DOCSLIB.ORG

Country Profile – Belarus

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Country Profile – Belarus Legal Aid Board, Ireland Refugee Documentation Centre 9th European Country of Origin Information Seminar Organised by the Refugee Documentation Centre, Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26-27 May 2004 COUNTRY PROFILE – BELARUS The views and opinions stated in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the organizers of the workshop. This paper is not, and does not purport to be, fully exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Belarus Location: Eastern Europe, east of Poland Area: 80,155 square miles/207,600 sq km Capital: Minsk Independence: 25 August 1991 (from Soviet Union) Constitution: 15 March 1994; revised by national referendum of 24 November 1996 giving the presidency greatly expanded powers and became effective 27 November 1996; revised again 17 October 2004 removing presidential term limits Population: 10,293,011 (July 2006 est.) Suffrage: 18 years of age; universal Ethnic Groups: Belarusian 81.2%, Russian 11.4%, Polish 3.9%, Ukrainian 2.4%, other 1.1% (1999 census) Languages: Belarusian, Russian, other Religions: Eastern Orthodox 80%, other (including Roman Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, and Muslim) 20% (1997 est.) Head of state Chief of state: President Aleksandr LUKASHENKO (since 20 July 1994) Head of government: Prime Minister Sergei SIDORSKY (since 19 December 2003); First Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir SEMASHKO (since December 2003) Political parties and leaders 1 9th COI Seminar Organised by the RDC - Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26 – 27 May 2004 Pro-government parties: Agrarian Party or AP [Mikhail SHIMANSKY]; Belarusian Communist Party or KPB [leader NA]; Belarusian Patriotic Movement (Belarusian Patriotic Party) or BPR [Nikolai ULAKHOVICH, chairman]; Liberal Democratic Party of Belarus [Sergei GAYDUKEVICH]; Party of Labor and Justice [Viktor SOKOLOV]; Social-Sports Party [Vladimir ALEXANDROVICH]; Opposition parties: 10 Plus Coalition [Alyaksandr MILINKEVICH], includes: Belarusian Party of Communists or PKB [Syarhey KALYAKIN]; Belarusian Party of Labor (unregistered) [Aleksandr BUKHVOSTOV, Leonid LEMESHONAK]; Belarusian Popular Front or BPF [Vintsyuk VYACHORKA]; Belarusian Social-Democratic Gramada [Stanislav SHUSHKEVICH]; Green Party [Oleg GROMYKO]; Party of Freedom and Progress (unregistered) [Vladimir NOVOSYAD]; United Civic Party or UCP [Anatol LYABEDKA]; Women's Party "Nadezhda" [Valentina MATUSEVICH, chairperson]; Other opposition includes: Belarusian Social-Democratic Party Nardonaya Hromada or BSDP NH [Alyaksandr KOZULIN, chairman]; Christian Conservative BPF [Zyanon PAZNIAK]; Ecological Party of Greens [Mikhail KARTASH]; Party of Popular Accord [Sergei YERMAKK]; Republican Party [Vladimir BELAZOR] Economy GDP – per capita: purchasing power parity - $7,700 (2005 est.) Imports: $16.94 billion f.o.b. (2005 est.) Exports: $16.14 billion f.o.b. (2005 est.) Sources: CIA World Fact Book 2 9th COI Seminar Organised by the RDC - Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26 – 27 May 2004 Presentation by Dr. Elena Korosteleva-Polglase Lecturer in European Politics, Department of International Politics, University of Wales, Aberystwyth Is Belarus an Authoritarian Exception to the Transitional Experience of East Central Europe? Table of Contents INTRODUCTION OVERVIEW OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN BELARUS, 1990-2004 TOWARDS AN EXPLANATION OF AUTHORITARIAN REGIME IN BELARUS Personal factor of Lukashenko An Institutional Factor An International Factor The Media Public Opinion Introduction Western commentators sometimes refer to Belarus as ‘Europe’s last dictatorship’.1 This description is certainly an exaggeration. It nonetheless captures the unique situation in which Belarus has found itself as the target of consistent criticism and isolation on the part of international community for failing to meet what is recognised as international democratic standards. Fifteen years on, Europe is a different place: the Berlin Wall collapsed and the EU enlarged through that obliterating division between the West and the East. What once used to be the stronghold of socialism in Central Europe, is now eight qualified western style liberal democracies, with two more to join and the rest to become good neighbours and friends. Except for Belarus. It is seemingly the only country that has not changed and is exceptionally retrospective & isolationist amongst its neighbours. It is the country that has resurrected subbotniki, ideological commissars and involuntary graduate job assignments in fear of revoking diplomas. It is the country that has proved remarkably 1 See for example The Wall Street Journal Europe, 7 September 2001; BBC News, 10 September 2001 at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/116265.stm; The Times (UK), 16 November 2002; speech by US Senator John McCain at the International Republican Institute Conference on Democracy in North-eastern Europe, Riga, 6 February 2004 (text published on www.iri.org/sp-mccain-latvia.asp); 3 9th COI Seminar Organised by the RDC - Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26 – 27 May 2004 insensitive to external pressure and espouses authoritarian politics and a demagogue- leader. Finally, it is the country that is the pariah amongst its East European neighbours showing no aspiration for integration either with the EU, CoE or NATO. Here I shall undertake a (1) brief overview of political developments in Belarus and (2) will endeavour to provide some explanation to Belarus’s ‘exceptionalist politics’ from the five principal dimensions: (i) leadership; (ii) institutional; (iii) international; (iv) the media and (iv) finally, electoral to account for the non-conformity of Belarus’s affairs, now unique in the European context. Overview of political developments in Belarus, 1990-2004 International criticism of Belarus began in November 1996, when President Lukashenko organised a referendum (despite the objections of the Constitutional Court2) to amend the Constitution to establish a truly ‘super-presidential’ system. He had won the first Belarusian presidential elections in 1994 with 80% of the vote, defeating then Prime Minister Vyacheslav Kebich in what was internationally recognised as a free and fair contest. Thereafter, Lukashenko set out to undermine the credibility and the effective operation of the legislative and judicial branches of power, thereby weakening institutional checks and balances limiting presidential power. His first step was to sabotage the parliamentary elections of May 1995 (the first since the country gained independence in 1991) by that undermining the standing of parliament. As a result, due to insufficient turnout and other factors as many as four separate rounds of elections needed to be held for parliament to be able to finally convene in January 1996 ending a year of single-handed ruling of the President by decree. The elections were found by the OSCE to have fallen short of the Copenhagen commitments regarding political campaigning and recommended the clarification of electoral legislation and the provision of increased media access to political parties and candidates.3 Lukashenko combined the parliamentary elections with a referendum of consultative character on restoring of Soviet-era state symbols; granting Russian the status of an official language; increasing economic ties with Russia; and giving the President the power to dissolve Parliament. This was Lukashenko’s first use of a popular referendum as an instrument of capitalising on his personal popularity to remove institutional constraints on his power. His confrontation with the Parliament was exacerbated when he proposed another referendum to consolidate his de facto one- man rule by substantially strengthening the President’s powers and reducing those of the Parliament and the judiciary. Lukashenko’s initiative caused a serious political crisis: the Parliament refused to approve the organisation of such a referendum and started impeachment proceedings, accusing the President of attempting ‘an unconstitutional seizure of power.’4 The compromise was eventually reached between the Speaker Semyon Sharetsky and President Lukashenko with the mediation of Russian Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin that parliament would withdraw its 2 On 4 November 1996, the Constitutional Court ruled that the results of such a referendum should be consultative (i.e. have no legal force). 3 ODIHR Activity Report 1995, p. 5. 4 Statement by then Speaker of the Belarusian Supreme Council Semyon Sharetsky, 22 November 1996. 4 9th COI Seminar Organised by the RDC - Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26 – 27 May 2004 petition for the President’s impeachment and Lukashenko would accept that the referendum would not be legally binding. This upset a lot of deputies, and in the end caused Lukashenko to withdraw his concession. Indeed, he succeeded in convincing the electorate, which voted in favour of the proposed constitutional amendments with 71%. The main features of the constitutional amendments adopted in November 1996 were that the President gained the right to dissolve the Parliament, to call referenda, to issue decrees with the force of law, to hire and fire Ministers without parliamentary approval, to appoint six members (half) and a Chairman of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court, and an eighth of the upper house of Parliament. The Parliament became bicameral with the creation of an upper house consisting of presidential and local government appointees, which weakened the influence of the directly elected lower chamber. Moreover, the size of the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Newsletter 15 July.Pub
    VOLUME 6, ISSUE 2 TRANSFORMATION GROUP NEWSLETTER JULY 2010 GLASGOW UNIVERSITY THE COLD WAR STILL CONTINUES… INSIDE THIS ISSUE: along the DMZ – always in all disciplines. of them.) There are dire warnings THE COLD WAR 1 known, for some reason, as not to make unexpected gestures, or STILL CONTIN- What was most notable, as we the DeeEmZee. It’s certainly carry a bag, and when we drive U E S … drove north, was the mounting the scariest place I’ve ever round the zone afterwards there are CONFERENCES level of security and the falling 3 visited (writes Stephen), and I firm instructions not to get out of our AND WORK- incidence of human habitation S H O P S crossed into East Berlin minicoach. Not even when we pass (although there are two func- through Checkpoint Charlie the Bridge of No Return, where tens PRESENTA- 4 tioning villages T I O N S soon after the Wall was built. within the zone It’s not easy to get there ei- itself, one on each PUBLICATIONS 5 ther, although it’s not far side, and it is a (about an hour’s drive) from rich reserve of the Korean capital, and there ACADEMIC AC- 5 plant and animal T I V I T I E S are tourist trips, for those who life). The ‘zone’ is can book in advance. In this in fact a strip of case, the Korean authorities G R A N T S 6 land about two made it possible for a small and a half miles number of those who were wide, heavily forti- V I S I T O R S 7 attending the East Asian Con- fied on both sides.
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus Country Report BTI 2014
    BTI 2014 | Belarus Country Report Status Index 1-10 4.31 # 101 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 3.93 # 99 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 4.68 # 90 of 129 Management Index 1-10 2.80 # 119 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2014. It covers the period from 31 January 2011 to 31 January 2013. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2014 — Belarus Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2014. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2014 | Belarus 2 Key Indicators Population M 9.5 HDI 0.793 GDP p.c. $ 15592.3 Pop. growth1 % p.a. -0.1 HDI rank of 187 50 Gini Index 26.5 Life expectancy years 70.7 UN Education Index 0.866 Poverty3 % 0.1 Urban population % 75.4 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 8.8 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2013 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2013. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Belarus faced one the greatest challenges of the Lukashenka presidency with the economic shocks that swept the country in 2011. The government’s own policies of politically motivated increases in state salaries and directed lending resulted in a balance of payments crisis, a massive decrease in central bank reserves, a currency crisis as queues formed at banks to change Belarusian rubles into dollars or euros, rampant hyperinflation, a devaluation of the national currency, and a significant drop in real incomes for Belarusian households.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU and the Eastern Partnership Countries: How to “Lose Weight” and Incentivise Reforms?
    The EU and the Eastern Partnership Countries: How to “lose weight” and incentivise reforms? GCRF COMPASS Research Brief Sergiu Buscaneanu & Elena Korosteleva 17 February 2020 COMPASS: Comprehensive Capacity-Building in the Eastern Neighbourhood and Central Asia: research integration, impact governance & sustainable communities (GCRF UKRI ES/P010849/1) 1 2 The EU and the Eastern Partnership Countries: How to ‘‘lose weight” and incentivise reforms? Sergiu Buscaneanu & Elena Korosteleva Contents Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 4 “New Wine in Old Wineskins” ........................................................................................................ 4 Domestic Transformation Costs ....................................................................................................... 5 What Policy Response? .................................................................................................................... 7 *** This Research Brief was supported by the European Commission under H2020-MSCA-IF-2016 (Grant 746909) and GCRF UKRI COMPASS (Grant ES/P010849/1), for which the authors are highly grateful. The GCRF COMPASS project (ES/P010849/1, 2017-21) is an ambitious UK government capacity-building funding initiative, aiming to extend UK research globally, to address the challenges of growth and sustainability in the developing countries. Notably, the COMPASS project at the University of Kent, together with
    [Show full text]
  • Testimony :: Stephen Nix
    Testimony :: Stephen Nix Regional Program Director, Eurasia - International Republican Institute Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank you for the opportunity to testify before the Commission today. We are on the eve of a presidential election in Belarus which holds vital importance for the people of Belarus. The government of the Republic of Belarus has the inherit mandate to hold elections which will ultimately voice the will of its people. Sadly, the government of Belarus has a track record of denying this responsibility to its people, its constitution, and the international community. Today, the citizens of Belarus are facing a nominal election in which their inherit right to choose their future will not be granted. The future of democracy in Belarus is of strategic importance; not only to its people, but to the success of the longevity of democracy in all the former Soviet republics. As we have witnessed in Georgia and Ukraine, it is inevitable that the time will come when the people stand up and demand their rightful place among their fellow citizens of democratic nations. How many more people must be imprisoned or fined or crushed before this time comes in Belarus? Mr. Chairman, the situation in Belarus is dire, but the beacon of hope in Belarus is shining. In the midst of repeated human rights violations and continual repression of freedoms, a coalition of pro-democratic activists has emerged and united to offer a voice for the oppressed. The courage, unselfishness and determination of this coalition are truly admirable. It is vitally important that the United States and Europe remain committed to their support of this democratic coalition; not only in the run up to the election, but post-election as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic of Belarus
    August 1997 Vol. 9 No. 8 (D) REPUBLIC OF BELARUS CRUSHING CIVIL SOCIETY AWhat scares me most is to see how fragile our freedom turned out to be. I used to think that the freedom we had achieved would never be taken away from us again.@ Yury Drakokhurst, Belarusian journalist. SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................................................................3 RECOMMENDATIONS.............................................................................................................................................................4 A NOTE ON GEOGRAPHY AND DEMOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................6 BACKGROUND .........................................................................................................................................................................6 Weakening Parliament and the Judiciary.......................................................................................................................7 The Referendum..............................................................................................................................................7 Legislative Powers of the President.................................................................................................................8 The National Assembly (Parliament) ..............................................................................................................8
    [Show full text]
  • The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
    BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law
    [Show full text]
  • EDB Eurasian Integration Yearbook 2011
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive EDB Eurasian Integration Yearbook 2011 Vinokurov, Evgeny Euirasian Development Bank 2011 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/49178/ MPRA Paper No. 49178, posted 22 Aug 2013 07:48 UTC EDB EURASIAN I N T E G R A T I O N YEARBOOK 2011 Eurasian Integration Yearbook 2011 Annual publication of the Eurasian Development Bank УДК 339.7 ББК 65.012.3 Е 91 Eurasian Integration Yearbook 2011. – Almaty, 2011. – p. 352 ISBN 978–601–7151–21–8 Annual publication of the Eurasian Development Bank Edited by Evgeny Vinokurov The Eurasian Development Bank is an international financial institution established to promote economic growth and integration processes in Eurasia. The Bank was founded by the intergovernmental agreement signed in January 2006 by the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan. In 2009–2010 Armenia, Tajikistan, Belarus became full members of the Bank. Electric power, water and energy, transportation infrastructure and high-tech and innovative industries are the key areas for Bank’s financing activity. As part of its mission the Bank carries out extensive research and analysis of contemporary development issues and trends in the region, with particular focus on Eurasian integration. The Bank also hosts regular conferences and round tables addressing various aspects of integration. In 2008, the Bank launched an annual EDB Eurasian Integration Yearbook (in English) and quarterly Journal of Eurasian Economic Integration (in Russian). Both publications are available online at: www.eabr.org. The Bank’s Strategy and Research Department publishes detailed Industry and Country Analytical Reports and plans to undertake a number of research projects.
    [Show full text]
  • Sumario Contents
    2009 № 3 SUMARIO CONTENTS ACTIVIDAD ECONÓMICA EXTERIOR FOREIGN ECONOMIC ACTIVITY Juan Antonio Marc Pujol: Los empresarios de Belarús y España tienen que conocer mejor uno a otro Juan Antonio Marc Pujol: Business circles of Belarus and Spain should get to know each other better ......................................................................................4 Italia se acerca más Italy Becomes Closer .....................................................................8 PANORAMA PANORAMA 14 COOPERACIÓN INTERNACIONAL INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION Belarús – Cuba: hacia nuevas perspectivas de cooperación Belarus-Cuba: New Cooperation Prospects ................................................18 Belarús – Venezuela: inicio de la nueva etapa de relaciones Belarus-Venezuela: New Stage in Relations ..........................................................25 CONTENTS SUMARIO FORO PROYECTOS E INVERSIONES FORUM PROJECTS AND INVESTMENTS En dirección correcta «Saria» ha consolidado sus posiciónes en Belarús The Right Way ..........................................................................32 Saria Gains a Foothold in Belarus’ Market ......................50 DESARROLLO DEVELOPMENT INDUSTRIA DE DESCANSO LEISURE INDUSTRY El negocio la estilo italiano en Belarús El viaje al paraíso Italian Business in Belarus ....................................................42 A Trip to the Dreamland ........................................................53 COLABORACIÓN COMERCIAL PARTNERSHIP-DRIVEN BUSINESS Empresa mixta Bielita: 20 años de fructífera alianza
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus Page 1 of 29
    Belarus Page 1 of 29 Belarus Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 According to its amended Constitution, the country is a republic with a directly elected President. President Alexander Lukashenko intensified his attack on democratic institutions. First elected in 1994, Lukashenko amended the 1994 Constitution in 1996 through a seriously flawed referendum and extended his term in office in 2001 through an election process that the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) described as neither free nor fair. In March and November, local elections were held that were neither free nor fair. The judiciary is not independent. The Committee for State Security (KGB) and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD), both of which report directly to the President, share law enforcement and internal security responsibilities. The Presidential Guard--created initially to protect senior officials--continued to act against the political enemies of the Lukashenko Government with no judicial or legislative oversight. Apart from the President, civilian authorities did not maintain effective control of the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses. The economy was centrally planned with industry accounting for approximately half of economic output. The country had a population of just under 10 million, although this number was decreasing. The majority of workers were employed in the state industrial and state agricultural sectors. In the state sector, wages were lower than the national average and wage arrears were chronic though often of short duration and limited scope.
    [Show full text]
  • Belarusian Subject Collection
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf7290058v No online items Inventory of the Belarusian subject collection Finding aid prepared by Ronald Bulatoff Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 1998 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Inventory of the Belarusian XX800 1 subject collection Title: Belarusian subject collection Date (inclusive): 1938-2016 Collection Number: XX800 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: In Belarusian and Russian Physical Description: 11 manuscript boxes, 2 oversize boxes, 4 CD-Rs(7.3 Linear Feet) Abstract: Pamphlets, serial issues, flyers, leaflets, election campaign literature, and other printed matter relating to various aspects of Belarusian history, and to political conditions and elections in Belarus following establishment of its independence. Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access Box 13 restricted; use copies available in Box 11. The remainder of the collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. An increment was added in 2011. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Belarusian subject collection, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Scope and Content of Collection Pamphlets, serial issues, flyers, leaflets, election campaign literature, and other printed matter relating to various aspects of Belarusian history, and to political conditions and elections in Belarus following establishment of its independence. An increment received in 2011 contains campaign material from the Belarusian presidential election of December 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election
    BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimi- without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, nation to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security June 2011 564a Uladz Hrydzin © This report has been produced with the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus: a Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St
    Belarus: A Chinese Solution?1 Tomasz Kamusella University of St Andrews Bezviz, or the European Union’s visa waver program extended to Ukraine a year ago in June 2017,2 must have angered the autocratic regimes in neighboring Belarus and Russia. Why would Ukrainians, who had just lost Crimea and were unable to stop the Russian incursion in the east of their country, be allowed to enjoy Rome or Paris without having to face the indignity of applying for a Schengen visa? The Eiffel Tower, the Sistine Chapel, or the Canaries can hardly be successfully replaced with the likes of Sochi, the rebuilt Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, or the Crimean seacoast stricken by the dearth of water. Neither are the Kuril Islands, known for their balmy climate conducive to all-year-round holidaying. To the average Belarusian and Russian the west inexplicably rewarded Ukraine for the military losses suffered with the privilege that should first be accorded to Russians or Belarusians. Autocracies as good at winning elections with the help of political technologists and sophisticated IT systems as those in Belarus and Russia are nevertheless still susceptible to fickle popularity felt by the ‘electorates’ for the strongman at the top. The less a dictator is popular, the more direct violence has to be applied to wage power. In turn, unleashing too much violence causes popularity to plummet even further. This confronts the regime with the unwanted downward spiral of increasing state violence that simultaneously generates instability, which in no time may morph into effective political opposition. And such opposition stands a chance of unsettling the dictator from power; an option best to be avoided.
    [Show full text]