How Did Lukashenko's Friends Latch on the Feeder?
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Global Human Rights
FINANCIAL REPORTING AUTHORITY (CAYFIN) Delivery Address: th Mailing Address: 133 Elgin Ave, 4 Floor P.O. Box 1054 Government Administrative Building Grand Cayman KY1-1102 Grand Cayman CAYMAN ISLANDS CAYMAN ISLANDS Direct Tel No. (345) 244-2394 Tel No. (345) 945-6267 Fax No. (345) 945-6268 Email: [email protected] Financial Sanctions Notice 29/09/2020 Global Human Rights Introduction 1. The Global Human Rights Sanctions Regulations 2020 (S.I. 680/2020) (the Regulations) were made under the Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act 2018 (the Sanctions Act) and provide for the freezing of funds and economic resources of certain persons, entities or bodies responsible for or involved in serious violations of human rights. 2. The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office have updated the UK Sanctions List on GOV.UK. This list includes details of all sanctions enacted under the Sanctions Act. A link to the UK Sanctions List can be found below. 3. Following the publication of the UK Sanctions List, information on the Consolidated List has been updated. Notice summary 4. 8 entries listed in the annex to this Notice have been added to the Consolidated List and are now subject to an asset freeze. 5. The identifying information for one individual has been updated and he remains subject to an asset freeze. What you must do 6. You must: i. check whether you maintain any accounts or hold any funds or economic resources for the persons set out in the Annex to this Notice; ii. freeze such accounts, and other funds or economic resources and any funds which are owned or controlled by persons set out in the Annex to the Notice; iii. -
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimi- without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, nation to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security June 2011 564a Uladz Hrydzin © This report has been produced with the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). -
Belarus: a Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St
Belarus: A Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St Andrews Bezviz, or the European Union’s visa waver program extended to Ukraine a year ago in June 2017,2 must have angered the autocratic regimes in neighboring Belarus and Russia. Why would Ukrainians, who had just lost Crimea and were unable to stop the Russian incursion in the east of their country, be allowed to enjoy Rome or Paris without having to face the indignity of applying for a Schengen visa? The Eiffel Tower, the Sistine Chapel, or the Canaries can hardly be successfully replaced with the likes of Sochi, the rebuilt Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, or the Crimean seacoast stricken by the dearth of water. Neither are the Kuril Islands, known for their balmy climate conducive to all-year-round holidaying. To the average Belarusian and Russian the west inexplicably rewarded Ukraine for the military losses suffered with the privilege that should first be accorded to Russians or Belarusians. Autocracies as good at winning elections with the help of political technologists and sophisticated IT systems as those in Belarus and Russia are nevertheless still susceptible to fickle popularity felt by the ‘electorates’ for the strongman at the top. The less a dictator is popular, the more direct violence has to be applied to wage power. In turn, unleashing too much violence causes popularity to plummet even further. This confronts the regime with the unwanted downward spiral of increasing state violence that simultaneously generates instability, which in no time may morph into effective political opposition. And such opposition stands a chance of unsettling the dictator from power; an option best to be avoided. -
VYTAUTO DIDŽIOJO UNIVERSITETAS Pijus Krūminas
VYTAUTO DIDŽIOJO UNIVERSITETAS POLITIKOS MOKSLŲ IR DIPLOMATIJOS FAKULTETAS POLITOLOGIJOS KATEDRA Pijus Krūminas INDUSTRIJOS KONCENTRACIJA IR DIKTATORIŲ ŽLUGIMAS PIETŲ BEI VIDURIO IR RYTŲ EUROPOJE, 1950-2000 M. Magistro baigiamasis darbas Šiuolaikinės Europos politikos studijų programa, valstybinis kodas 621L20005 Politikos mokslų studijų kryptis Vadovas dr. Vincentas Vobolevičius _______________ _____________ (Moksl. Laipsnis, vardas, pavardė) (Parašas) (Data) Apginta___________________ _____________ __________ (Fakulteto/studijų instituto dekanas/direktorius) (Parašas) (Data) Kaunas, 2013 VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Pijus Krūminas INDUSTRIAL CONCENTRATION AND THE FALL OF DICTATORS IN SOUTHERN AND CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE, 1950-2000 Final master’s thesis Contemporary European Politics study programme, state code 621L20005 Political science study field Supervisor dr. Vincentas Vobolevičius _______________ _____________ (Research degree, name, surname) (Signature) (Date) Defended ___________________ _____________ __________ (PMDF dean) (Signature) (Date) Kaunas, 2013 Table of Contents SANTRAUKA...................................................................................................................1 ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................7 List of tables and diagrams.................................................................................................8 INTRODUCTION -
Countering NATO Expansion a Case Study of Belarus-Russia Rapprochement
NATO RESEARCH FELLOWSHIP 2001-2003 Final Report Countering NATO Expansion A Case Study of Belarus-Russia Rapprochement PETER SZYSZLO June 2003 NATO RESEARCH FELLOWSHIP INTRODUCTION With the opening of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the Alliance’s eastern boundary now comprises a new line of contiguity with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as well as another geopolitical entity within—the Union of Belarus and Russia. Whereas the former states find greater security and regional stability in their new political-military arrangement, NATO’s eastward expansion has led Belarus and Russia to reassess strategic imperatives in their western peripheries, partially stemming from their mutual distrust of the Alliance as a former Cold War adversary. Consequently, security for one is perceived as a threat to the other. The decision to enlarge NATO eastward triggered a political-military “response” from the two former Soviet states with defence and security cooperation leading the way. While Belarus’s military strategy and doctrine remain defensive, there is a tendency of perceiving NATO as a potential enemy, and to view the republic’s defensive role as that of protecting the western approaches of the Belarus-Russia Union. Moreover, the Belarusian presidency has not concealed its desire to turn the military alliance with Russia into a powerful and effective deterrent to NATO. While there may not be a threat of a new Cold War on the horizon, there is also little evidence of a consolidated peace. This case study endeavours to conduct a comprehensive assessment on both Belarusian rhetoric and anticipated effects of NATO expansion by examining governmental discourse and official proposals associated with political and military “countermeasures” by analysing the manifestations of Belarus’s rapprochement with the Russian Federation in the spheres of foreign policy and military doctrine. -
Forced Labor and Pervasive Violations of Workers’ Rights in Belarus
FORCED LABOR AND PERVASIVE VIOLATIONS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS IN BELARUS Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, December 2013 / N°623a The FIDH and Human Rights Center Viasna Mission The gross, systematic, and widespread violations of political and civil rights in Belarus have been the subject of numerous reports prepared by both international and Belarusian observers. I. INTRODUCTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 0HDQZKLOH3UHVLGHQW/XNDVKHQNRDQGJRYHUQPHQWRIÀFLDOVLQJHQHUDODUHXVLQJDQ\IRUXPWKH\FDQ to stress that Belarus is a model of social and economic rights by contrasting the robust guarantees its residents receive with the situation of residents in neighboring countries who suffered a number of II. LABOR AS A CORE VALUE… AND AN UNLIMITED OBLIGATION ------------- 11 economic upheavals folowing the fall of the Soviet Union. -
Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008
1 Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008 Rasmus Nilsson UCL For the degree of PhD 2 I, Rasmus Nilsson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Abstract The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time. -
Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies Website of the Expert Community of Belarus «Nashe Mnenie» (Our Opinion)
1 BELARUSIAN INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES WEBSITE OF THE EXPERT COMMUNITY OF BELARUS «NASHE MNENIE» (OUR OPINION) BELARUSIAN YEARBOOK 2010 A survey and analysis of developments in the Republic of Belarus in 2010 Minsk, 2011 2 BELARUSIAN YEARBOOK 2010 Compiled and edited by: Anatoly Pankovsky, Valeria Kostyugova Prepress by Stefani Kalinowskaya English version translated by Mark Bence, Volha Hapeyeva, Andrey Kuznetsov, Vladimir Kuznetsov, Tatsiana Tulush English version edited by Max Nuijens Scientific reviewers and consultants: Miroslav Kollar, Institute for Public Affairs, Program Director of the Slovak annual Global Report; Vitaly Silitsky, Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies (BISS, Lithuania); Pavel Daneiko, Belarusian Economic Research and Outreach Center (BEROC); Andrey Vardomatsky, NOVAK laboratory; Pyotr Martsev, BISS Board member; Ales Ancipenka, Belaru- sian Collegium; Vladimir Dunaev, Agency of Policy Expertise; Viktor Chernov, independent expert. The yearbook is published with support of The German Marshall Fund of the United States The opinions expressed are those of the authors, and do not necessari- ly represent the opinion of the editorial board. © Belarusian Institute for Strategic ISSN 18224091 Studies 3 CONTENTS EDITORIAL FOREWORD 7 STATE AUTHORITY Pyotr Valuev Presidential Administration and Security Agencies: Before and after the presidential election 10 Inna Romashevskaya Five Hundred-Dollar Government 19 Alexandr Alessin, Andrey Volodkin Cooperation in Arms: Building up new upon old 27 Andrey Kazakevich -
Country Profile – Belarus
Legal Aid Board, Ireland Refugee Documentation Centre 9th European Country of Origin Information Seminar Organised by the Refugee Documentation Centre, Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26-27 May 2004 COUNTRY PROFILE – BELARUS The views and opinions stated in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the organizers of the workshop. This paper is not, and does not purport to be, fully exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Belarus Location: Eastern Europe, east of Poland Area: 80,155 square miles/207,600 sq km Capital: Minsk Independence: 25 August 1991 (from Soviet Union) Constitution: 15 March 1994; revised by national referendum of 24 November 1996 giving the presidency greatly expanded powers and became effective 27 November 1996; revised again 17 October 2004 removing presidential term limits Population: 10,293,011 (July 2006 est.) Suffrage: 18 years of age; universal Ethnic Groups: Belarusian 81.2%, Russian 11.4%, Polish 3.9%, Ukrainian 2.4%, other 1.1% (1999 census) Languages: Belarusian, Russian, other Religions: Eastern Orthodox 80%, other (including Roman Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, and Muslim) 20% (1997 est.) Head of state Chief of state: President Aleksandr LUKASHENKO (since 20 July 1994) Head of government: Prime Minister Sergei SIDORSKY (since 19 December 2003); First Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir SEMASHKO (since December 2003) Political parties and leaders 1 9th COI Seminar Organised by the RDC - Ireland and UNHCR -
Belarus by Alexei Pikulik, Dzianis Melyantsou Et Al
Belarus by Alexei Pikulik, Dzianis Melyantsou et al. Capital: Minsk Population: 9.5 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$14,460 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’sWorld Development Indicators 2013. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Electoral Process 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 6.75 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 Civil Society 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.50 6.50 6.25 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 Independent Media 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 Governance* 6.50 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Local Democratic Governance n/a 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 7.00 7.00 Corruption 5.75 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.25 Democracy Score 6.54 6.64 6.71 6.68 6.71 6.57 6.50 6.57 6.68 6.71 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
Belarus INDIVIDUALS
CONSOLIDATED LIST OF FINANCIAL SANCTIONS TARGETS IN THE UK Last Updated:12/08/2021 Status: Asset Freeze Targets REGIME: Belarus INDIVIDUALS 1. Name 6: ALIASHKEVICH 1: ALIAKSANDR 2: MIKHAILAVICH 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. a.k.a: ALESHKEVICH, Alexander, Mikhailovich Position: (1) First Deputy Head of the District Department of Internal Affairs in Moskovski District, Minsk (2) Head of Criminal Police Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):BEL0016 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (UK Statement of Reasons):In Aliaksandr Aliashkevich’s position as First Deputy Head of the District Department of Internal Affairs in Moskovski/Moscow District of the city of Minsk and Head of Criminal Police, he is responsible for the repression and intimidation campaign in that district against peaceful protesters in the wake of the 2020 presidential election, in particular arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and ill‐treatment, including torture. (Gender):Male Listed on: 05/10/2020 Last Updated: 31/12/2020 Group ID: 13938. 2. Name 6: ASTREIKA 1: ALIAKSANDR 2: VIACHASLAVAVICH 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. Title: Major-General Of Militia (Police Force) DOB: 22/12/1971. POB: Kapyl, Former USSR Currently Belarus a.k.a: ASTREIKO, Alexander, Viacheslavovich Nationality: Belarusian Position: Head of the Department of Internal Affairs of Brest Oblast Executive Committee Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):BEL0021 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (UK Statement of Reasons):Aloaksandr Astreika is Head of the Department of Internal Affairs of Brest Oblast Executive Committee and Major General of Police. -
The Eastern Partnership in 2030
Introduction The Eastern Partnership in 2030 Four Scenarios for the Future of the Region Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Regional Office „Dialogue Eastern Europe” Pushkinska Street 34, 01004 Kyiv, Ukraine Phone: +38 044 234 10 38 E-Mail: [email protected] http://www.fes-dee.org The Eastern Partnership in 2030. Four Scenarios for the Future of the Region Kyiv: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2019. Editors: Luca Pusceddu, Nikolaos Gavalakis Copy Editors: Pervoe byuro perevodov, Nataliya Dragan Design / Realization: Alexandr Bubon Illustrations: Sergiy Kolyada, http://www.kolyada.com ISBN 978-617-7157-98-3 The views expressed in this publication are neither necessarily those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung nor of any other institution to which the members of the Scenario Group are affiliated. Contents Contents Introduction . 4 Scenario No. 1 – Cohesion . .7 Scenario No. 2 – Cooperation. 13 Scenario No. 3 – Cronyism. 19 Scenario No. 4 – Conflict. 25 About the Contributors. 29 3 The Eastern Partnership in 2030 Introduction widespread corruption, oligarchic influences, and inefficient state structures. Democratic reforms and improvements in The ten-year anniversary of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) of- the rule of law are unfortunately progressing rather slowly. fers an excellent opportunity to take stock of the past achieve- Furthermore, large parts of the population in the countries ments of the initiative as well as to look into the future of the do not feel a positive impact from the Eastern Partnership. six member states and the region in general. Armenia, Azer- Poverty continues to be widespread due to unemployment, baijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine certainly form low wages, and the absence of a functioning welfare state.