warranted according It is also legitimate to ask when are Non-Territo- to Buchanan’s Remedial Rights Only Theory, rial Autonomy Arrangements (NTAA’s) a morally but when the next alternative (NTA) would not appropriate/permissible/warranted response by function, given specific minority needs in a spe- states to various minority claims, given possible cific part of the state’s territory. alternatives. As such, NTAA’s are not about the relationships between minorities and majori- NTAA’s are morally appropriate when TAA’s are ties, but minorities and the state. The possible not warranted because TA is not a necessary alternatives are: a) Secession or revolution; b) condition of a minority enjoying basic cultural Territorial autonomy arrangements (TAA’s); c) rights, but when minority-state arrangements NTAA’; d) Minority arrangements within the lesser than NTAA’s cannot satisfy minority cul- state outside of this classification e) Lack of any tural needs within the whole or a part of the arrangement. state’s territory. The moral-philosophical background of NTA models may help to better un- Methodologically speaking, it makes sense to derstand the reasons behind the claims and start form the most difficult of the alternatives choices of single states and governments argu- to justify - secession - because it represents the ing for or against the implementation of NTA. extreme possible claim of a minority towards a state (or even against a state). Once such a cri- One of the theoretical and practical challenges terion or set of criteria is established, the crite- is to understand and implement NTA in com- ria for other alternatives can only be reasonably pliance with the right to self-determination as lower, and the criteria for secession will be in- the case of indigenous peoples may show NTA dicative of what these lower criteria could be. is often described as a very radical approach to For each of the alternatives, a paradigmatic safeguard the right to indigenous self-determi- case should be established, which can be his- nation (Josefsen 2011). torical, but can be the result of a thought ex- Traditionally, NTA includes a mixture of ar- periment, or a result of both, allowing for a ca- rangements such as consociationalism and na- suistic approach. In this aspect NTAA’s can be tional-cultural autonomy (NCA), but also forms seen as one in a set of possible solutions – in- of representation that de-territorialise self-de- serted in a hypothetical non-hierarchal model termination. From the other side, the protec- ranging from secession to the denial of all mi- tion of indigenous identity is closely interlinked nority claims, or lack of any such claims. with the territory, and it is a basis for practicing A starting point for this part of the research is the granted “right to land, territories and tra- Allen Buchanan’s Remedial Rights Only Theo- ditionally owned resources”. The indigenous ry (RROT) of the moral permissibility of seces- peoples (IP) can achieve self-determination by sion which stresses that unilateral secession various options,1 and they are depending on the is morally permissible only as a remedial (cor- social and political contexts in which they are rective, just cause) course of action in cases of

1 Moore advocates for separate management within existing state structures because they lack a management capacity. Jacob T. Leviat, unlike Moore, thinks that - without secessionist self-government for indigenous peoples, they are way too much on a mercy of the same state whose past action has triggered these demands for justice as a remedy. See Levi 2003.

30 implemented (Minnerup and Soldberg 2011). holders, it aims to systematically explore the If the IP live in a geographically concentrated potential functions and effects of elections in area, a self-governance within a defined territo- those minority contexts, including how voters ry is a preferable option (e.g. intra-state auton- and organisations have access to the elector- omy), but if they are a minority on their tradi- al process; legitimacy, electoral participation tional land, then NTA can be a solution. NTA can (turnout, invalid and wasted votes), competi- ensure political representation of IP through tion (effective number of parties/organisations, reserved seats in the national parliaments or vote and seat shares), the impact of electoral by the establishment of separate institutions formula and ballot structure, and not least the (e.g. Saami Parliaments). Although the division stability and change of minority organisations of sovereignty in regards to material assets and (replacement, volatility). resources within NTA is not clear in theory (Pat- ton 2005), still, in the UN reports, the NTA insti- Case studies tutions are considered to be an inspiring model Single case studies (current and historical) cov- for indigenous self-governance and participa- er the colourful variety of different situations tion in decision-making.2 where either minorities or governments refer Electoral issues and results to NTA as an instrument applied by the state or where the introduction of a form of NTA is seen as well as party govern- to be appropriate. ment coalitions related to Domestic legislations and governments often NTA refer to NTA – even in cases, where the existing This certainly includes the role of minority par- practice hardly fits into the general definitions ties but also other parties that define them- of NTA as accepted in literature. The following selves as representatives of a certain group and examples clearly show that research on single that advocate for different forms of autonomy state practices therefore needs to address quite (cultural, linguistic, fiscal). In recent years an different situations and raise different ques- in-depth research started by Dobos (2020) fo- tions. cuses on the role of specific minority elections in those Central and South Eastern European Serbia countries (Croatia, Estonia, Hungary, Serbia, and In Serbia, the National Minority Councils create Slovenia) where minority members have the an institutional structure for NTA; however the right to become registered as minority voters implementation and the effective work of these and create their own, basically non-territorial, national minority councils raise a list of ques- cultural councils/self-governments through di- tions: What generated the recognition of col- rect or indirect elections at various levels. From lective minority rights in Serbia? Was the mo- theoretical and comparative perspectives, but tivating factor the political organisation of the based on electoral statistics, country experienc- Hungarian community (as an internal initiative es and semi-structured interviews with stake- stemming from the national minority)? Was it

2 United Nations (2011) A/HRC/18/XX/Add.Y, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Indigenous People, James Anaya, 12 January 2011

31 finding a resolution to Serbia’s ethnic conflicts Hungary in Kosovo, thereby preserving the territorial integrity of the country (as an internal initiative, In Hungary the introduction of minority self-go- stemming from the majority Serbian nation)? vernments, the declarative acknowledgement Or was it possibly the transformation of the for- of minority groups’ right to autonomy was mer state-forming nations of the disintegrated inspired both by foreign policy commitments Yugoslavia into national minorities (as a result Hungary made in the field of minority protec- of external pressurizing)? tion (i.e. its responsibility expressed for Hunga- rian minorities living abroad) and by the desire What phases, transformations did the initial of the new democratic political elite to a find idea for national minority councils go through, a viable and effective solution to the problems how did the scope of powers increase or de- of small, scattered and often linguistically assi- crease before gaining its final form in the 2009 milated minorities. Since 1989 the conceptual act? Were any of Serbia’s national communities foundations of minority policy in Hungary rein a bargaining position? mained stable and long lasting: it is firmly an- What internal affairs, historical events led to the chored in the collectivist concepts of minority foundation of the Provisional National Council rights (Vizi 2015). Both the 1993 Act on the rights of the Hungarian National Minority? Did politics of national and ethnic minorities (Act 1993) and of Hungary play any role in this, if so, what role? the 2011 Act on the rights of nationalities (Act The Vojvodinian Hungarian national commu- 2011) focus on the establishment of a three-level nity was politically most organised minority in minority self-government (local, regional and Serbia, they worked precariously from the first national) system at each level having different half of the 1990s to achieve autonomy for the cultural, educational and consultative compe- Hungarian community (which in certain peri- tencies. The adopted autonomist structure may ods included not only personal autonomy, but be useful for some minorities, it could help tra- territorial autonomy, as well). The logical ques- ditional minorities in forming their representation then is, is it possible to separate the foun- tive bodies, and it could create a legal structure dation and transformation of national minority for their cultural, educational institutions. But it councils in general from the autonomy aspira- remains problematic in responding to the spe- tions of the Vojvodinian Hungarians? (see also cial need and situation of a large, socially margi- Korhecz 2015) nalised Roma community. Moreover ,the functioning of NTA and its real impact on minority communities raise many questions (see Dobos & Molnár Sansum 2020). Lithuania According to Article 37 of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, citizens belonging to ethnic communities shall have the right to fos- ter their language, culture, and customs. Article 45 of the Constitution states that ethnic com-

32 munities of citizens shall independently man- jurisdiction over geographically separate areas age the affairs of their ethnic culture, education, (with the drawing of the boundaries being next charity, and mutual assistance states that they to impossible), or they would only function on shall be provided support by the State. Lithua- a non-territorial basis, remained open to con- nia is among the first European countries who flicting interpretations. And it was the inability signed the Framework Convention for the Pro- of the Constitutional Court to provide a definite tection of National Minorities (1995) and ratified answer to the municipal issue, in conjunction it without any reservations (2000). According to with the refusal of the Turkish Cypriot mem- Article 2 of the Law on the State Language of bers in the House of Representatives to allow the Republic of Lithuania, the Lithuanian lan- the enactment of vital tax legislation, invoking guage is the state language. The issue of lan- the failure of the Greek Cypriot leadership to guage and sometimes questions of education enforce the separate municipalities clause and are often raised by the Polish minority in South of other constitutional clauses, which led to the Eastern region of Lithuania. However, Lithuania constitutional breakdown of 1963, to the inter- does not have a national Law on National Mi- communal fight, to the withdrawal of Turkish norities and the last time this issue was officially Cypriots from the organs of the Republic and discussed and a proposed project assessed was to the U.N. intervention in March 1964, after the in the beginning of 2018. Minority representa- U.N. Security Council Resolution 186. tives may formulate claims for a stronger nor- There is rich literature, both by historians and by mative protection of minority rights, eventually legal scholars, on the aforementioned events including also claims for NTA, however these is- and developments (see the list below). By mak- sues appear to be marginal in public discourses. ing use of this literature, our study aspires to shed light on the interplay of NTAs, territorial Republic of Cyprus claims and geopolitical interests in the case of The constitutional structure of the Republic of Cyprus. The conceptual and theoretical tools Cyprus was based on the so-called “principle of of comparative constitutional theory (the “or- bi-communalism,” i.e. a power sharing regime dering forces” of the material constitution, in- ternationalised pouvoir constituant, imposed which accorded to the Turkish Cypriot commu- constitutionalism, constitution-making in nity, if not a status equal to that of the Greek deeply divided societies, constitutional change Cypriot community, certainly a status superior and unamendability, emergency situations and of that of a minority – a term which Turkish Cyp- doctrines, constitutional revolutions) we shall riot leaders always found insulting and which be using and of international theory and law they have consistently been disavowing from (focusing mainly on the neglected principle of the outset, since the period before independ- non-intervention and on its particular meaning ence until today. and mode of implementation in divided societies). Through this study, we hope to elevate the According to another basic constitutional provi- significance of geopolitical interests and condi- sion (Article 173), separate municipalities would tions as they can be channelled into the func- be established in the five biggest towns of the tioning of a constitutional order, for the success island by the members of the Turkish Cypriot or failure of NTAs more generally. community. The issue of whether such municipalities would have territorial jurisdiction, i.e.

33 Romania ties representing the main ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina with much more lever- In Romania, there is a decade-long ongoing age in coalition talks, regardless of their relative discussion on the introduction of a special form of autonomy. The major national minority party size. While NTA can be an element in coalition the RMDSZ, representing the sizeable Hungar- strategies, it is rarely a major issue. In Malaysia ian minority, has submitted different legislative NTA provisions have more impact on coalition proposals in the Parliament, but none of these formation as the main racial groups have no ex- have been adopted. Nevertheless, there are ar- plicit guarantees of their rights and many sensi- guments that the participation of minorities in tive issues are open for deliberation. Regardless local and national elected bodies may be con- of the role of NTA, a much more important im- sidered as creating a network of co-operation pact can be accredited to the electoral system that goes beyond territorial limitations. in both cases: proportional representation in Comparative approaches Bosnia and first-past-the-post in Malaysia. The resulting coalition politics negotiate an inverse Comparative analysis is also an important tool trade-off between guarantees for group rep- in doing research on NTA models. As part of resentation and effectiveness of power-sharing the work of Working Group 1 the comparative governance. assessment of two state practices, i.e. Malay- sia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) offers a unique insight in the challenges research face in this field. Both countries have relevant, but different types of power sharing arrangements between diverse ethnic/religions/racial groups, as well as certain territorial autonomy and NTA provisions for these groups and other minorities. In both countries governing coalitions are formed to represent parties and candidates of all major societal segments, and in case of Bosnia and Herzegovina they are constitutionally required. The objective is to compare the process, ability and mechanisms political parties use to incorporate, strengthen or di- minish power sharing and NTA provisions into the negotiations for the formation of coalition governments. The findings of the paper, which is based on original data collected through interviews with political party members following national elections in both countries in 2018, point to different systems of managing con- flicting group interests. The role of NTA is also different in the two contexts. Constitutionally guaranteed territorial autonomy provides par-

34 References: Molnár Sansum J. & Dobos, B. (2020) Cultural Auton- omy in Hungary: Inward or Outward Looking? Dobos, B. (2020) A személyi elvű kisebbségi au- Nationalities papers, special issue article, pp. tonómiák belső dinamikája. Kisebbségi válasz- 1-16. tások Közép- és Délkelet-Európa öt országában. Nimni, E. (2013) The Conceptual Challenge of Non-Ter- (manuscript). ritorial Autonomy. In: Nimni, Ephraim; Osipov Al- Fiala-Butora, J. (2018) Operationalizing Cultural Au- exander; Smith, David J. (Eds.) The Challenge of tonomy as a Form of Effective Participation in Non-Territorial Autonomy: Theory and Practice. Decision-making. International Journal on Mi- Oxford, Peter Lang Academic Publishers. 1-24. nority and Group Rights (in print). Nimni, E.; Osipov A.; Smith, D. (Eds.) (2013) The Chal- Josefsen, E. (2011) The Norwegian Sa´mi parliament lenge of Non-Territorial Autonomy: Theory and and Sa´mi political empowerment, In: G. Minne- Practice. Oxford, Peter Lang Academic Publish- rup & P. Solberg (Eds), First World, First Nations. ers. Internal Colonialism and Indigenous Self-de- Osipov, A. (2013a) Non-Territorial Autonomy as a Way termination in Northern Europe and Australia, to Diversity Policies: The Case of Russia. In: Nimni, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 31–44. Ephraim; Osipov Alexander; Smith, David J. (Eds.) Korhecz, T. (2015) National Minority Councils in Serbia, The Challenge of Non-Territorial Autonomy: The- In: Malloy-Osipov-Vizi (Eds.) Managing Diversity ory and Practice. Oxford, Peter Lang Academic through Non-Territorial Autonomy. Oxford, OUP, Publishers. 133-148. 69-92. Patton, P. (2004) National autonomy and Indigenous Kymlicka, W. (2000) Nation-building and minority sovereignty in E. Nimni (Ed.) National Cultural rights: comparing West and East. Journal of Eth- Autonomy and its Contemporary Critics. Lon- nic and Migration Studies, 2. 183-212. don, Routledge.

Levi, J. T. (2003) Indigenous Self-Government in: Step- Soulioti, S. (2006) Fettered Independence: Cyprus, hen Macedo and Allen Buchanan (Eds.) Seces- 1878-1964, vol. One: The Narrative, vol. Two: The sion and Self-Determination, NOMOS XLV, New Documents. Minneapolis, University of Minneso- York, NYU Press. ta, MI.

Malloy, T. (2015) Introduction. In: Malloy-Osipov-Vizi Stratilatis, C. (2018) Avoidance of Constitutional Im- (Eds.) Managing Diversity through Non-Territo- position and Democratic Constituent Power in rial Autonomy. Oxford, OUP. 1-13. Divided, Conflict-Ridden Societies, The Cyprus Review 30(1): 163. Malloy, T. – Osipov, A. – Vizi, B. (Eds.) (2015) Managing Diversity through Non-Territorial Autonomy. Ox- Vizi, B. (2015) Minority Self-Governments in Hungary. ford, Oxford University Press. In: Malloy-Osipov-Vizi (Eds.) Managing Diversity through Non-Territorial Autonomy. Oxford, OUP. Minnerup, G. & Solberg, P. (Eds.) (2011) First World, 31-52. First Nations. Internal Colonialism and Indigen- ous Self-determination in Northern Europe and Australia. Brighton, Sussex Academic Press.

NTA and the Promotion of Cultural Identities4.

Working Group 2 contributors: David Smith, derstanding of this term had broadened con- Alexandra Ioannidou, Robert Hudson siderably in recent years (see Malloy 2015), making it a useful framework within which to con- At the first Working Group meeting in Skop- sider a whole range of issues across different je in June 2019, WG2 members acquainted contexts, be they socio-linguistic or pertaining themselves more fully with each other’s re- to religious identity. This is all the more so giv- search interests and identified key themes that en that some of the research within WG2 deals could draw these together. These themes then with identity issues as they pertain to migrant formed the basis for three panels organised by communities: hitherto, research on NTA has fo- WG2 at the first ENTAN conference in Belgrade cused primarily on more historically-rooted ‘na- in November 2019, as well as two STSMs under- tional minority’ populations. However, the state taken during the course of the year. of the art increasingly questions and problem- WG2 is notable for its wide geographical scope, atises the validity of this ‘national minority vs encompassing colleagues working on a num- migrant’ dichotomy. ber of Western European settings alongside The governance of ethno-cultural diversity re- those in Central and Eastern Europe and the mains a key task for all contemporary states, Balkans which (with some exceptions – e.g. in so far as self-conscious ethnic identification Nimni, Osipov and Smith 2013; Malloy, Osipov continues to influence political processes even and Vizi 2015) have until now constituted the in multi-ethnic societies bound by a strong main focus for discussions of NTA in a European overarching sense of patriotism (Rudolph context. This provides an unparalleled opportu- 2006). Taking such diversity as an intrinsic and nity for comparative reflection on both the the- desirable facet of the human condition, NTA de- ory and practice of NTA in so far as they relate parts from the premise that autonomy in the specifically to identity issues. In order to maxim- management of particular spheres of concern ise the scope for such reflection, WG2 resolved to ethno-cultural communities (primarily lan- to bring in additional expertise on other NTA guage, culture and education) should be guar- cases (for instance, Sami autonomy arrange- anteed regardless of their members’ physical ments in the Nordic countries, arrangements in location (Prina 2020) – in other words, rights the Brussels capital region and, beyond Europe, to autonomy should be not be confined to a arrangements for Francophone communities designated territorial sub-region within a state. in New Brunswick). This was done both on an As the foregoing implies, NTA also rests upon ad hoc basis (through participation at the con- recognition of a group as a collective entity and ference) and by enlisting new members to the the award of rights on that basis, something network. that its advocates see as fully appropriate given Also notable is the thematic breadth of the the social significance of communal identities Working Group. While many WG2 members do (Prina 2020). not work on cases traditionally captured under the rubric of ‘non-territorial autonomy’, the un-

39 Most existing studies agree that the NTA ap- another key area of recent discussion, which reproach is especially well suited to the needs lates to the capacity of NTA to desecuritise eth- of territorially dispersed communities, a con- nic identity-based claims within states. Where tention that was interestingly illustrated by spokespersons for a particular ethnic group the WG2 panel ‘Speakers of Irish, Romansh claim territorial autonomy (i.e. collective rights and Breton: Non-Territorial Autonomy vs. Terri- exercised in relation to a given territorial region), toriality Principle’ at the ENTAN conference in this can be readily construed by the central au- Belgrade. Demonstrating how traditional terri- thorities as a potential threat to the cohesion torially-based approaches to language rights in and integrity of the overall state. In the face of Ireland and Switzerland are no longer sufficient the violent separatist conflicts that occurred in given the shrinking number and increasing dis- parts of the region, academic literature and pol- persal of Irish and Romansh speakers, the panel icy thinking during the 1990s tended to juxta- pointed to a growth in non-territorial approach- pose territorial and non-territorial autonomy as es that raise intriguing possibilities around conceptual opposites, portraying the former as ‘network governance’. The same is true in the inherently contentious and destabilizing, and case of Breton speakers, who have historically the latter as a ‘“magic bullet” in the armoury of obtained little or no official recognition of their those seeking to cope with problems of ethnic linguistic identity within a highly centralised diversity and conflict’ (Coakley, 2016) or a ‘golden and majority-dominated French state. Leav- midpoint between Balkanisation and banalisa- ing aside the issue of building everyday social tion [offering] minorities the option of substan- need for minority languages, however, the ef- tive cultural self-determination without linking fectiveness of NTA arrangements in protecting it to territorial autonomy, with all the centrifu- and promoting particular ethno-cultural and gal tendencies the latter may awaken’ (Rosh- linguistic identities depends heavily upon the wald, 2007, 373). From a more normative, jus- resources they can command and the extent tice-based standpoint, advocates of NTA have to which community activists are given a voice long argued that ethnic claims within states in decision-making processes related to their can never be fully addressed solely according to distinct language and culture. For instance, a the territorial principle, since any autonomous range of similar arrangements have been intro- region within a state will invariably contain new duced across Central and Eastern Europe over ethnic minorities, thereby replicating the origi- the past 30 years, yet only in rare cases have nal problem found at the level of the state as a these conferred genuine ‘voice through insti- whole. tutions of self-governing’ as opposed to largely Other authors, though, have rightly questioned symbolic recognition (Malloy 2015; Prina, Smith the claim that NTA could be applied as a kind of and Molnar Sansum 2018; Prina, Smith and Mol- ‘one-size fits-all’ approach (Purger 2012) to the nar Sansum 2019; Smith 2020). accommodation of diversity across a complex Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe and array of different cases, while also underlining the Balkans have also figured prominently in the unlikelihood that ethnopolitical identities

40 can ever be deterritorialised entirely (Kymlicka, tonomous Community. Based on study of the 2007). In this regard, non-territorial autonomy is relevant educational materials and interviews better seen not as a conceptual opposite to ter- with teachers, academic experts and textbook ritorial autonomy, but as something that com- publishers, the preliminary results found that plements it, as is indeed the case in practice curricula developed by the relevant adminis- across a range of contemporary contexts in Eu- tering authorities (Spain’s Ministry of Education rope and beyond. Of particular note here is re- and the Catalan Government) follow national cent work by Palermo (2015), who distinguishes ideological precepts centred on knowledge of between autonomy granted to a territory and the respective languages. This fact raises new all of its inhabitants (‘autonomy to’) and autono- challenges given changes to Catalonia’s socio- my granted to an ethnic group that constitutes demographic arising from migration and the the majority within a territory (‘autonomy for’). attendant increase in linguistic, cultural and re- Whereas the latter approach strengthens eth- ligious diversity amongst its inhabitants. nic-based claims to ownership and excludes lo- As Palermo (2015, 29) observes, perhaps the cal ‘minorities within minorities’, the former of- biggest contemporary challenge with regard fers the possibility to develop pluralistic region- to autonomy is how to move beyond traditional identities and institutional arrangements al understandings that have too often been that accommodate all communities through a “trapped in the Westphalian nation state dis- combination of territorial and non-territorial ap- course … [This means that autonomy is] seen proaches. Such arrangements require careful in terms of something ‘belonging’ to groups crafting and raise a host of issues to be worked competing for ownership of a territory”. What through in practice, not least in the spheres of is needed is not to deterritorialise group-based language use and education (for instance, how identity claims entirely, but to embed them to negotiate the teaching of contested histories firmly within a democratic pluralist framework in schools?). This was made clear in the second that allows for dialogue and an agreed devolu- WG2 panel at the Belgrade conference. Entitled tion of power according to the most appropri- ‘Aspects of Religion and Education’, it included ate format (territorial, non-territorial, or both) a paper on education and cultural identities in (Bauböck 2000; Kymlicka 2007). This has been Catalonia during the Twentieth Century, which a particular challenge in Central and Eastern has since formed the basis for an associated Europe and the Balkans; however, at the same Short Term Scientific Mission and research pro- time, one does find some interesting examples ject. The research in question studies how artic- of multiethnic regionalism such as Vojvodina, ulations of national literary history within school where a non-territorial form of autonomy for curricula serve as a means of configuring a col- the (large and territorially compact) Hungari- lective identity that unifies a given community. an minority has been nested in an overarching In this particular instance, the focus was on how pluralistic regional identity supplemented by literary canons within Catalonia’s school spon- elements of territorially-based devolution (such sor the different cultural identities of this Au- as parallel use of a minority language in munic-

41 ipalities where the relevant minority constitutes art literature recognises that every individual more than 12% of the population). As Smith and has multiple identities and that it is institutions Semenyshyn (2016) have suggested, the ar- and social and political processes that shape rangements in Vojvodina could potentially of- ethnic identity, rather than vice versa (Chan- fer a template for addressing ethnic tensions dra 2012). In this regard, critics of the NTA ap- in other Central and East European countries proach contend that it is based on essentialist, such as Ukraine. Each case is, however, gov- ‘groupist’ thinking and that, by pushing indi- erned by its own particular context, and in this viduals to opt for a single ethnic identity and regard one has to consider not only domestic creating parallel institutions, it runs the risk of political configurations but also the geostrate- hardening inter-group boundaries to a greater gic situation of the state in question (Mylonas extent than territorial arrangements (Bauböck 2012). This was a point brought out clearly by the 2001). Moreover, even if one does subscribe paper on Kosovo presented in the WG2-organ- to the logic of clearly defined cultural groups, ised conference panel on European Post-Con- these are still internally heterogeneous to dif- flict Perspectives. Pointing to the potential to ferent degrees, raising the issue of how to ac- combine territorial (devolution of key functions commodate the variety of interests and stand- to municipalities) and non-territorial (Ortho- points held by group members. This dilemma dox Church responsibility for religious heritage (previously discussed in both an historical and sites) approaches as a means of catering for a contemporary context by Smith and Hiden the needs of Kosovo’s residual Serb population 2012) was effectively illustrated in the Belgrade under the 2013 EU Framework agreement, the WG2 panel by a paper looking at legal cases paper nonetheless highlighted the continued around the application of Sharia Law within obstacles to implementation of this approach the Muslim population in the Western Thrace arising from ongoing contestation of Kosovo’s region of Greece, which underlined the impor- sovereign status. The particularities of this case tance of ensuring that individuals can opt out were further elaborated by the paper’s author of such arrangements and have recourse to during a Short Term Scientific Mission to the civil law if required. In reviewing current NTA UK (Universities of Derby, Glasgow and Notting- arrangements, scholars and practitioners alike ham) to consult with other WG2 members and have also stressed the importance of democrat- other relevant academic experts. The paper is ic procedures and internal pluralism within NTA now being developed into an article which will institutions (Marsal 2020). If this does not apply, be published as part of a special issue arising NTA institutions can recreate the same central- from the ENTAN conference in Belgrade. ised nation-state logic that they are ostensibly supposed to challenge, creating new lines of The WG2 Belgrade panel on ‘Aspects of Reli- internal differentiation and dissension that can gion and Education’ also brought into focus potentially undermine distinct identity of the one of the key contemporary debates relating community in question. to NTA and identity – the tension between the collective and the individual. The state-of-the-

42 References: Nimni, Ephraim, Alexander Osipov and David J. Smith, eds. (2013). The Challenge of Non-Territorial Au- Bauböck, Rainer. (2001). Territorial or Cultural Autono- tonomy: Theory and Practice. Frankfurt: Peter my for National Minorities? IWE Working Paper Lang. 22. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wis- Palermo, Francesco. (2015). Owned or Shared? Ter- senschaften Forschungsstelle für institutionel- ritorial Autonomy in the Minority Discourse. In len Wandel und Europäische Integration. Minority Accommodation through Territorial Chandra, Kanchan. (2012). Constructivist Theories of and Non-Territorial Autonomy, edited by Tove H. Ethnic Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Malloy and Francesco Palermo, 13-32. Oxford: Ox- ford University Press. Coakley, John. (2016). Conclusion: Patterns of Non- territorial Autonomy. Ethnopolitics 15 (1): 166–185. Prina, Federica. (2020). The State of the Field and De- bates on Non-Territorial Autonomy. Nationalities Kymlicka, Will. (2007). National Cultural Autono- Papers (forthcoming). my and International Minority Rights Norms. Ethnopolitics 6 (3): 379–393. Prina, Federica, David J Smith and Judit Molnar Sansum. (2018). National Cultural Autonomy in Malloy, Tove H. (2015). Introduction. In Managing Di- Central and Eastern Europe. In Democratic Re- versity through Non-Territorial Autonomy: As- presentation in Plurinational States: The Kurds sessing Advantages, Deficiencies, and Risks, in Turkey, edited by Ephraim Nimni and Elçin edited by Tove H. Malloy, Alexander Osipov, and Aktprak, 85-111. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. Balázs Vizi, 1–15. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Prina, Federica, David J Smith and Judit Molnar Malloy, Tove H., Alexander Osipov, and Balázs Vizi. Sansum. (2019). National Cultural Autonomy and (2015). Managing Diversity through Non-territo- Linguistic Rights in Central and Eastern Euro- rial Autonomy: Assessing Advantages, Deficien- pe. In Handbook on Minority Languages and cies, and Risks. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Communities, edited by Gabrielle Hogan-Brun Marsal, Stéphanie. (2019). National Minority Rights and Bernadette O’Rourke, 181-205. Basingstoke: and Democratic Political Community: Experi- Palgrave MacMillan. ence and Perspective of the OSCE High Com- Purger, Tibor. (2012). Ethnic Self-Governance in Ser- missioner on National Minorities. Nationalities bia: The First Two Years of the National Minority Papers, doi:10.1017/nps.2019.95 Councils. South-East Europe International Rela- Mylonas, Harris. (2013). The Politics of Nation-Building: tions Quarterly 3 (2): 1–17. Making Co-Nationals, Refugees and Minorities. Roshwald, Aviel. (2007). Between Balkanization and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Banalization: Dilemmas of Ethno-cultural Diver- sity. Ethnopolitics, 6 (3): 365–378.

Rudolph, Joseph. (2006). Politics and Ethnicity: A Comparative Study. New York and Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.

43 Smith, David J. (2020). Introduction to the Special Issue on National Cultural Autonomy in Diver- se Political Communities: Practices, Challen- ges, and Perspectives. Nationalities Papers 1-11. doi:10.1017/nps.2019.94.

Smith, David J., and John Hiden. (2012). Ethnic Diversi- ty and the Nation State: National Cultural Auto- nomy Revisited. Abingdon: Routledge.

Smith, David J., and Mariana Semenyshyn. (2016). Territorial-Administrative Decentralisation and Ethno-Cultural Diversity in Ukraine: Addressing Hungarian Autonomy Claims in Zakarpattya. ECMI Working Paper #95. Flensburg: European Centre for Minority Issues. http://www.ecmi.de/ publications/detail/95-territorial-administrative- decentralisation-and-ethno-cultural-diversity- in-ukraine-addressing-hungarian-autonomy- claims-in-zakarpattya-361/.

44 NTA and Economic and Regional Development5.

Working Group 3 contributors: Tove Three research fields are particularly relevant in Malloy, Hynek Böhm, Martin Klatt, this endeavour: Regional Development (includ- Tomasz Studzieniecki, Islam Jusufi, Joanna ing Economics), Border Region Studies, and Kurowska-Pysz and Aleksandra Figurek. Minority Studies. While research in these three fields occasionally overlaps (e.g. border region In order to begin developing an understanding scholars analyse regions that are home to eth- of the role of non-territorial autonomy (NTA) no-cultural groups and minorities, or when of ethno-cultural groups in regional and so- scholars of regional development focus on a cio-economic development, the WG has identi- border region and discuss cross-border coop- fied as a major concern the question of how to eration as an aspect of regional development), link culture and regional and socio-economic it is not on a regular basis that researchers of development. This is not clear in the academ- these fields interact. However, analysing the ic literature or current research. While there is potential role of ethno-cultural communities in a tendency both in research and in politics to regional and socio-economic development re- understand ethno-cultural groups as passive quires knowledge from all three. beneficiaries of development policies, there are many examples in which such groups take on A number of questions have been identified to an active role and make significant contribu- get the work of the WG started: tions to regional development. However, these 1. How can states usefully and respectful- contributions are seldom appreciated and pro- ly involve ethno-cultural minority com- moted as ethno-cultural-specific and tend to munities in regional and socio-eco- be under-researched. The specific capacities nomic development and how will this and knowledge that persons belonging to eth- impact on the NTA of these groups? no-cultural minorities have may be of benefit to the development of the regions. Addition- 2. Which are the NTA capacities and ally, ethno-cultural communities, their affairs knowledge inherent in ethno-cultural and involvement, are conditioned by local and communities that can support regional regional contexts, but tend to be dealt with at and socio-economic development? central levels of government and do not usually 3. Which level of governance (including receive adequate attention at the centre of de- NTA) is adequate to deal with these is- cision-making. Nevertheless, as ethno-cultural sues? minorities in Europe tend to live in peripheral and border regions, where their contributions 4. Which kinds of institutions (including to development and bridge building capac- NTA institutions) are useful and neces- ities are particularly relevant, their strategic sary to implement development poli- and structured involvement in regional and so- cies? cio-economic development activities need to 5. What role can ethno-cultural and na- be researched. tional minorities have in cross-border cooperation?

47 6. How can policy-makers and research- 15. How do ethno-cultural communities ers make ethno-cultural community conceptualise their development strat- contributions to regional development egies? more visible? 16. Do ethno-cultural communities coop- 7. What data is available about ethno-cul- erate with other ethno-cultural com- tural contributions to regional and so- munities when conceptualizing their cio-economic development? own strategies?

8. How can such information be ac- 17. Do they have separate analytical units cessed? monitoring local/regional trends related to development (analytical work)? 9. How do ethno-cultural groups perceive their role in the development of their In the first year of ENTAN, members of WG3 region? shared information on their relevant research regarding economic resources and programmes 10. Where do they see particular potential? dedicated to assessing the participation of eth- 11. Which areas of life do ethno-cultur- no-cultural NTA arrangements in regional and al groups contribute to particularly, or local development. The current geographical not, and what keeps them from con- composition of the WG members is particularly tributing? promising, as it consists from experts from the 12. Which conditions are necessary for eth- “old EU” context (DE and DK), the “new EU” (PL, no-cultural communities and their NTA CZ and LT) and candidate states from the west- institutions to take on an active role in ern Balkans (AL and BiH). regional and socio-economic develop- The WG worked with the following departure ment, and what would they wish from points: members of ethno-cultural minorities the leadership in this context? are not often seen as subjects who are capa- 13. How do ethno-cultural communities ble of participating actively in the democratic try to influence policy-making process- process. They are seen as objects that need pro- es regarding development in both local tection, and this protection scheme is designed and regional contexts, and do they feel by the powers that decide to protect them. The that their development-related poten- area where this phenomenon is evidenced is tial is acknowledged in development in the concern with ethno-cultural minorities’ strategies? participation in public life, as described in Ar- ticle 15 of the Framework Convention for the 14. What role, if any, has amalgamation/ Protection of National Minorities (FCNM). If one redistricting on ethno-cultural NTA and reads the monitoring reports on the FCNM, one especially the impact of decentralisa- will see that governments are still reluctant to tion on NTA’s ability to influence region- allow effective participation of ethno-cultural al and local strategies? minorities in mainstream society. Often gov-

48 ernments interpret Article 15 as relevant only However, in some regions, the role of ethno-cul- in those areas of life that relate directly to eth- tural minorities in promoting and creating links no-cultural minority participation at the central across ethnic and cultural divides has been ob- level. However, the Explanatory Report to the served. By drawing on their intercultural knowl- FCNM specifically indicates that in matters of edge and social capital, members of these mi- regional development, ethno-cultural minori- norities have initiated cooperation across state ties should be taken on board when policies are borders as well as within communities where designed and decisions are made at the local several groups live side by side. Being bilingual level. This rarely happens. and conversant in several cultures, ethno-cultural minority actors can identify economic Secondly, and therefore, ethno-cultural mi- issues and areas where joint action across bor- norities are often invisible in democratic pro- ders or cultural divides will benefit the whole of cesses. Very few government structures and society. In such cases, they have been referred programmes are designed specifically with to as ‘bridge builders’ and even innovators. ethno-cultural participation in mind. Examin- ing development policies adopted by national The principle role of WG members in the first and regional governments or the EU, one will year of ENTAN was therefore to identify wheth- rarely find references to the need to include er – and if yes, to what extent – could the ethno-cultural minorities as actors and deci- change from exclusion to seeing NTA institu- sion-makers. For instance, the Interreg pro- tions of ethno-cultural minorities as actors and gramme of the EU, which has a mission to de- agents of change be tracked. Specifically, the velop regions, especially regions of the periph- WG members have been asked to focus in the ery, clearly does not refer to the need to include first year on a few points of departure regarding ethno-cultural groups in regional projects. their research: These regions are often homeland regions of 1. Identifying state incentives (policies, ethno-cultural minorities, but the minorities are programmes, strategies, etc.) not recognised in the programme descriptions. It could be argued that they should be heard on 2. Identifying state resources (subsidies, an equal basis with other interest groups. How- funding schemes, EU funding, etc.) ever, ethno-cultural minorities are not interest 3. Identifying ethno-cultural institutions groups. They are identity groups whose culture that have participated in economic and existence must be allowed to flourish not and/or regional development (NTA in- just equally with other groups but because they stitutions) represent a specific culture. Although development policies often recognise cultural diversity, 4. Describing the type of participation they do not acknowledge the special rights of (direct, indirect, official, private-public, ethno-cultural minorities to participate in de- etc.) cision-making. Ethno-cultural actors are actors 5. Describing outcomes (if any) of eth- without a name and a face. no-cultural participation

49 The following country knowledge has been ac- Czechia: cumulated: In Czechia, there are numerous governmental Danish-German context: strategies and programmes targeting mainly Minorities had certain competencies relevant Roma population, also European Social Fund for economic and regional development and (ESF) funded operational programmes ear- encouraged to include them more in the design marked certain amount of finances for the and implementation of respective programmes Roma. There are also other minorities living in at regional, national and European level (Malloy Czechia, but just the Polish minority can bene- et al. 2008). This study resulted in a publication fit from the economic incentive. encouraging the use of minorities as a capaci- The Congress of Poles in the Czech Republic ty in border region development (Malloy 2010). (Kongres Polaków w Republice Czeskiej) is the Hereof, policy relevance was documented in the umbrella organisation of the Polish national mi- subsequent decision to reserve a seat on Re- nority in the Czech Republic. It gathers 30 Polish gion South Denmark’s advisory Growth Forum organisations; its largest member is the Polish to the German minority. Recently, Danish gov- Association for Culture and Education (PZKO). ernments have designed “Germany Strategies” These organisations established the Zaolzie De- to facilitate better economic relations with the velopment Fund (financed from private mon- country’s largest trade partner. These strategies ey of minority members), which supports the focused more on Central and Southern Germa- activities of the Polish minority also financially, ny. Originally, the minorities were not named. was an important novelty introduced in 2017. This was changed when the German minority let attention to the fact that they operate a Ger- The Roma organisations are much more frag- man language school system in Denmark, with mented and less coordinated. In contrary to the bilingual and bicultural graduates who could Polish minority it does not have any element of be an asset in efforts to expand on the German fundraising from own sources/from own com- market. The German minority (its political par- munity members, it relies more on external fi- ty) has identified issues for cross-border coop- nancing, and is to a large extend “exposed” to eration, which later were implemented (hospi- the paternalist approach. tal cooperation, cross-border rescue services). Poland: In South Schleswig, the Danish minority’s political party SSW self-ascribes to regional develop- The example from Poland teaches that man- ment as one of its core political issues. There is agement of cultural heritage through non-ter- no tangible participation beyond participation ritorial autonomy is a complex process due to in political debates in the Schleswig-Holstein the specificity of the goals and conditions of diet and municipal assemblies, though. functioning of key stakeholders representing NTA. In the analysis, a multi-level governance model can be used. It clearly presents the relations of NTA entities with government and local

50 government authorities as well as international tural civil society organisations participating in organisations. The subject of a study is the cul- the Prespa Park process. This effort paid off as tural heritage of the Kashub minority whose the Prespa municipalities started to have direct status oscillates between an ethnic minority communication among them, hold cross-bor- and a national minority. Kashubs are a group of der meetings, and mutually attend events. The over 200,000 inhabitants, living in northern Po- CSOs in the case of Prespa Park initiative have land. Among the key stakeholders of the man- had the role of ‘founders’ of this idea in the be- agement model, the Kashubian Pomeranian ginning. But later, they transferred this role to Association plays a key role in the preservation the national and local government authorities. and promotion of the Kashubian cultural her- They continue to take part in the decision-mak- itage. Kashubs do not have their own political ing processes in advisory role and as pressure party and thus do not have guaranteed seats in groups to make sure that the idea comes to the the national parliament. However, the Associa- reality. tion has always acted as a spokesperson for the interests of indigenous Kashubian people to- Bosnia and Hercegovina wards public authorities. Especially for the de- (B&H): velopment of the Kashubian language, which Identification of factors that aim at influenc- thanks to the Association’s many years of efforts ing the participation of ethno-cultural NTA in- is the only regional language legally recognised stitutions in B&H has focused on cultural poli- in Poland. cies and development of NTA institutions more Albania/Macedonia: generally through support for projects that aim at protecting the cultural identity of national Prespa Park is an initiative launched by the minorities. In particular, the improvement of civil society organisations from Greece and knowledge of national minority existence in pri- North Macedonia aiming at establishing the mary education has seen support from the gov- transboundary park in the region surrounding ernment. So far, the aim has been to improve the lake of Prespa, which is shared by Greece normative standards on minority protection. and North Macedonia and Albania as well. It Any impact in the economic sphere through was established in 2000. The Park aimed for the forming of self-governing structures by eth- establishing the transboundary cooperation no-cultural groups has yet to be established. that would focus on the conservation and sustainable development priorities of Prespa. The NTA and decentralisation Park initiative demonstrates that even when a Other WG members were engage in cross-dis- region is surrounded by uncertainty and polit- ciplinary research on ethno-cultural NTA in rela- ical tension, the potential for cooperation can tion to political decentralisation, which was ex- emerge in other fields of policy that are con- plored in terms of two new approaches to local sidered ‘de-politicised’ such as conservation government and democratisation. Focusing on and sustainable development. There has been normative pluralism and network governance, engagement of some tens of local ethno cul- it has been explored how NTA for ethno-cul-

51 tural groups in regard to political decentralisa- in a decentralised setup: (1) self-organisation in tion of states may be conceptualised as ‘insti- terms of self-established and self-designed in- tutions-within-institutions,’ or ethno-cultural stitutions, (2) self-decision making in terms of institutions functioning on separate mandates independent design and reasoning about strat- within mainstream governing institutions. egies, (3) self-administration and self-manage- While network governance focuses on new dy- ment in terms of implementation of strategies, namics in policy processes, normative pluralism routines and procedures, (4) self-regulation focuses on accommodating the distinctness of in terms of self-imposed human rights norms the groups through the subsidiarity principle and other systems of ethics, and (5) self-adjudi- with regard to their own affairs. Either way, the cation in terms of independent conflict settle- potential and ramifications of ethno-cultural ment and crisis management. institutions acting within the wider framework The research project aims to assess a degree of of state institutions have been explored. This autonomy through case studies with regard to theorisation may potentially add to the theoret- establishing structures, physical and non-ma- ical debate on NTA in relation to economic and terial, inter-dependent structures with some political decentralisation. horizontal articulations about mutual goals For some decades now, governments have in- that support the life of the group. A key to the creasingly taken on the notion that democra- appraisal of the degree of autonomy is the mo- cy is stronger when decisions on public affairs tivation for cultural survival through self-creat- are taken as close as possible to the individual ing and self-organisation. Whether one takes citizen. The so-called subsidiarity principle fits the normative pluralism or network govern- well into the notion of NTA but remains un- ance scientific approach to self-organisation, derexplored in connection with ethno-cultural the structure and agency approach is useful NTA in the literature. The transfer of authority in assessing the extent to which ethno-cul- and responsibility for public functions from the tural groups set up their own NTA institutions central government to intermediate and local through bottom-up processes fuelled by group governments or quasi-independent govern- agency. The method is descriptive, and the ver- ment organisations and/or the private sector ification approach is qualitative with reference speaks, therefore, to ideas central to NTA, such to empirical data about registration, by-laws, as independent decision-making and culturally strategies, action plans, and government poli- sensitive programming. cies.

In order to examine the role of NTA institutions The research on NTA and decentralisation will as relevant through either normative pluralism be published in a chapter in an edited volume or network governance approaches, a structure titled, NTA and Decentralisation (forthcoming, and agency approach has been applied. The fol- Routledge, 2020). lowing performance indicators have been conceptualised to identify the degree of autonomy of ethno-cultural NTA institutions functioning

52 Preliminary conclusions References: The work on identifying state incentives and Böhm, H. (2018) Polish Minority in the Czech Part of resources that promote participation of eth- Tesin Silesia in 2017: The Way Towards Entire no-cultural NTA institutions in economic and Assimilation? In: Svobodová, H (Ed.): Proceed- regional development is still in a very early ings of 25th Central European Conference Useful stage. The case study research so far shows Geography: Transfer from Research to Practice. that knowledge about policies, programmes Brno, Masarykova univerzita, 566 stran, pp 355 - 366, ISBN 978-80-210-8908-2 and practices is very scarce and hard to find. Governments and authorities seem to focus on Malloy, T. (2010) Creating New Spaces for Politics? The normative approaches induced by the pressure Role of National Minorities in Building Capaci- of the European minority rights and protection ty of Cross-Border Regions. Regional & Federal regime adopted by international institutions. Studies, 20, 335-351. While this is very welcomed and highly im- Malloy, T., A. Engl, A. Heichlinger, V. Hopfgartner, H. portant, there seems to be a gap between the Pechlahner, E. Teglas & K. Zabielska. (2008). normative sphere and the political/economic Competence Analysis: National Minorities as a spheres. NTA institutions are thus seen as sep- Standortfaktor in the Danish-German Border Region. “Working with each other, for each oth- arate institutions in charge of implementing er”. Bozen/Bolzano: Europäische Akademie EU- ethno-cultural policies within confined groups RAC Research. as opposed to civil society institutions seeking to contribute to society in general through Malloy, T. and Salat, L. (2020), Non-Territorial Autono- participation in democratic processes. There my and Decentralization: Ethno-Cultural Diver- sity Governance, London: Routledge. needs, therefore, to be more focus on identifying actions and agency among all actors both official, public institutions and civil society NTA- type institutions.

6. NTA: A Bibliographical Database

Working Group 4 contributors: Marina 1. NTA Bibliography – History Andeva, Artur Boháč, Börries Kuzmany, 1.1. History: Case studies Anna Adorjáni, Ljubica Djordjević-Vidojković 1.2. History: Theoretical approach As part of the work of WG4, a bibliographical database was created and constantly filled in by 2. NTA Bibliography – Contemporary the- new bibliographical entries in the course of two ory short term scientific missions (STSMs) of two 3. NTA Bibliography – Contemporary case researchers, Dr. Artur Boháč (from 25/11/2019 studies to 20/12/2019) and Dr. Marina Andeva (from 24/02/2020 to 06/03/2020) at the University of 4. NTA Conferences Vienna, Institute for East European History (Aus- 5. NTA Research projects tria) and at Eurac Academy, Bolzano/Bozen (It- 6. NTA Courses, textbooks and other aly), respectively. The bibliographical database teaching material has been created on Zotero (free, easy-to-use tool for collection, organisation, citing and shar- Within this section of the report, a bibliograph- ing research). The ENTAN database has a pub- ical list (extract from the database) will be pro- lic profile “entan.cost” - https://www.zotero.org/ vided from the first three main collections. entan.cost/. Having in mind that it has a public profile, it is available publically to all researchers interested in the topic. The database comprises bibliographical entries from different scientific fields: history, sociology, law and political science. The entries cover different aspects related to minorities, such as legal framework focusing on minorities and their rights, nationalism, multicultural societal challenges, territorial and non-territorial autonomy accommodating minorities’ claims and rights and many more issues related to the study of minorities. The database does not focus strictly on the study of non-territorial autonomy, as it is difficult to limit titles of entries as such, but it rather gives a broader list, whereas non-territorial autonomy takes a significant part. The database now contains a total of 1221 entries. The intention is that this database is constantly updated.

The database has been divided into several collections, as follows:

NTA Bibliography – 6.1.History History: Case studies Braumüller, W. (Ed.). (1933a). Das Amt für Kataster und Statistik der deutschen Kulturverwaltung A Seidler kormány programja. (1917, September 26). in Estland in den ersten sechs Jahren seines Világ, pp. 5–6. Retrieved from https://adtplus. Bestehens. Wien: W. Braumüller. arcanum.hu/en/view/Vilag_1917_09/?query=Buk- Braumüller, W. (1933b). Das Amt für Kataster und ovina%20kulturális%20autonómia&pg=348&lay- Statistik der deutschen Kulturverwaltung in out=s Estland in den ersten sechs Jahren seines Be- Abramson, H. (1999). A Prayer for the Government: stehens. Nation Und Staat, 6(6). Retrieved from Ukrainians and Jews in Revolutionary Times, https://www.digar.ee/arhiiv/et/raamatud/64371 1917–1920. Cambridge MA: Harvard University files/2506/64371.html Press. Char, S. V. D. (1946). Cultural autonomy for India. The Anderkopp, A. (1925). Ajalooline samm: vähemusrah- Indian Journal of Political Science, 7(3), 425–433. vustele omavalitsus antud. Vaba Maa. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/42743123

Boehm, M. H. (1934). Crisis and End. In K. G. Hugel- Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus. (1960). Re- mann (Ed.), Das Nationalitätenrecht des alten trieved from http://www.kypros.org/Constitu- Österreich (pp. 741–770). Wien-Leipzig: Wilhelm tion/English/appendix_d_part_i.html Braunmüller. Csekey, I. (2005). A kisebbségi kultúrautonómia Ész- Boelitz, O. (Ed.). (1931). Das Auslanddeutschtum. Bie- tországban. ÉVFOLYAM, 9(1-2 (35-36)), 197–219. lefeld ; Leipzig: Velhagen & Klasing. Retrieved from http://www.jakabffy.ro/magyark- isebbseg/pdf/2005_1-2_17.pdf Bowring, B. (2002). Austro-Marxism’s Last Laugh?: The Struggle for Recognition of National-Cul- CZ-NA, NAD 503 Sudetoněmecká strana 1933-1938, K. tural Autonomy for Rossians and Russians. 7, Volksgliederung, Kulturarbeit, Selbstverwal- Europe-Asia Studies, 54(2), 229–250. https://doi. tung. Die Kernfragen (4. 4. 1938). (1938). org/10.1080/09668130120116592 Das Autonomie-Gesetz in Estland =: Autonoomia- seadus Eestis = Закон автономии в Эстонии. (1926). Tallinn: s.n.

59 Duka Zólyomi, N. (1939). Az európai nemzetiségek Koht, H. (Ed.). (1917). Avant-Projet d’un Traité général önkormányzatai a világháború előtt. Magyar relatif aux Droits des Minorités nationales. Rap- Kisebbség, 18(13-14.), 309–322. port présenté par H. Koht. La Haye. Retrieved from http://onlinebooks.library.upenn.edu/web- Gechtman, R. (2011). Creating a Historical Narrative for bin/book/lookupname?key=Central%20Organ- a Spiritual Nation: Simon Dubnow and the Poli- ization%20for%20a%20Durable%20Peace%20 tics of the Jewish Past. Journal of the Canadian %28Hague%2C%20Netherlands%29 Historical Association / Revue de La Société His- torique Du Canada, 22(2), 98–124. https://doi.org/ Kössler, K., & Zabielska, K. (2019). Cultural Autonomy https://doi.org/10.7202/1008979ar in Estonia: Before and After the Soviet Interreg- num. In T. Benedikter (Ed.), Solving Ethnic Con- Gechtman, R. (2016). A “Museum of Bad Taste”?: The flict through SelfGovernment: A Short Guide to Jewish Labour Bund and the Bolshevik Position Autonomy in Europe and South Asia (pp. 56–60). Regarding the National Question, 1903-14. Cana- Bolanzo/Bozen: Eurac Research. dian Journal of History. https://doi.org/10.3138/ cjh.43.1.31 Kuzmany, B. (2016). Habsburg Austria: Experiments in Non-territorial Autonomy. Ethnopolitics, 15(1), Henlein, K. (1938). 14 Punkte. 43–65. Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline. Housden, M., & Smith, D. (2011). A matter of unique- com/doi/pdf/10.1080/17449057.2015.1101838 ness? Paul Schiemann, Ewald Ammende and Kuzmany, B. (2015). The Rise and Limits of Participa- Mikhail Kurchinskii compared. In M. Housden & tion. The Political Representation of Galicia’s D. Smith (Eds.), Forgotten Pages in Baltic Histo- Urban Jewry from the Josephine Era to the 1914 ry: Diversity and Inclusion (pp. 161–186). Amster- Electoral Reform. East Central Europe 42(3). dam, Netherlands: Rodopi. Retrieved from http:// Retrieved from https://brill.com/view/journals/ www.rodopi.nl/senj.asp?BookId=BALTIC+30 eceu/42/2-3/article-p216_4.xml?body=pdf-22559 Housden, Martyn. (2009). Ambiguous activists. Esto- Kuzmany, B. (2013). Der Galizische Ausgleich als Bei- nia’s model of cultural autonomy as interpreted spiel moderner Nationalitätenpolitik? [The Gali- by two of its founders: Werner Hasselblatt and cian Compromise as an example of modern Ewald Ammende. Journal of Baltic Studies, nationality policy]. In E. Haid, S. Weismann, B. 35(3), 231–253. Retrieved from https://bradschol- Wöller (Eds.), Galizien. Peripherie der Moderne ars.brad.ac.uk/handle/10454/2947 – Moderne der Peripherie (pp. 123–141). Marburg: Hugelmann, K. G. (1934). Das Nationalitätenrecht des Verlag Herder-Institut. alten Österreich. Wien, Leipzig: Braumüller. Landauer, G. (1924). Das geltende jüdische Minder- Jenő, I. (1917). Az ukrán problémáról - egy ukrán politi- heitenrecht. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung kus. Magyar figyelő, 7(4), 129–133. Retrieved from Osteuropas. Leipzig, Berlin: Teubner. https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/en/view/agyarFigye- Laserson, M. (1931). Das Minoritätenrecht der Balti- lo_1917_4/?pg=136&layout=s schen Staaten. Zeitschrift für ausländisches öf- King, J. (2002). Budweisers into Czechs and Germans. fentliches Recht und Völkerrecht. A Local History of Bohemian Politics. 1848-1948. Lewis, B., & Braude, B. (Eds.). (1982). Christians & Jews Princeton: Princeton University Press. in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society. New York: Holmes & Meier Pub.

60 Liekis, Š. (2003). A State within a State? Jewish Au- Pinto, V. (2018). Bundist Legacy after the Second tonomy in Lithuania, 1918-1925. Vilnius: Versus World War: “Real” Place versus “Displaced” Aureus. Time. Free Ebrei. Brill.

Litván, G. (2006). A Twentieth-century Prophet: Os- Poll, F. von. (1926). Das Kulturautonomiegesetz der cár Jászi, 1875-1957. New York: Central European Republik Estland und seine Bedeutung für das University Press. Retrieved from http://search. europäische Minderheitenproblem. Würzburg. ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=n- Polyviou, P. G. (1976). Cyprus. In search of a constitu- lebk&AN=147588&site=ehost-live tion; constitutional negotiations and proposals, Magnet, J. E. (1986). Collective Rights, Cultural Au- 1960-1975. Nicosia. tonomy and the Canadian State. McGill Law R, K. R. (2018). Constitutional history of protection of Journal, 32, 170–186. Retrieved from https://hei- national minorities. Megatrend Revija, 15(1), 65– nonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/ 80. Retrieved from https://doaj.org cgil32&id=192&div=&collection= Reich, L. (1920). Das Komitee der jüdischen Delega- Manó, K. (Ed.). (1903). Deák Ferenc beszédei. 1867-1868 tionen in Paris. Der Jude. Eine Monatsschrift, (2nd ed., Vol. V.). Budapest: Franklin-Társulat. 5(8–9), 439–448. McLean, M. (1980). Cultural autonomy and the educa- Robson, L. (2011). Communalism and Nationalism in tion of ethnic minority groups. British Journal of the Mandate: The Greek Orthodox Controversy Educational Studies, 28(1), 7–12. https://doi.org/10 and the National Movement. Journal of Pales- .1080/00071005.1980.9973556 tine Studies, 41(1), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1525/ Mentzel, P. (2000). Conclusion: Millets, States, and Na- jps.2011.xli.1.6 tional Identities. Nationalities Papers, 28(1), 199– Schreiber, G. (1929). Das Auslanddeutschtum als Kul- 204. https://doi.rg/10.1080/00905990050002515 turfrage. Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorff.

Moss, K. B. (2008). Bringing Culture to the Nation: He- Silber, M. (2010). “An Agreement between Poles and braism, Yiddishism, and the Dilemmas of Jewish Jews will not be in vain” The Committee for the Cultural Formation in Russia and Ukraine, 1917- East and the NKN on National Autonomy for Pol- 1919. Jewish History, 22(3), 263–294. Retrieved ish Jewry. In J. Żyndul (Ed.), Parlamentaryzm, from www.jstor.org/stable/40345552 konserwatyzm, Nacjonalizm, Studia ofiarowane Ölveczky, A. (2014). Anational State and the Age of Profesorowi Szymonowi Rudnickiemu (pp. 178– Nation-Statism. Paul Schiemann’s Liberalism 212). Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. and the Challenge of Authoritarian Regimes. Silva, E. T. (1980). Cultural Autonomy and Ideas in Tran- MA Thesis Central European University, Buda- sit: Notes from the Canadian Case. Comparative pest. Education Review, 24(1), 63–72. Retrieved from O’Malley, V. (1998). Agents of Autonomy: Maori Com- www.jstor.org/stable/1187396 mittees in the Nineteenth Century. Huia Pub- Smith, D. (2014). Across the Lines: Nationality Rights lishers. and National Autonomy between the Russian, Papastathopoulos, C. D. (1965). Constitutionalism and German and Allied Conceptions. Presented at Communalism: The Case of Cyprus. The Univer- the The Principle of Nationality during the First sity of Toronto Law Journal, 16(1), 118–144. https:// World War, Lithuanian Institute of History, Vilni- doi.org/10.2307/825097 us, Lithuania. Retrieved from http://eprints.gla. ac.uk/103565/

61 Spindler, A. (1924). An die Gegner der Kulturautono- History: Theoretical mie der völkischen Minderheiten in Estland. Re- val. Approach

Stephens, J. S. (1929). Danger zones of Europe: a study Arendt, H. (1944). Concerning Minorities. Contempo- of national minorities. London: L. & V. Woolf. rary Jewish Record, 7(4), 353–368.

Stephenson, G. V. (1972). Cultural Regionalism and the Balogh, A. (1928). A kisebbségek nemzetközi védelme Unitary State Idea in Belgium. Geographical Re- a kisebbségi szerződések és a békeszerződések view, 62(4), 501–523. https://doi.org/10.2307/213265 alapján. Berlin: Ludwig Voggenreiter Verlag Ma- gyar Osztálya. Stoczewska, B. (2010). Autonomia narodowościowa jako koncepcja rozwiązania problemu mnie- Bauer, O. (1907). Die Nationalitätenfrage und die So- jszości narodowych w europejskiej (głównie pol- zialdemokratie. Wien: Ignaz Brand. Retrieved skiej) myśli politycznej XIX i XX wieku. Krakowsk- from http://www.marxists.org/deutsch/archiv/ ie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa, 3. Retrieved bauer/1907/nationalitaet/index.html https://ar- from http://www.ejournals.eu/sj/index.php/ chive.org/details/dienationalitt00baueuoft KSzHPiP/article/view/1883 Blumshteyn, Y. (1900). Diskusyon vegn der natsyona- Strasser, J. (1907). A nemzetiségi kérdés irodalmához. ler frage. Fraye arbeter shtime, (11). David Balakan két tanulmányának ismertetése: Danzer, C.-M. (Ed.). (1908). Das neue Österreich. Eine 1. “Die Sozialdemokratie und das Jüdische Prole- politische Rundfrage veranstaltet von Carl M. taiat.” 2. “Natioanle Forderungen, Nationalkutu- Danzer. Wien: Konegen. Retrieved from http:// relle Autonomie.” Szocializmus, 2(4), 126–128. data.onb.ac.at/rec/AC10167798

Szekfű, G. (1918). A magyar állam életrajza (Second Denkschrift über die kulturelle Autonomie der völki- edition). Budapest: Dick Manó Könyvkere- schen Minderheiten. (1920, September 6). Reva- skedése. ler Bote, p. 2.

Weiss, H. (1952). Das Volksgruppenrecht in Estland vor Eötvös, J. von. (1865). Die Nationalitätenfrage. Pest: M. dem Zweiten Weltkriege. Zeitschrift Für Ostfor- Ráth. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/ schung, (1), 253–256. dienationalitt00etuoft

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62 Hasselblatt, W. (1927). Der Aufbau unserer Kultur- Medem, V. (1904). Di sotsial-demokratie un di na- Selbstverwaltung. Jahrbuch Des Baltischen tsionale frage. In Medem, Vladimir: Tsum ts- Deutschtums. vantsikstn yortsayt (pp. 173–219). New York: Der Amerikaner Reprezentants fun Algemeynem Kaushik, P., & Kumar, S. (2019). A psephological analy- Yidishn Arbeter-Bund (‚Bund’) in Poyln. Re- sis of partitions to illustrate the variations of pro- trieved from http://sifrix2.sdv.fr/F/LAXPEIYIN- portional representational influence of miorities D2UFJNJUHIV6YGXH9QVKYDDX6PYCVI232RQ- in terms of elected representatives, for a highly 9JV1BD-09135?func=full-set-set&set_num- communally polarised electorate, in a contituen- ber=000250&set_entry=000004&format=999 cy-based representative democracy. European Journal of Minority Studies, 12(1–2), 7–25. Medem, V. (1906). Di natsyonale frage un di sotsyal-demokratie. Vilne: Di velt. Retrie- Kuzmany, B. (2020). Non-Territorial National Autono- ved from http://sifrix2.sdv.fr/F/LAXPEIYIN- my in Interwar European Minority Protection and D2UFJNJUHIV6YGXH9QVKYDDX6PYCVI232R- Its Habsburg Legacies. In P. Becker, N. Wheatley Q9JV1BD-09298?func=full-set-set&set_num- (Eds.), Remaking Central Europe: The League of ber=000251&set_entry=000007&format=999 Nations and the Former Habsburg Lands. Ox- ford: Oxford University Press. Forthcoming. http://www.rachelnet.net/media/medem/li- vres/000050135.pdf Lenin, V. I. (1913a). Critical Remarks on the Nation- al Question. In V. I. Lenin (Ed.), B. I. and T. L. J. Medem, V. (1912). K postanovke nacional’nogo voprosa Fineberg (Trans.), Lenin Collected Works (Vol. v Rossii. Vestnik Evropy, (8, 9), 149–163, 149–165. 20, pp. 17–51). Moscow: Progress Publishers. Re- Mommsen, H. (1963). Die Sozialdemokratie und die trieved from https://www.marxists.org/archive/ Nationalitätenfrage im habsburgischen Vielvöl- lenin/works/1913/crnq/4.htm#v20pp72-033 kerstaat. Wien: Europa-Verl.

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63 Reiter, C. (2018). Antinationale Demokratie. Ein Thornberry, P. (1992). International law and the rights Versuch im Anschluss an Karl Renner. Wien. of minorities (Reprinted (new as paperback).). Retrieved from https://usearch.univie.ac.at/ Oxford: Clarendon Press. primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=UWI_al- Varga, J. (1918). Gondolatok a Monarchia jövőjéről. Vita ma21402132050003332&context=L&vid=U- Karl Renner nézetével. Szocializmus, 11(1), 16–22. WI&lang=de_DE&search_scope=UWI_UB- Bestand&adaptor=Local%20Search%20En- Vieytez, E. J. R. (2014). Cultural Diversities and Human gine&tab=default_tab&query=any,contains,- Rights: History, Minorities, Pluralization. Age of reiter%20antinationale%20demokratie&sort- Human Rights Journal, (3), 1–31. Retrieved from by=rank&offset=0 https://doaj.org

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64 NTA Bibliography – 6.2.Contemporary theory Abel, A., & Putz, M. (2008). Old and new minorities: Allen, T., & Eade, J. (1999). Divided Europeans: under- linguistic approaches to growing complexity. standing ethnicities in conflict. The Hague [u.a.: Firenze: Pontecorboli. Kluwer Law Internat.

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80 NTA Bibliography – Contemporary case 6.3.studies Abashidze, & Kartashkin. (2004). Autonomy in the Rus- Åkermark, S. S., & Stephan, S. (2013). Rethinking Ter- sian Federation: Theory and Practice. Internation- ritorial Arrangements in Conflict Resolution al Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 10(3), – Introduction to the Special Issue of the Inter- 203–220. https://doi.org/10.1163/1571811031310738 national Journal on Minority and Group Rights. International Journal on Minority and Group Aboultaif, E. W. (2016). The Development of Consoci- Rights, 20(1), 1–3. https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115- ational Politics in Lebanon 1825-2015 (Thesis). 02001001 University of Otago. Retrieved from https://ou- rarchive.otago.ac.nz/handle/10523/7018 Akturk, S. (2009). Persistence of the Islamic Millet as an Ottoman Legacy: Mono-Religious and An- Abushov, K. (2015). Autonomy as a Possible Solu- ti-Ethnic Definition of Turkish Nationhood. Mid- tion to Self-determination Disputes: Does It dle Eastern Studies, 45(6), 893–909. https://doi. Really Work? International Journal on Minori- org/10.1080/00263200903294229 ty and Group Rights, 22(2), 182–201. https://doi. org/10.1163/15718115-02202003 Alam, M. J. (2018). The Rohingya Minority of Myanmar: Surveying Their Status and Protection in Inter- Aga, K. (2018). Peacebuilding in Syria Through Power national Law. International Journal on Minor- Sharing: A Study of Possibilities. In I. Salamey, M. ity and Group Rights, 25(2), 157–182. https://doi. Abu-Nimer, & E. Abouaoun (Eds.), Post-Conflict org/10.1163/15718115-02503002 Power-Sharing Agreements: Options for Syria (pp. 63–81). Cham: Springer International Pub- Alber, E., Röggla, M., & Ohnewein, V. (2018). ‘Autonomy lishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60104- Convention’ and ‘Consulta’: Deliberative Democ- 5_4 racy in Subnational Minority Contexts. European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online, 15(01), 194– Ahmed, I. (1998). State, nation and ethnicity in con- 225. https://doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01501010 temporary South Asia (Paperback ed. 1. publ.). London [u.a.: Pinter.

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110 Wright, S., & Kelly, H. (1994). Ethnicity in Eastern Eu- Yupsanis, A. (2019). Cultural Autonomy for Minori- rope: questions of migration, language rights ties in Hungary: A Model to Be Followed or a and education. Clevedon [u.a.: Multilingual mat- Futile Promise? International Journal on Mi- ters. nority and Group Rights, 26(1), 1–39. https://doi. org/10.1163/15718115-02601004 Wydra, D. (2004). The Crimea Conundrum: The Tug of War Between Russia and Ukraine on Yupsanis, A. (2019). Minority Cultural Autonomy in Slo- the Questions of Autonomy and Self-Deter- venia, Croatia and Serbia: A Real Opportunity for mination. International Journal on Minori- Cultural Survival or a Right Void of Substance? ty and Group Rights, 10(2), 111–130. https://doi. Europäisches Journal Für Minderheitenfragen, org/10.1163/157181104322784826 12(1–2), 83–112. Retrieved from https://elibrary.bwv- verlag.de/article/99.105025/ejm201901008301 Xanthaki, A. (2004). Indigenous Rights in the Russian Federation: The Case of Numerically Small Peo- Zagrebelsky, L. (2012). Adoptions across identity bor- ples of the Russian North, Siberia, and Far East. ders: the right to cultural identity in context: the Human Rights Quarterly, 26(1), 74–105. Retrieved case of England, Germany and Italy. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/20069717 from http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/451/1/Zagrebelsky_ adoptions%20across%20identity%20borders.pdf Xanthaki, A., & O’Sullivan, D. (2009). Indigenous Par- ticipation in Elective Bodies: The Maori in New Zametina, T. V., & В, З. Т. (2017). Constitutional Zealand. International Journal on Minority Problems of Implementation of Cultural Pol- and Group Rights, 16(2), 181–207. https://doi. icy in the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol. org/10.1163/157181109X427734 RUDN Journal of Law, 21(3), 415–435. https://doi. org/10.22363/2313-2337-2017-21-3-415-435 Yalden, M. (1993). Collective claims on the human rights landscape: a Canadian view. International Zamyatin, K. (2017). Power-sharing or Ethnic Domi- Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 1(1), 17–25. nation? Ethnic Representation in the Republics https://doi.org/10.1163/157181193X00086 of Russia in the Late 2000s - Early 2010s. Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Yang, O. (2019). Political Ideology and Cultural Diversi- 16(3), 29. ty in South Korea: Toward a Theory of Group-differentiated Rights. International Journal on Mi- Zeqiri, A. (2017). The Effective Participation of Mi- nority and Group Rights, 26(2), 289–303. https:// nority Communities in the Local and Central doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02602005 Government of Kosovo. In Beyond Interna- tional Conditionality (pp. 205–224). Nomos Yilmaz, Ş., & Yosmaoglu, İ. K. (2008). Fighting the Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG. https://doi. Spectres of the Past: Dilemmas of Ottoman Leg- org/10.5771/9783845272115-205 acy in the Balkans and the Middle East. Middle Eastern Studies, 44(5), 677–693. Retrieved from Zeqiri, A. H. (2018). Kosovo’s Uneasy Minority Pol- www.jstor.org/stable/40262610 itics in 2016. European Yearbook of Minor- ity Issues Online, 15(01), 182–193. https://doi. Yupsanis, A. (2016). Cultural Autonomy for Minor- org/10.1163/22116117_01501009 ities in the Baltic States, Ukraine, and the Rus- sian Federation: A Dead Letter. Polish Yearbook of International Law, (36), 109–135. Retrieved from https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=568521

111 Zhou, Y. (2009). Legal Predicament of Combining “Regional” and “National” Autonomy: A Group Rights Perspective. International Journal on Mi- nority and Group Rights, 16(3), 329–348. https:// doi.org/10.1163/138819009X12474964197593

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112 Research projects focusing on non-territorial7. autonomy

Contributor: Anna Adorjáni University of Glasgow. (2014). National Minority Rights & Democratic Political Community: During the first year of the ENTAN network, Practices of Non-territorial Cultural Auton- members of the WG4 have conducted a re- omy in Contemporary Central and Eastern search on the past and existing projects focus- Europe. Researchers: Smith, D., Prina, F., ing merely on non-territorial autonomy. The fol- Sansum, J. Retrieved from https://gtr.ukri. lowing projects have been identified: org/projects?ref=ES%2FL007126%2F1 Austrian Academy of Sciences. (2015). The idea of national-personal autonomy from the Habsburg Empire to the interwar period. Researcher: Kuzmany, B.

Joint project of EURAC, Babes-Bolyai University, ECMI and Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities. (2016). Autonomy Arrangements in the World. Retrieved from http://www.world-autonomies.info/ Pages/default.aspx

University of Vienna & European Research Council. (2018). Non-Territorial Autonomy as Minority Protection in Europe. An Intel- lectual and Political History of a Travelling Idea, 1850–2000. Researchers: Kuzmany, B., Aava, T., Adorjáni, A., Germane, M., Batthis, M., & Mulej, O. Retrieved from https://ntau- tonomy.univie.ac.at/en/

University of Cologne. (n.d.). Minderheiten- schutz im östlichen Europa. Das Min- derheitenrecht der Staaten Mittel- und Osteuropas in der Konsolidierungsphase. Retrieved from http://www.iorr.uni-koeln. de/16995.html

115

University courses focusing on minority8. rights and non-territorial autonomy

Contributors: Anna Adorjáni, Börries Kuzma- the course includes a review of key terms ny, Marina Andeva and concepts of multiculturalism, analysing the practices of cultural toleration, cul- A desk research has been performed within tural and language rights. The second part the work of WG4, in order to identify existing tackles self-determination and autonomy textbooks and teaching materials dedicated to as key concepts in accommodating cul- minority policies and legal frameworks at inter- tural difference. Moreover, it considers key national and European scale with specific focus legal international instruments for protec- on non-territorial autonomy features. The re- tion and promotion of minority rights. The search has shown that in the past and currently third part of the course will have the aim there were no university courses nor textbook to examine the practice of multicultural- specifically design to cover only non-territorial ism in the Republic of Macedonia. Liberal autonomy as concept and practice. In this sec- theory and the rise of multiculturalism as a tion graduate and postgraduate courses teach- new way of thinking about and responding ing minority rights, nationalism and multicul- to cultural diversity will also be assessed. turalism however including also an analysis and The course includes analyses of several study of non-territorial autonomy, are included: case studies and films.). Skopje: University Dobos, B. (2009). Nations, Minorities and Minor- American College Skopje. ity Policies in East Central Europe (Course Klatt, M. (2020). Minorities, nationalism and description: The aim of the course is to in- political conflicts (Course description: This troduce and analyse the main concepts, course will introduce students on different approaches and theoretical debates of aspects of the study of minorities, their re- contemporary nationalism and minori- lation to the ideology of nationalism and ty studies, from the perspective of politi- their role as objects and subjects in political science and based on the key features cal conflicts. 2020 is the 100th anniversary of East Central Europe in order to make of the Danish-German border, which was concrete cases more understandable and drawn as a result of historical processes comparable). Corvinus University of Bu- leading to a regional division of a border dapest, Institute for Political Sciences. Re- zone into two nation states’ territory and trieved from https://portal.uni-corvinus.hu/ the simultaneous institution of national dis- index.php?id=22720&tanKod=7PO10NG- senters as national minorities. While con- V55M&l=en troversial in its time, today it is appraised as Dodovski, I., & Andeva, M. (2016). Multicultural- a model of national reconciliation, border ism (Course description: The course exam- drawing in accord with national self-deter- ines multiculturalism as a public policy that mination and minority accommodation. recognises cultural identity in law and pol- This anniversary is the occasion to collect itics vis-à-vis the notions of justice, equality interested students of minority issues in and common citizenship. The first part of a Højskole-surrounding to study historic

119 and contemporary aspects of national and European Studies at the Europa-Universi- other minorities in Europe. The course is tät Flensburg (Germany). It aims to provide offered as an elective to students in SDU’s the students with in-depth knowledge and bachelor programme on European Stud- robust skills on the basis of which to de- ies.). University of Southern Denmark. velop an informed understanding of ethno-cultural minority rights and minority Kuzmany, B. (2019). Nationality rights and mi- protection in Europe since the Middle Ages nority protection in Central and Eastern with emphasis on the developments in the Europe (Course description: This course second half of the 20th Century. The sub- should enable students to deal with sec- ject is examined from the perspectives of ondary literature and original sources on political science and law, including interna- national diversity in the Eastern parts of tional human rights law and international Europe. The first objective is to understand relations studies. The course provides an the principal differences between multina- overview of historical, political and legal de- tional empires such as the Habsburg and velopments in European society and exam- Romanov Empires and nation states be- ines international and national approaches fore. The second objective is to introduce to governance in the area of ethno-cultural students to the three main approaches accommodation. Specific topics include to address the protection of non-domi- minority rights to representation and par- nant ethnic groups: individual, territorial, ticipation, education and religion, parallel or group rights. Special attention will be systems of accommodation, including ter- given to the differences between territorial ritorial and non-territorial autonomy, con- and non-territorial autonomy. University of flict prevention management and general Vienna. diversity management, including non-dis- Kuzmany, B. (2020). Yiddish for historians crimination and gender equality. A practi- (Course description: The overall aim of the cal component in human rights monitor- course is to enable students to read and ing is also included.). Europa-Universität work with original Yiddish documents ac- Flensburg. cording to specific topics relevant in Jew- Smith, D. (2020). Statehood and nationali- ish history. Four course units are dedicat- ty in Russia, Central and Eastern Europe ed to the topic of non-territorial autonomy [Course description: This course analyses in Eastern Europe, e.g. the Jewish Labour ongoing issues and challenges of state Bund, non-territorial autonomy laws in the and nation-building in Russia and various Baltics and Ukraine, as well as implicit So- countries of Central and Eastern Europe viet practices of NTA. University of Vienna. during the period from the fall of com- Malloy, T. H. (2019). European minority rights and munism and the demise of the USSR to the minority protection regime (The course is present. In all cases, the countries of the re- taught as part of the MA programme in gion have been called upon to create new

120 state institutions and supporting collec- ternational agencies. The course will focus tive identities within a deeply multi-ethnic in particular on state- and nation-building setting, while simultaneously negotiating processes and their implications in the Bal- their place within the international order tic States (esp. Estonia and Latvia), Russia of the day. What kinds of discourses and and Ukraine (up to and including the cur- policies of state and nation building can be rent crisis), as well as exploring the relation- discerned within the region, how do these ship between Hungary and Hungarian mi- compare to past and present processes in norities living in neighbouring states (Ro- Western Europe and elsewhere, and what mania, Serbia, Slovakia and Ukraine)]. implications have they carried for identity construction, the consolidation of statehood and inter-state relations? How have these developments interacted with the external agendas of international organisations (EU, Council of Europe, OSCE) relating to the consolidation of democracy? These are among the key questions to be addressed during the course. While there will be the opportunity to bring in comparative insights other cases, the course will focus mainly on current issues of statehood and nationality as they pertain to Russia, Ukraine (up to and including the current crisis), the Baltic States and the relationship between Hungary and Hungarian minorities living in neighbouring states.].

Smith, D. (2020). Nationalism, state consolidation and the politics of identity in post-communist Europe [Course description: This course discusses concepts and issues around the political management of ethnic diversity in contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, with particular reference to the relationship between nation- alising states, national minorities, ‘external national homelands’ and the emerging ‘minority rights regime’ promoted by the EU, OSCE, Council of Europe and other in-

121

Conclusions 9.

Contributor: Marina Andeva tions of such arrangements, by offering several case studies (Serbia, Hungary, Lithuania, Re- The present report gives an overview of the sig- public of Cyprus, and Romania). Through these nificant developments and characteristics of cases, the question of how NTA tackles territo- the concept of „non-territorial autonomy” (NTA). rial claims and representation rights has been As explained in the report, the term NTA covers briefly answered and explained. broad practices and theoretical models direct- ed towards the accommodation of various mi- As regards how cultural identities and rights are nority claims for self-representation, promotion protected through the model of NTA, the report of culture and protection of linguistic, cultural presents several arguments. The starting point and political rights. NTA is understood as a spe- is to give autonomy for managing different cific instrument designed to protect and pro- spheres of concern for minority groups, such mote the rights of minority groups in different as the questions of language rights and preser- country contexts. This report indicates how NTA vation, cultural and education rights and their is seen in different settings, from its theoretical appropriate management. These issues have definitions to its practical implications. In refer- been addressed by this report both from a the- ence to different instances of NTA as a model oretical and practical point of view. and instrument, the report suggests that NTA is An important area for analysis and discussion is used in tackling the question of collective rep- the role of NTA in regional and socio-econom- resentation of minority groups. NTA does not fo- ic development. As presented in this report, cus on the individual rights, but it rather explic- the subject invites further research. Ethno-cul- itly tries to manage and address group rights tural minorities, especially in Europe, are often and claims for collective protection through the territorially concentrated in border regions, ‘personality principle’ (personal belonging to a between two or more states, and this position specific group). Clearly, NTA is one of the many allows them to play a significant role in many options or arrangements that a state has at states’ interests. Since this is a broad research hand when addressing minority claims. The dif- field, as explained in the report, several research ference in comparison to other arrangements questions have been identified. They are relat- at state disposal is the fact that NTA does not ed to the enquiry of whether and how NTA can jeopardise state sovereignty and territorial uni- find its role, and whether and how NTA makes ty. In other words, NTA represents a model that an impact in regional and economic develop- offers de-territorialisation of minorities’ self-de- ment. This report does not completely answer termination claims. Elections and minority rep- these questions, but it assists in identifying the resentation in decision-making processes are main challenges faced while answering to this embedded in the NTA arrangement. As such, initial enquiry. In order to clearly state this re- NTA offers opportunity for minority groups to search question, the report also presents sev- be represented at various governance levels, eral case studies: the Danish-German context, through the so-called minority councils. The the Czech Republic, Poland, Macedonia-Alba- report also touches upon the practical implica- nia context, and Bosnia and Hercegovina. As

125 stated in the report, the work on identifying state incentives and resources that promote participation of ethno-cultural NTA institutions in economic and regional development is still in a very early stage. In this respect, ENTAN as a scientific network could contribute to develop this scientific area further.

This report also includes a comprehensive bibliographical database comprising bibliographical entries that cover different aspects related to minorities, such as legal framework focusing on minorities and their rights, nationalism, multicultural societal challenges, territorial and non-territorial autonomy, accommodation of minorities’ claims and rights, and many more issues related to the study of minorities. Fur- thermore, this report mentions several past and current research projects focusing on NTA and indicates a list of past and current university courses focused on NTA arrangements.

126 About the contributors

Adrian Constantin-Stoica (BA in law, MA in Aleksandra Figurek - Assistant Professor, Uni- maritime law and PhD in civil law) is ha- versity of Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzego- billitat professor at Ovidius University vina, working in the fields of Regional de- Constanta. Course coordinator for Civil velopment, the Management of human Law, Executional Civil Law and Maritime resources, and Agricultural economics. Law, Dean of the Faculty of Law and Ad- During her PhD studies she received an ministrative Sciences. Since 1999 he is Ju- award from the President of the Republic dicial officer/ Bailiff in Constanta county, of Srpska for her achievements. She has now Secretary of the International Union participated in more than 30 internation- of Judicial Officers, Permanent Consult- al and national projects, and co-author of ant of the Executive Board of the Inter- 4 books, and over 50 scientific papers. national Union of Judicial Officers. He Alexandra Ioannidou is Associate Professor has coordinated many research projects at the Department of Balkan, Slavic and on education and citizen participation in Eastern Studies, University of Macedonia, community life, published over 50 books Thessaloniki. She has published extensive- and articles and have been participated in ly in German, English and Greek on Rus- many conferences in Romania or abroad. sian literature, Slavic dialects in the Bal- kans and comparative literature. In 2009 she was awarded the National Award for her book “The Kouloufakos Case” (Kasta- niotis Editions, 2008).

127 Andrius Puksas is a doctor of laws (in 2014 he Artur Boháč is currently an assistant professor defended his thesis ‘An Appreciable Ef- at the Department of Geography in the fect on Competition and Trade Provision. Technical University of Liberec. He holds The Problems of Agreements of Minor a PhD. in Political and Cultural Geogra- Importance’) He is the head of Law and phy from the University of Ostrava. His Public Procurement Office at the Myko- research interests are wide-ranging and las Romeris University, Vilnius, Lithuania. include the geography of religion as well He is a member of the Central Electoral as political geography. He focuses on the Commission of the Republic of Lithua- situation of ethnic, religious and national nia, and the director of the Institute of the minorities and their conflicts and coex- Lithuanian Scientific Society. He also is a istence in Central Europe as well as the member of Centre for Migration Studies Middle East. Besides being the author at the Prague Business School, the Coun- of a number of articles on these issues, cil at the Lithuanian Society of Young Re- he also participated in the project focus- searchers and the Lithuanian Scientific ing on the detailed analysis of European Society. cross-border co-operation. He is interested especially in the phenomenon of di- Anna Adorjáni is a PhD student at the Univer- vided cities in Europe. He is a member of sity of Vienna, Department of East Euro- the Czech Geographical Society and inter- pean History. She studied social history, national Borders and Migration Research international relations, and cultural her- Group. itage at Babeş-Bolyai University (Cluj-Na- poca, Romania) and at Eötvös Loránd Uni- Balázs Dobos obtained MA degrees in history versity (Budapest, Hungary). She contin- and political science at the Eötvös Loránd ued her studies and conducted research University and a PhD in political science at in Tübingen, Vienna, and Berlin. As an un- the Corvinus University of Budapest. Since dergraduate student, she focused on the 2007, he has been working as a research concept of ’nation’ in the eighteenth and fellow, and since 2019 as a senior research nineteenth centuries Trasylvania. Her MA fellow at the Institute for Minority Stud- thesis concentrated on the role of intel- ies within the Centre for Social Sciences lectuals in the adaptation of Western ide- of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences as. She joined the ERC project ‘NTAuton- in Budapest. He teaches courses on eth- omy’ in April 2018. Her research interests nic conflict and minority policies in East include the interpretation of non-territo- Central Europe at Corvinus. His research rial autonomy in the Late Habsburg and field mainly concerns the political and Interwar Hungary. legal situation, the political participation and representation of national and ethnic minorities through various institutional channels in Hungary and in the broader

128 Central and Eastern European region, in Christos Papastylianos is an Associate Profes- particular non-territorial cultural autono- sor at the Department of Law of the Uni- mies and Roma political mobilisation. versity of Nicosia. In the past he taught Philosophy and Methodology of Law at Balázs Vizi is a lawyer, holding a PhD in politi- the Faculty of Law of the Aristotle Univer- cal science from the University of Leuven sity of Thessaloniki. He has participated (KUL). He has specialised in internation- in various research projects as a national al human and minority rights law. From expert for Greece and for Cyprus, and he 2002 he works at the Institute for Minority has numerous publications in Greek and Studies, Centre for Social Sciences (Bu- in English in the fields of constitution- dapest). He is head of department at the al law, human rights law, comparative Department of International Law, Faculty constitutional theory and political theory of Public Governance and International (among others, articles of his appeared in Studies of the National University of Pub- European Constitutional Law Review, in lic Service. He is author of several publica- Law & Critique and in History of Political tions on minority issues in the context of Thought). the European integration and co-editor of several books on minority rights protec- Costas Stratilatis (https://unic.academia.edu/ tion. CostasStratilatis) is an Associate Profes- sor at the Department of Law of the Uni- Börries Kuzmany is a historian and slavicist at versity of Nicosia. In the past he taught the Department for East European Histo- Philosophy and Methodology of Law at ry at the University of Vienna. He received the Faculty of Law of the Aristotle Univer- his PhD in a joint doctoral programme sity of Thessaloniki. He has participated from the Universities of Vienna and Par- in various research projects as a national is Sorbonne in 2009. His research focus is expert for Greece and for Cyprus, and he on Central and Eastern Europe between has numerous publications in Greek and the late 18th and the 20th Century, the in English in the fields of constitution- Habsburg Empire, Poland, Ukraine and al law, human rights law, comparative the Soviet Union in particular. He is inter- constitutional theory and political theory ested in the history of nationalism, bor- (among others, articles of his appeared in ders, and languages, as well as in urban European Constitutional Law Review, in and Jewish history. He is currently the Law & Critique and in History of Political principal investigator of the ERC funded Thought). project “Non-Territorial Autonomy as Mi- nority Protection in Europe”

129 Damir Kapidžić is an Associate Professor of Flavia Lucia Ghencea (BA in law, 1999, Lucian Comparative Politics at the Faculty of Blaga University of Sibiu, BA in Psycholo- Political Science, University of Sarajevo gy, 2018, Ovidius University of Constan a, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. His research PhD in administrative law, 2012, University ț looks at ethnic conflict, political parties of Bucharest) is Associate Professor at Spi- and power-sharing, as well as formal ru Haret University and Ovidius University. and informal processes through which Course Coordinator for Administrative and democratic or authoritarian politics are Constitutional law, Comparative Adminis- institutionalised. Much of his focus is on trative Systems. Flavia is also researcher at countries in Southeast Europe, but also Central Research Institute of “Spiru Haret” includes comparative perspectives from University, Bucharest, Romania. She has Southeast Asia, East Africa and the Mid- coordinated research projects on children dle East. rights, citizen right or education. She has published 7 course books and over 45 ar- David Smith is Alec Nove Chair in Russian and ticles in journal or chapter books, deliv- East European Studies at the Universi- ered speeches in over 25 conferences and ty of Glasgow. His research interests are participated in 3 projects with European ethnic politics, non-territorial autonomy Funds. and the governance of diversity in Central and Eastern Europe. His monograph Eth- Hynek Böhm holds PhD. in political geogra- nic Diversity and the Nation-State (2012) phy. He has been professionally active examines practices of NTA in the region in the field of cross-border co-operation in longer historical perspective. His 2020 (CBC) during most of his professional ca- guest-edited special issue (48, 2) of Na- reer in public administration, NGOs and tionalities Papers, ‘National Cultural Au- academia. After having worked for the tonomy in Diverse Political Communities: European Commission and the Czech Practices, Challenges, and Perspectives’ public administration he worked for the includes contributions from several EN- Institut EuroSchola, which is a think-tank TAN members. focused on crossborder co-operation on Czech-Polish-Slovak borders. He was also a founding member of Transfrontier Eu- roInstitute Network (www.transfrontier. eu), which has been operating since 2010. Currently he teaches political geography with a focus on border studies at Techni- cal University of Liberec (CZ) and Univer-

130 sity of Opole (PL). His main papers focus and nine recent volumes dealing with Eu- on the crossborder co-operation, includ- ropean integration, politics, and culture. ing the of national minorities in CBC, and He has also published academic papers, para-diplomacy mainly in post-commu- three poetry books, and a collection of nist Europe and his work can be found short stories. on: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/ Marina Andeva is Associate Professor at the Hynek_Boehm. UACS School of Political Science. Her oth- Islam Jusufi is Lecturer and Head of the De- er working engagements include the po- partment of Political Sciences and In- sition of Research Fellow at the Institute ternational Relations at Epoka Univer- of International Sociology in Gorizia (ISIG) sity, Tirana, Albania. Studied Politics at since 2009. She gained her PhD on Trans- University of Sheffield and International border Policies for Daily Life and an MA Relations at Universities of Amsterdam, in Methods in European Policy Making at Bilkent and Ankara. He held fellowships the University of Trieste, Italy, and a BA in at the Wilson Centre, Washington DC; EU Law at the Faculty of Law “Iustinianus Pri- Institute for Security Studies, Paris; ERSTE mus”, Sts. Cyril and Methodius University, Stiftung, Vienna; UNESCO, Paris; Centre Skopje, Macedonia. Her research fields for Policy Studies, Budapest; and NATO, are multiculturalism and minority rights, Brussels. His research interests relate to cross-border cooperation and migration international, European and Balkan poli- studies. tics and security studies. He is appointed as alternate of the Group of Independent Martin Klatt *1964, has been Associate Profes- Experts on the European Charter of Local sor at the Centre for Border Region Stud- Self-Government in the Council of Europe. ies, previously the Department of Border Region Studies, at the University of South- Ivan Dodovski is Professor in Critical Theo- ern Denmark since 2005. He holds a Ph.D. ry. Currently he is Dean of the School of in History from the University of Southern Political Science at University American Denmark (2002). Previous appointments College Skopje. He studied general and at the Danish Institute of Border Region comparative literature with American Studies (2001-2003), the Research De- studies, and obtained an MA degree in partment at the Danish Central Library Macedonian literature and narratology for South Schleswig (1997-2000), and the at Sts. Cyril and Methodius University in Schleswig-Holstein Institute for Peace Skopje. He holds a PhD from the Universi- Research (1996). His research focuses on ty of Nottingham, UK. His recent research border region history, national minori- interests include identity politics, Balkan ties, cross-border regions in Europe and imagology, and contemporary drama. He cross-border cooperation. has edited the volume Multiculturalism in Macedonia: An Emerging Model (2005),

131 Natalija Shikova is a lawyer and Assistant Pro- research interests are in political ethics, fessor at the International Balkan Univer- ethics in international relations, and po- sity in Skopje, the Republic of North Mac- litical philosophy. He regularly publishes edonia. Her main area of interest is Public in international and Croatian scientific law, in particular International Law. She is journals. He is a member of the ENTAN an author of a book and a number of arti- network, and is currently a researcher in cles and analyses in the related field, and a scientific project on Processes, actors, some of them are: “Self-Determination of and justifications of state collapse at Lib- peoples in the Period of Globalisation”, ertas International University, where he is Skopje, Magor, 2009 (book); Articles: Eco- affiliated. nomic Justification of the Secession; Case Tomasz Studzieniecki is a founder and the Analysis of Kosovo’s and Montenegro’s president of the board of an international Separation from Serbia, Political Science scientific non-government organization Forum, Vol. 6, No. 2, Fall 2017; and, Practic- Academia Europa Nostra, and a coordina- ing Internal Self-Determination Vis-a-Vis Vital Quests for Secession; German Law tor of a regular conference promoting EU Journal Vol. 17 No. 02, 2016. Apart from integration “Forum Europa Nostra”. He is academia , she has more than 15 years a university teacher at Gdynia Maritime professional experience in providing as- University (Poland) and author of over 100 sistance to the national and international scientific publications. Studieniecki is a constituencies as a local and internation- specialist in international management al consultant in the field of human rights and cross-border tourism and a member protection, development of inter – ethnic of several scientific organisations (such as relationships and creation of confidence the European Regional Science Associa- building measures. tion, Association of Advanced Baltic Stud- ies, and the International Association of Robert Hudson is Professor of European Histo- Scientific Experts in Tourism). He is an EU ry and Cultural Politics at the University of expert of cross border cooperation and Derby. His research is rooted in the histo- was a coordinator of several INTERREG ries and cultural politics of conflicts and projects on transnational heritage man- post-conflict aftermaths, with a focus on agement. He worked as the director of inter-ethnic conflict, the politics of iden- the Baltic Sea Tourism Commission and tity formation and the representation of collaborated with the European Institute ethnic minorities in Europe. of Cultural Routes. He also took part in Stipe Buzar graduated from the Faculty of Phi- initiatives for the development and pro- losophy and Religious Culture at the Uni- motion of Kashubian heritage. In 2013 he versity of Zagreb in 2009, where he also at- obtained the honorary title of Kaszuba for tained his doctorate in 2014 by defending his activities. In 2018, the President of Po- a thesis about just war theory. His main land awarded him with the Silver Cross of Merit for his lifetime achievement.

132 Tove Malloy teaches minority rights at the Eu- ropa-Universität Flensburg, Germany. She is a political theorist by background specializing in the political and legal aspects of national and ethnic minority rights in international law and international relations, especially in the Europe- an context. Her areas of expertise cover the major international organisations, the European Union as well as individual countries. Prof. Malloy has served as a member of the Advisory Committee on the European Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in respect of Denmark, 2011-2018, including holding the mandate as the Commit- tee’s Gender Equality Rapporteur. From 2009-2019, she was Director of the Euro- pean Centre for Minority Issues in Flens- burg, and she has worked at the Europe- an Academy in Bolzano/Bozen, Italy and taught at the EU’s European Master Pro- gramme in Human Rights and Democra- tisation in Venice. She holds a doctorate in Government from the University of Essex, UK.

133 CIP - Каталогизација во публикација Национална и универзитетска библиотека “Св. Климент Охридски”, Скопје

342.724.037 342.724:316.7

NON-territorial autonomy in theory and practice : a 2020 report / edited by Marina Andeva. - Skopje : University American College, 2020. - 134 стр. : илустр. ; 24 см

Библиографија кон главите

ISBN 978-608-4607-47-2

а) Малцински права -- Колективна заштита -- Теорија и практика б) Малцински права -- Културен идентитет -- Теорија и практика

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