The Eastern Partnership in 2030
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BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimi- without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, nation to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security June 2011 564a Uladz Hrydzin © This report has been produced with the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). -
Belarus: a Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St
Belarus: A Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St Andrews Bezviz, or the European Union’s visa waver program extended to Ukraine a year ago in June 2017,2 must have angered the autocratic regimes in neighboring Belarus and Russia. Why would Ukrainians, who had just lost Crimea and were unable to stop the Russian incursion in the east of their country, be allowed to enjoy Rome or Paris without having to face the indignity of applying for a Schengen visa? The Eiffel Tower, the Sistine Chapel, or the Canaries can hardly be successfully replaced with the likes of Sochi, the rebuilt Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, or the Crimean seacoast stricken by the dearth of water. Neither are the Kuril Islands, known for their balmy climate conducive to all-year-round holidaying. To the average Belarusian and Russian the west inexplicably rewarded Ukraine for the military losses suffered with the privilege that should first be accorded to Russians or Belarusians. Autocracies as good at winning elections with the help of political technologists and sophisticated IT systems as those in Belarus and Russia are nevertheless still susceptible to fickle popularity felt by the ‘electorates’ for the strongman at the top. The less a dictator is popular, the more direct violence has to be applied to wage power. In turn, unleashing too much violence causes popularity to plummet even further. This confronts the regime with the unwanted downward spiral of increasing state violence that simultaneously generates instability, which in no time may morph into effective political opposition. And such opposition stands a chance of unsettling the dictator from power; an option best to be avoided. -
Countering NATO Expansion a Case Study of Belarus-Russia Rapprochement
NATO RESEARCH FELLOWSHIP 2001-2003 Final Report Countering NATO Expansion A Case Study of Belarus-Russia Rapprochement PETER SZYSZLO June 2003 NATO RESEARCH FELLOWSHIP INTRODUCTION With the opening of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the Alliance’s eastern boundary now comprises a new line of contiguity with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as well as another geopolitical entity within—the Union of Belarus and Russia. Whereas the former states find greater security and regional stability in their new political-military arrangement, NATO’s eastward expansion has led Belarus and Russia to reassess strategic imperatives in their western peripheries, partially stemming from their mutual distrust of the Alliance as a former Cold War adversary. Consequently, security for one is perceived as a threat to the other. The decision to enlarge NATO eastward triggered a political-military “response” from the two former Soviet states with defence and security cooperation leading the way. While Belarus’s military strategy and doctrine remain defensive, there is a tendency of perceiving NATO as a potential enemy, and to view the republic’s defensive role as that of protecting the western approaches of the Belarus-Russia Union. Moreover, the Belarusian presidency has not concealed its desire to turn the military alliance with Russia into a powerful and effective deterrent to NATO. While there may not be a threat of a new Cold War on the horizon, there is also little evidence of a consolidated peace. This case study endeavours to conduct a comprehensive assessment on both Belarusian rhetoric and anticipated effects of NATO expansion by examining governmental discourse and official proposals associated with political and military “countermeasures” by analysing the manifestations of Belarus’s rapprochement with the Russian Federation in the spheres of foreign policy and military doctrine. -
Forced Labor and Pervasive Violations of Workers’ Rights in Belarus
FORCED LABOR AND PERVASIVE VIOLATIONS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS IN BELARUS Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, December 2013 / N°623a The FIDH and Human Rights Center Viasna Mission The gross, systematic, and widespread violations of political and civil rights in Belarus have been the subject of numerous reports prepared by both international and Belarusian observers. I. INTRODUCTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 0HDQZKLOH3UHVLGHQW/XNDVKHQNRDQGJRYHUQPHQWRIÀFLDOVLQJHQHUDODUHXVLQJDQ\IRUXPWKH\FDQ to stress that Belarus is a model of social and economic rights by contrasting the robust guarantees its residents receive with the situation of residents in neighboring countries who suffered a number of II. LABOR AS A CORE VALUE… AND AN UNLIMITED OBLIGATION ------------- 11 economic upheavals folowing the fall of the Soviet Union. -
Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008
1 Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008 Rasmus Nilsson UCL For the degree of PhD 2 I, Rasmus Nilsson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Abstract The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time. -
Country Profile – Belarus
Legal Aid Board, Ireland Refugee Documentation Centre 9th European Country of Origin Information Seminar Organised by the Refugee Documentation Centre, Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26-27 May 2004 COUNTRY PROFILE – BELARUS The views and opinions stated in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the organizers of the workshop. This paper is not, and does not purport to be, fully exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Belarus Location: Eastern Europe, east of Poland Area: 80,155 square miles/207,600 sq km Capital: Minsk Independence: 25 August 1991 (from Soviet Union) Constitution: 15 March 1994; revised by national referendum of 24 November 1996 giving the presidency greatly expanded powers and became effective 27 November 1996; revised again 17 October 2004 removing presidential term limits Population: 10,293,011 (July 2006 est.) Suffrage: 18 years of age; universal Ethnic Groups: Belarusian 81.2%, Russian 11.4%, Polish 3.9%, Ukrainian 2.4%, other 1.1% (1999 census) Languages: Belarusian, Russian, other Religions: Eastern Orthodox 80%, other (including Roman Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, and Muslim) 20% (1997 est.) Head of state Chief of state: President Aleksandr LUKASHENKO (since 20 July 1994) Head of government: Prime Minister Sergei SIDORSKY (since 19 December 2003); First Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir SEMASHKO (since December 2003) Political parties and leaders 1 9th COI Seminar Organised by the RDC - Ireland and UNHCR -
Belarus by Alexei Pikulik, Dzianis Melyantsou Et Al
Belarus by Alexei Pikulik, Dzianis Melyantsou et al. Capital: Minsk Population: 9.5 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$14,460 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’sWorld Development Indicators 2013. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Electoral Process 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 6.75 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 Civil Society 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.50 6.50 6.25 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 Independent Media 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 Governance* 6.50 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Local Democratic Governance n/a 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 7.00 7.00 Corruption 5.75 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.25 Democracy Score 6.54 6.64 6.71 6.68 6.71 6.57 6.50 6.57 6.68 6.71 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
Belarus INDIVIDUALS
CONSOLIDATED LIST OF FINANCIAL SANCTIONS TARGETS IN THE UK Last Updated:12/08/2021 Status: Asset Freeze Targets REGIME: Belarus INDIVIDUALS 1. Name 6: ALIASHKEVICH 1: ALIAKSANDR 2: MIKHAILAVICH 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. a.k.a: ALESHKEVICH, Alexander, Mikhailovich Position: (1) First Deputy Head of the District Department of Internal Affairs in Moskovski District, Minsk (2) Head of Criminal Police Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):BEL0016 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (UK Statement of Reasons):In Aliaksandr Aliashkevich’s position as First Deputy Head of the District Department of Internal Affairs in Moskovski/Moscow District of the city of Minsk and Head of Criminal Police, he is responsible for the repression and intimidation campaign in that district against peaceful protesters in the wake of the 2020 presidential election, in particular arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and ill‐treatment, including torture. (Gender):Male Listed on: 05/10/2020 Last Updated: 31/12/2020 Group ID: 13938. 2. Name 6: ASTREIKA 1: ALIAKSANDR 2: VIACHASLAVAVICH 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. Title: Major-General Of Militia (Police Force) DOB: 22/12/1971. POB: Kapyl, Former USSR Currently Belarus a.k.a: ASTREIKO, Alexander, Viacheslavovich Nationality: Belarusian Position: Head of the Department of Internal Affairs of Brest Oblast Executive Committee Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):BEL0021 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (UK Statement of Reasons):Aloaksandr Astreika is Head of the Department of Internal Affairs of Brest Oblast Executive Committee and Major General of Police. -
Conservation of the Systemic Human Rights Crisis in Belarus: a Worthwhile Price for Lukashenko’S “Peace-Making”?
CONSERVATION OF THE SYSTEMIC HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS IN BELARUS: A WORTHWHILE PRICE FOR LUKASHENKO’S “PEACE-MAKING”? A Report by Freedom Files and the Working Group on Investment of the Committee of International Control over the Human Rights Situation in Belarus with support of the Civic Solidarity Platform April 2015 Content Introduction 2 50 months of the Crackdown: An Overview of the Human Rights Situation since December 2010 4 A Consistent Position of International Organisations on the Human Rights Crisis in Belarus 14 Belarus’ Non-Cooperation with International Human Rights Mechanisms 17 Rise and Fall of the European Sanctions against Belarus in 2011–2014 19 Rapprochement with the West in 2014: The War in Ukraine as an Excuse for a Thaw 21 Belarus’ Sovereignty Questioned after the Annexation of Crimea 24 New “Dialogue” with the West and More Human Rights Violations in Belarus 28 How Vulnerable is the Regime’s Economic Situation Now? 31 Conclusions 34 Recommendations to the International Community 35 Introduction This report has been produced in March-April 2015 by the analytical centre “Freedom Files” and the Working Group on Investment of the Committee of International Control over the Human Rights Situation in Belarus. Authors cordially thank the Civic Solidarity Platform for its support. Since the beginning of the current phase of the human rights crisis in Belarus in December 2010 both groups have researched the human rights, political and economic situation in Belarus, and the impact of the steps taken by the international community in response to the crackdown on rule of law and fundamental freedoms by the Lukashenko regime, and have published reports, policy papers and articles with results of their research and recommendation to international actors on strategies of bringing Belarus back to the democratic path of development. -
Beyond Frozen Conflict
Beyond Frozen Conflict Beyond Frozen Conflict Scenarios for the Separatist Disputes of Eastern Europe Thomas de Waal Nikolaus von Twickel Edited by Michael Emerson CEPS, Brussels Rowman & Littlefield International, London CEPS (Centre for European Policy Studies) is an independent and non- partisan think tank based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. This book has been part of a project on the EU’s Association Agreements with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine supported by Sweden through the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida). The views expressed herein are those of the authors alone. Cover art work by Constantin Sunnerberg ([email protected]) Published by Rowman & Littlefield International, Ltd. 6 Tinworth Street, London, SE11 5AL www.rowmaninternational.com Rowman & Littlefield International Ltd. is an affiliate of Rowman & Littlefield, 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706, USA With additional offices in Boulder, New York, Toronto (Canada) and Plymouth (UK) www.rowman.com Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) Place du Congrès 1, 1000 Brussels, Belgium www.ceps.eu Copyright © 2020 CEPS The editors and authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the editor and/or author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-5381-4416-9 Hardback 978-1-5381-4417-6 Paperback 978-1-5381-4418-3 eBook “For almost 30 years, Europe has been struggling to handle several territorial or separatist conflicts in its Eastern neighbourhood: Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorny Karabakh, and Transdniestria. -
How Did Lukashenko's Friends Latch on the Feeder?
How did Lukashenko’s friends latch on the feeder? The Kraken of Corruption CAR «UNLUCKY» 2 SCANDALOUS BUILDER 4 HONORARY CONSUL 5 «THE DECIDER» 7 BELARUSIAN PHARMAGEDDON 8 TOBACCO TYCOON 10 OIL BARON 12 LOGISTIC OFFSHORE 13 ATTRACTIVE LAND FOR FRIENDS 14 FRIEND MISHA AND BELARUSIAN SUBSOIL 17 LOYAL PRIVATIZER 18 SYSTEMIC CORRUPTION 19 Photo: pup.org.ng Belarus is one of the most corrupt countries in Europe due to its unprecedented brutality, according to the statement by the international organization GRECO, established by the Council of Europe. But, as per the same statement, the Belarusian corruption system is devised quite intricately. Despite the fact that the level of thievery and bribery is outrageous, most Belarusians do not even realize it. 2 How do the Belarusian authorities manage this? How far do the tentacles of the Belarusian corruption Kraken go? How do ordinary citizens suffer from this and how much do some such feedings cost? With you - the next issue of the program Let’s Figure It Out. In our new investigation, we examined the activities of lesser-known businessmen and those whom many have already forgotten because they successfully hide in the shadows. We will tell you how the most profitable sectors of the Belarusian economy were redistributed, and how the schemes of withdrawing money from the state treasury work. CAR «UNLUCKY» Our first hero is a recipient of special benefits from the state Aliaksey Vaganau (Alexey Vaganov), one of the earliest businessmen in the Belarusian arena. Aliaksey Vaganau Photo: TUT.by He made his first capital from selling Ford vehicles through the company Lada OMC he had founded. -
What Kind of Dialogue with Belarus?
The EU Dilemma: What Kind of Dialogue with Belarus? More Active Engagement with Society and Increased Pressure on the Regime Report of the Working Group on Investments of the Committee on International Control over the Human Rights Situation in Belarus May 2013 © Working Group on Investments of the Committee on International Control over the Human Rights Situation in Belarus, May 2013 2 CONTENTS Introduction 5 Executive Summary 7 1. Human Rights and Civil Society in Continued Decline 1.1 Overall picture: As bad as it was, and getting worse 11 1.2. Increased pressure on political prisoners 11 1.3. Harassment of human rights defenders and NGOs 12 1.4. The state of fear 13 1.5. The regime’s lack of cooperation with international organisations 14 1.6. Proponents of “dialogue” 14 1.7. The attitude of Belarusians to the authorities, the EU and Russia 15 2. Politics and Economics: Lukashenka Continues to Successfully Deceive Both the West and Russia 2.1. European Union sanctions: Why haven’t they been fully effective? 17 2.2. Growing revenue through Belarus’ trade in European markets 19 2.3. Lukashenka and Russia: A game of cat and mouse on the Eastern front 21 2.4. The China option: No such thing as a free lunch 24 2.5. What to expect in 2013: A new round of “partnership” with the West? 24 2.6. The dialogue game: Will the EU elect Lukashenka for a new term? 27 3. Strategy Recommendations for the International Community 3.1. Overcome “European fatigue” 29 3.2.