DOCSLIB.ORG

What Kind of Dialogue with Belarus?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
What Kind of Dialogue with Belarus? The EU Dilemma: What Kind of Dialogue with Belarus? More Active Engagement with Society and Increased Pressure on the Regime Report of the Working Group on Investments of the Committee on International Control over the Human Rights Situation in Belarus May 2013 © Working Group on Investments of the Committee on International Control over the Human Rights Situation in Belarus, May 2013 2 CONTENTS Introduction 5 Executive Summary 7 1. Human Rights and Civil Society in Continued Decline 1.1 Overall picture: As bad as it was, and getting worse 11 1.2. Increased pressure on political prisoners 11 1.3. Harassment of human rights defenders and NGOs 12 1.4. The state of fear 13 1.5. The regime’s lack of cooperation with international organisations 14 1.6. Proponents of “dialogue” 14 1.7. The attitude of Belarusians to the authorities, the EU and Russia 15 2. Politics and Economics: Lukashenka Continues to Successfully Deceive Both the West and Russia 2.1. European Union sanctions: Why haven’t they been fully effective? 17 2.2. Growing revenue through Belarus’ trade in European markets 19 2.3. Lukashenka and Russia: A game of cat and mouse on the Eastern front 21 2.4. The China option: No such thing as a free lunch 24 2.5. What to expect in 2013: A new round of “partnership” with the West? 24 2.6. The dialogue game: Will the EU elect Lukashenka for a new term? 27 3. Strategy Recommendations for the International Community 3.1. Overcome “European fatigue” 29 3.2. Principles that should underlie the international community's strategies 29 1. Strategies should be driven by the goal of attaining systemic change 2. Strategies must be truly long-term and consistent 3. The international community must be proactive 4. The members of the European Union must take a unified stance 3.3. Actively engage Belarusian society: Promote the “European choice” 30 1. Develop and implement an effective communications strategy 2. Expand opportunities for Belarusians to travel to the EU 3. Increase support to independent civil society 4. Increase financial support for persecuted activists and their families 3.4. Increase pressure on the regime: Act consistently and smartly 31 Annexes 1. The Justas Paleckis report: commentaries on the potential positive and negative consequences 33 of its recommendations 2. Sanctions and the various sectors and actors of the Belarusian economy 37 Banks and sanctions Oligarch Yuri Chizh gets his business out from under sanctions Oligarch Anatoly Ternavsky has been barred from seeking redress through EU Courts in resolving corporate disputes 3. The most profitable companies established with Belarusian capital 39 4. Oligarch Mikhail Gutseriev: Lukashenka’s best “British” friend 41 5. Oligarch Nikolay Vorobey: Lukashenka’s new “wallet” 45 6. Public opinion surveys measuring Belarusians’ attitudes toward the government, the EU, and Russia 47 7. Statistical graphs showing Belarus' foreign trade 51 Bibliography 55 3 4 INTRODUCTION This report has been prepared by the Working Group on Investments of the Committee on International Control over the Human Rights Situation in Belarus based on a study of open sources, official documents, analytical studies, and interviews with Belarusian and international experts in economics and the social sciences, and civil society activists between July 2012 and May 2013. The report aims to inform stakeholders and decision-makers on the current political, economic, social, and human rights situation in Belarus and offer the international community recommendations for action that may facilitate improvement of the human rights situation and pave the way toward a democratic transition in Belarus. The Committee on International Control was set up within days of the violent dispersal in Minsk of a peaceful protest against the rigged presidential election on 19 December 2010. Currently, the Committee has a membership of more than 50 nongovernmental organisations from more than 15 countries worldwide. For a long time after the December 2010 events, the Committee was the only international human rights group with a permanent presence in Belarus, represented by its International Observation Mission. The Committee conducts monitoring of the situation with fundamental human rights and the situation of nongovernmental organisations, human rights defenders, journalists, and lawyers in Belarus. It also prepares and circulates reports and makes recommendations to civil society, governments, and the international community with the ultimate goal of aligning the situation in Belarus with the country's international obligations. The Working Group on Investments of the Committee on International Control conducts analysis of the economic and political situation in Belarus in the context of human rights and the rule of law, develops recommendations on the application of legal, economic and political instruments to influence the situation in the country, and interacts with civil society organisations, research institutes, governments, and international organisations, including the UN, the OSCE, the Council of Europe and the EU. This report summing up the developments in and around Belarus in 2012 and the first quarter of 2013 represents a follow up to two previous reports by the Working Group, released in September 2011 and January 2012. The authors would like to thank the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) for many years of partnership and highly appreciated support in the production of this report. The Civic Solidarity Platform has provided key support and inspiration for our work for which we are very grateful. We extend our sincere gratitude to our colleagues on the Committee for International Control as well as many partners and interlocutors in international organisations and last, but not least, courageous Belarusian democratic and civic activists and human rights defenders, journalists, and researchers for their ideas, stimulating discussions, and their inspiring struggles for a better future for their country. 5 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The current situation with human rights and civil society in Belarus is not merely continuing to be as bad as it was in 2011: it continues to steadily deteriorate. Belarus still incarcerates a dozen political prisoners, including a former presidential candidate, the leader of a human rights movement and a youth leader. In late 2012 and early 2013, the regime dramatically increased physical and psychological pressure on the political prisoners, attempting to force them to acknowledge their guilt and ask for presidential pardons. Limited access to lawyers, with meetings taking place in the presence of guards, denies these prisoners the ability to safely transmit information about their harassment to the outside world. Torture in the prison system; harassment of civic activists, journalists and lawyers; arbitrary detention and beatings of protesters by uniformed and plain-clothed police; the impunity of law enforcement officers who commit human rights abuses; the systemic restriction of the freedoms of assembly, association and expression, including internet freedom, and much more are all routine practice in Belarus today. All this has created a prevailing atmosphere of fear in the country. One should not forget that Belarus remains the only European country that continues to execute people – a practice that it continued to pursue in 2012. Belarusian government's attitude toward cooperation with international organisations in the area of human rights is revealing. Throughout 2012 the Belarusian Foreign Ministry repeatedly stressed that Belarus would not communicate with the UN Human Rights Committee on individual complaints of Belarusian citizens. Not a single Human Rights Committee opinion on individual complaints from Belarus has been implemented by the authorities. The non-cooperation of Minsk with the UN was further sharply exhibited upon the creation of the special rapporteur on Belarus by the Human Rights Council resolution of 5 July 2012. In response to this resolution, Minsk stated that it did not recognize the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur. Nothing has been done by the regime to investigate or rectify the repression perpetrated on Minsk Square on 19 December 2010 and afterwards. None of the recommendations made by the UN Human Rights Council, the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights report, UN treaty bodies, or the OSCE Moscow Mechanism Report – addressing both the systemic, long-term human rights problems in Belarus and post- presidential election crackdown – have been implemented in 2012 or early 2013. In March 2012 the EU adopted targeted restrictive economic measures against a number of companies belonging to businessmen close to Lukashenka. There is no doubt that the sanctions, combined with the threat that they could be expanded, led directly to the release of two prominent political prisoners: former presidential candidate Andrei Sannikov and his close associate Dmitri Bondarenko. In 2012 the EU had the opportunity to achieve the release of all political prisoners. This was possible only if the international community did not fall for Lukashenka's vague promises of cooperation in the future and continued its pressure on the regime, expanding sensible economic sanctions targeted at oligarchs close to the government, thus undermining Lukashenka's ability to sustain repression and weakening his economic base. Unfortunately, these opportunities were missed in 2012 for two reasons. First of all, from the start, the economic sanctions were extremely limited and therefore ineffective. In the spring of 2012, Lukashenka's lobbyists in Europe were able to arrange to exclude from the EU sanction list a few key companies involved in the petroleum trade belonging to one of the key “wallets” of Lukashenka, oligarch Yuri Chizh. As a result, throughout 2012 the regime continued to make good money by selling petroleum products to the EU and even increased its earnings from foreign trade. 7 Second, in 2012 the regime succeeded in implementing a profitable scheme involving petrol and oil products purchased at a discount from Russia. Oil products were then resold to the EU labelled as solvents and thinners after paying Russia low customs duties.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Яюm I C R O S O F T W O R
    Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ) MASS MEDIA IN BELARUS 2004 ANNUAL REPORT Minsk 2005 C O N T E N T S INFRINGEMENTS OF FREEDOM OF MASS INFORMATION IN BELARUS IN 2004. REVIEW /2 STATISTICAL BACKGROUND /3 CHANGES IN THE LEGISLATION /5 INFRINGEMENTS OF RIGHTS OF MASS-MEDIA AND JOURNALISTS, CONFLICTS IN THE SPHERE OF MASS-MEDIA Criminal cases for publications in mass-media /13 Encroachments on journalists and media /16 Termination or suspension of mass-media by authorities /21 Detentions of journalists, summoning journalists to law enforcement bodies. Warnings of the Office of Public Prosecutor /29 Censorship. Interference in professional independence of editions /35 Infringements related to access to information (refusals in granting information, restrictive use of institute of accreditation) /40 The conflicts related to reception and dissemination of foreign information or activity of foreign mass-media /47 Economic policy in the sphere of mass-media /53 Restriction of the right on founding mass-media /57 Interference with production of mass-media /59 Hindrance to distribution of mass-media production /62 SENSATIONAL CASES The most significant litigations with participation of mass-media and journalists /70 Dmitry Zavadsky's case /79 Belarusian periodic printed editions mentioned in the monitoring /81 1 INFRINGEMENTS OF FREEDOM OF MASS INFORMATION IN BELARUS IN 2004. REVIEW The year 2004 for Belarus was the year of parliamentary elections and the referendum. As usual during significant political campaigns, the pressure on mass-media has increased in 2004. The deterioration of the media situation was not a temporary deviation after which everything usually comes back to normal, but represented strengthening of systematic and regular pressure upon mass- media, which continued after the election campaign.
    [Show full text]
  • Protests in Belarus (1994-2011) .Pdf
    Number of Participants Number of Day Month Year Location (numeric) Arrests Topic Organizing Group Sources UPI "Belarus against Marks Russification of National Front of Independence 27 7 1994 Minsk 6500 0 Belarus Belarus Day" "the state's decision to discontinue eight [opposition] UPI "Belarussians 4 1 1995 Minsk 300 0 newspapers" protest press ban" " lower taxes, increase wages, create new jobs and enlarge AP "Thousands spending for health Rally In Minsk care, education Against Low Pay, 26 1 1995 Minsk 40000 0 and science." Unions Price Hikes" "introduction of teaching in the BBC World "Police Belarussian confiscate grenade language at higher at Belarussian educational Assembly of language 15 2 1995 unk 100 1 establishments," Belarussian Gentry demonstration" PAP News Wire Financing of "BELARUSSIAN construction of ASSOCIATION OF POLES DEMAND Polish language POLES IN POLISH SCHOOL 1 3 1995 Minsk 10 0 school BELARUS IN GRODNO" BBC World " Police arrest student activists Procession of for burning state 24 5 1995 Minsk 70 30 Uknown Political Convicts flag" ITAR-TASS "Minsk workers march on Police arrest presidential student activists residence in payment of back for burning state protest at wage 17 7 1995 Minsk . 0 wages flag arrears" AFP "Security forces arrest Minsk Minsk Metro metro strike 21 8 1995 Minsk 150 1 Metro strike Workers leaders" Number of Participants Number of Day Month Year Location (numeric) Arrests Topic Organizing Group Sources Interfax "Belarusian Popular Front Reconsideration of protests against oil oil agreement with
    [Show full text]
  • Download Book
    84 823 65 Special thanks to the Independent Institute of Socio-Economic and Political Studies for assistance in getting access to archival data. The author also expresses sincere thanks to the International Consortium "EuroBelarus" and the Belarusian Association of Journalists for information support in preparing this book. Photos by ByMedia.Net and from family albums. Aliaksandr Tamkovich Contemporary History in Faces / Aliaksandr Tamkovich. — 2014. — ... pages. The book contains political essays about people who are well known in Belarus and abroad and who had the most direct relevance to the contemporary history of Belarus over the last 15 to 20 years. The author not only recalls some biographical data but also analyses the role of each of them in the development of Belarus. And there is another very important point. The articles collected in this book were written at different times, so today some changes can be introduced to dates, facts and opinions but the author did not do this INTENTIONALLY. People are not less interested in what we thought yesterday than in what we think today. Information and Op-Ed Publication 84 823 © Aliaksandr Tamkovich, 2014 AUTHOR’S PROLOGUE Probably, it is already known to many of those who talked to the author "on tape" but I will reiterate this idea. I have two encyclopedias on my bookshelves. One was published before 1995 when many people were not in the position yet to take their place in the contemporary history of Belarus. The other one was made recently. The fi rst book was very modest and the second book was printed on classy coated paper and richly decorated with photos.
    [Show full text]
  • BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election
    BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimi- without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, nation to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security June 2011 564a Uladz Hrydzin © This report has been produced with the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus: a Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St
    Belarus: A Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St Andrews Bezviz, or the European Union’s visa waver program extended to Ukraine a year ago in June 2017,2 must have angered the autocratic regimes in neighboring Belarus and Russia. Why would Ukrainians, who had just lost Crimea and were unable to stop the Russian incursion in the east of their country, be allowed to enjoy Rome or Paris without having to face the indignity of applying for a Schengen visa? The Eiffel Tower, the Sistine Chapel, or the Canaries can hardly be successfully replaced with the likes of Sochi, the rebuilt Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, or the Crimean seacoast stricken by the dearth of water. Neither are the Kuril Islands, known for their balmy climate conducive to all-year-round holidaying. To the average Belarusian and Russian the west inexplicably rewarded Ukraine for the military losses suffered with the privilege that should first be accorded to Russians or Belarusians. Autocracies as good at winning elections with the help of political technologists and sophisticated IT systems as those in Belarus and Russia are nevertheless still susceptible to fickle popularity felt by the ‘electorates’ for the strongman at the top. The less a dictator is popular, the more direct violence has to be applied to wage power. In turn, unleashing too much violence causes popularity to plummet even further. This confronts the regime with the unwanted downward spiral of increasing state violence that simultaneously generates instability, which in no time may morph into effective political opposition. And such opposition stands a chance of unsettling the dictator from power; an option best to be avoided.
    [Show full text]
  • Straddling Russia and Europe
    Straddling Russia and Europe A Compendium of Recent Jamestown Analysis on Belarus January 2013 Straddling Russia and Europe A Compendium of Recent Jamestown Analysis on Belarus Washington, D.C. January 2013 THE JAMESTOWN FOUNDATION Published in the United States by The Jamestown Foundation 1111 16th St. N.W. Suite 320 Washington, D.C. 20036 http://www.jamestown.org Copyright © The Jamestown Foundation, January 2013 All rights reserved. No part of this report may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written consent. For copyright permissions information, contact The Jamestown Foundation. The views expressed in this report are those of the contributing authors and not necessarily those of The Jamestown Foundation. For more information on this report or The Jamestown Foundation, email [email protected]. JAMESTOWN’S MISSION The Jamestown Foundation’s mission is to inform and educate policymakers and the broader policy community about events and trends in those societies, which are strategically or tactically important to the United States and which frequently restrict access to such information. Utilizing indigenous and primary sources, Jamestown’s material is delivered without political bias, filter or agenda. It is often the only source of information that should be, but is not always, available through official or intelligence channels, especially with regard to Eurasia and terrorism. Origins Launched in 1984 after Jamestown’s late president and founder William Geimer’s work with Arkady Shevchenko, the highest-ranking Soviet official ever to defect when he left his position as undersecretary general of the United Nations, the Jamestown Foundation rapidly became the leading source of information about the inner workings of closed totalitarian societies.
    [Show full text]
  • Countering NATO Expansion a Case Study of Belarus-Russia Rapprochement
    NATO RESEARCH FELLOWSHIP 2001-2003 Final Report Countering NATO Expansion A Case Study of Belarus-Russia Rapprochement PETER SZYSZLO June 2003 NATO RESEARCH FELLOWSHIP INTRODUCTION With the opening of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the Alliance’s eastern boundary now comprises a new line of contiguity with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as well as another geopolitical entity within—the Union of Belarus and Russia. Whereas the former states find greater security and regional stability in their new political-military arrangement, NATO’s eastward expansion has led Belarus and Russia to reassess strategic imperatives in their western peripheries, partially stemming from their mutual distrust of the Alliance as a former Cold War adversary. Consequently, security for one is perceived as a threat to the other. The decision to enlarge NATO eastward triggered a political-military “response” from the two former Soviet states with defence and security cooperation leading the way. While Belarus’s military strategy and doctrine remain defensive, there is a tendency of perceiving NATO as a potential enemy, and to view the republic’s defensive role as that of protecting the western approaches of the Belarus-Russia Union. Moreover, the Belarusian presidency has not concealed its desire to turn the military alliance with Russia into a powerful and effective deterrent to NATO. While there may not be a threat of a new Cold War on the horizon, there is also little evidence of a consolidated peace. This case study endeavours to conduct a comprehensive assessment on both Belarusian rhetoric and anticipated effects of NATO expansion by examining governmental discourse and official proposals associated with political and military “countermeasures” by analysing the manifestations of Belarus’s rapprochement with the Russian Federation in the spheres of foreign policy and military doctrine.
    [Show full text]
  • Forced Labor and Pervasive Violations of Workers’ Rights in Belarus
    FORCED LABOR AND PERVASIVE VIOLATIONS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS IN BELARUS Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, December 2013 / N°623a The FIDH and Human Rights Center Viasna Mission The gross, systematic, and widespread violations of political and civil rights in Belarus have been the subject of numerous reports prepared by both international and Belarusian observers. I. INTRODUCTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 0HDQZKLOH3UHVLGHQW/XNDVKHQNRDQGJRYHUQPHQWRIÀFLDOVLQJHQHUDODUHXVLQJDQ\IRUXPWKH\FDQ to stress that Belarus is a model of social and economic rights by contrasting the robust guarantees its residents receive with the situation of residents in neighboring countries who suffered a number of II. LABOR AS A CORE VALUE… AND AN UNLIMITED OBLIGATION ------------- 11 economic upheavals folowing the fall of the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Zois Report 6/2020
    No. 6 / 2020 · November 2020 ZOiS REPORT BELARUS: FROM THE OLD SOCIAL CONTRACT TO A NEW SOCIAL IDENTITY Nadja Douglas ZOiS Report 6 / 2020 Belarus: From the old social contract to a new social identity Content 02 ___ Summary 03 ___ Introduction 05 ___ Social security vs. state security 05 ______ Long-term socio-economic developments 11 ______ Securitisation of state politics 15 ___ A protest-averse society begins to mobilise 16 ______ 2017 as a prelude to 2020 17 ______ From self-organisation to social reinvention 19 ______ Grassroots and individual (female) activists take over 20 ___ Interaction between citizens and the security forces 20 ______ Culture of impunity 22 ______ Countermeasures by the state 23 ___ Conclusion 24 ___ Interviews 24 ___ Imprint Summary State-society relations in Belarus have been tense for many years. The presi- dential elections in August 2020 and the mishandling of the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic have proved to be the catalyst that brought these fragile relations to a complete breakdown. Over the years, the widening gap between a new generation of an emancipated citizenry and a regime stuck in predominantly paternalistic power structures and reluctant to engage in political and eco- nomic reforms has become increasingly evident. The deteriorating economy during the last decade and the perceived decline of the country’s social wel- fare system have been important factors in these developments. At the same time, the regime has continued to invest in its domestic security structures to a disproportionate extent compared with neighbouring states, allowing the so-called silovye struktury (“state power structures”) to gain influence at the highest level of state governance.
    [Show full text]
  • Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008
    1 Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008 Rasmus Nilsson UCL For the degree of PhD 2 I, Rasmus Nilsson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Abstract The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time.
    [Show full text]
  • Provisional Edition
    European Parliament 2019-2024 TEXTS ADOPTED Provisional edition P9_TA-PROV(2020)0280 Recommendation to the Council, the Commission and the VPC/HR on relations with Belarus European Parliament recommendation of 21 October 2020 to the Council, the Commission and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on relations with Belarus (2020/2081(INI)) The European Parliament, – having regard to Articles 2, 3 and 8 and Title V, notably Articles 21, 22, 36 and 37, of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), and to Part Five of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), – having regard to the Council conclusions on Belarus of 15 February 2016, – having regard to the launch of the Eastern Partnership in Prague on 7 May 2009 as a common endeavour of the EU and its six Eastern European Partners, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, – having regard to the Joint Declarations of the Eastern Partnership Summits of 2009 in Prague, 2011 in Warsaw, 2013 in Vilnius, 2015 in Riga and 2017 in Brussels, and to the Eastern Partnership leaders' videoconference held in 2020, – having regard to the agreement between the European Union and the Republic of Belarus on the readmission of persons residing without authorisation, which entered into force on 1 July 20201, – having regard to the agreement between the European Union and the Republic of Belarus on the facilitation of the issuance of visas2 , which entered into force on 1 July 2020, – having regard to the 6th round of the bilateral Human Rights Dialogue between the EU and Belarus held on 18 June 2019 in Brussels, 1 OJ L 181, 9.6.2020, p.
    [Show full text]
  • The Government of Belarus: Crushing Human Rights at Home?
    THE GOVERNMENT OF BELARUS: CRUSHING HUMAN RIGHTS AT HOME? JOINT HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, AND HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE AND EURASIA OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION APRIL 1, 2011 Serial No. 112–56 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 65–497PDF WASHINGTON : 2011 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:51 Oct 04, 2011 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 F:\WORK\AGH\040111\65497 HFA PsN: SHIRL COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida, Chairman CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey HOWARD L. BERMAN, California DAN BURTON, Indiana GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York ELTON GALLEGLY, California ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American DANA ROHRABACHER, California Samoa DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey EDWARD R. ROYCE, California BRAD SHERMAN, California STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York RON PAUL, Texas GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York MIKE PENCE, Indiana RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri JOE WILSON, South Carolina ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey CONNIE MACK, Florida GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas DENNIS CARDOZA, California TED POE, Texas BEN CHANDLER, Kentucky GUS M. BILIRAKIS, Florida BRIAN HIGGINS, New York JEAN SCHMIDT, Ohio ALLYSON SCHWARTZ, Pennsylvania BILL JOHNSON, Ohio CHRISTOPHER S.
    [Show full text]