Belarusian Subject Collection
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TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ......................................................... 1 (1) Arbitrary detention and alleged police ill-treatment ........................... 2 Unofficial presidential elections: 7 - 16 May 1999 ........................ 3 The cases of Yevgeny Murashko and Galina Artemenko ............. 3 Demonstrations to mark the official end of President Lukashenka’s term in office: 21 and 27 July 1999 .......................................... 4 The case of Irina Halip ..................................... 5 The case of Yevgeny Osinsky ................................ 6 The Freedom March demonstration: 17 October 1999 .................... 6 The cases of Alyaksandr Shchurko and Olga Baryalai .............. 8 The Day of Freedom demonstration: 25 March 2000 ..................... 9 The case of Valery Shchukin ................................ 10 (2) Possible "Disappearances" in Belarus ................................... 11 The case of Yury Zakharenko ............................... 12 The case of Viktor Gonchar and Anatoly Krasovsky .............. 13 (3) Prisoners of Conscience and Fair Trials ................................. 16 The case of Mikhail Chigir .................................. 17 The case of Andrey Klimov ................................. 19 The case of Vladimir Koudinov .............................. 21 (4) Possible Prisoner of Conscience ...................................... 22 The case of Yury Bandazhevsky ............................. 23 (5) Persecution of Human Rights Defenders ............................... -
EUR 01/01/00 Concerns in Europe July-December 1999
CONCERNS IN EUROPE July - December 1999 FOREWORD This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe between July and December 1999. Not every country in Europe is reported on: only those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin. The five Central Asian republics of Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are included in the Europe Region because of their membership of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Reflecting the priority Amnesty International is giving to investigating and campaigning against human rights violations against women and children, the bulletin contains special sections on Women in Europe (p.95) and Children in Europe (p.99). A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin. References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News Service Items issued by Amnesty International. This bulletin is published by Amnesty International every six months. References to previous bulletins in the text are: AI Index: EUR 01/02/99 Concerns in Europe: January - June 1999 AI Index: EUR 01/01/99 Concerns in Europe: July - December 1998 AI Index: EUR 01/02/98 Concerns in Europe: January - June 1998 AI Index: EUR 01/01/98 Concerns in Europe: July - December 1997 AI Index: EUR 01/01/97 Concerns in Europe: July - December 1996 AI Index: EUR 01/01/95 Concerns in Europe: May - December 1994 Amnesty International March 2000 AI Index: EUR 01/01/00 2 Concerns in Europe: July - December 1999 ARMENIA trial in accordance with the international standards Armenia has pledged to uphold. -
Country Profile – Belarus
Legal Aid Board, Ireland Refugee Documentation Centre 9th European Country of Origin Information Seminar Organised by the Refugee Documentation Centre, Ireland and UNHCR Dublin, 26-27 May 2004 COUNTRY PROFILE – BELARUS The views and opinions stated in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the organizers of the workshop. This paper is not, and does not purport to be, fully exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Belarus Location: Eastern Europe, east of Poland Area: 80,155 square miles/207,600 sq km Capital: Minsk Independence: 25 August 1991 (from Soviet Union) Constitution: 15 March 1994; revised by national referendum of 24 November 1996 giving the presidency greatly expanded powers and became effective 27 November 1996; revised again 17 October 2004 removing presidential term limits Population: 10,293,011 (July 2006 est.) Suffrage: 18 years of age; universal Ethnic Groups: Belarusian 81.2%, Russian 11.4%, Polish 3.9%, Ukrainian 2.4%, other 1.1% (1999 census) Languages: Belarusian, Russian, other Religions: Eastern Orthodox 80%, other (including Roman Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, and Muslim) 20% (1997 est.) Head of state Chief of state: President Aleksandr LUKASHENKO (since 20 July 1994) Head of government: Prime Minister Sergei SIDORSKY (since 19 December 2003); First Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir SEMASHKO (since December 2003) Political parties and leaders 1 9th COI Seminar Organised by the RDC - Ireland and UNHCR -
Republic of Belarus
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF BELARUS EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 17 November 2019 ODIHR NEEDS ASSESSMENT MISSION REPORT 26 – 30 August 2019 Warsaw 6 September 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1 II. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................ 1 III. FINDINGS ........................................................................................................... 3 A. BACKGROUND ...............................................................................................................3 B. ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK ...........................................................4 C. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION .........................................................................................5 D. VOTER REGISTRATION ..................................................................................................7 E. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ..........................................................................................7 F. ELECTION CAMPAIGN ....................................................................................................8 G. CAMPAIGN FINANCE ......................................................................................................9 H. MEDIA ..........................................................................................................................10 I. COMPLAINTS AND APPEALS ........................................................................................11 -
Lebedka Statement.Pdf
Anatoly Lebedka Chair of the opposition United Civic Party and Co-chair of the United Democratic Forces (UDF) It is a great honor for me to speak in the US Congress. The hearings today are a direct testimony of the fact that Belarus is still on the international agenda. I represent the team of political optimists in Belarus. Possibly, pessimists’ appraisals will be more accurate, but I am convinced that only optimists will be able to bring changes to Belarus. For the sake of objectivity, I suggest considering all arguments and perspectives. I will start with the existing risks and threats 1. Belarus continues to remain a test laboratory for production and distribution of a neo- authoritarian ideology of “lukashism” in Eurasia, and Lukashenka remains the leader of revanche forces in the former USSR. This situation is a central underestimation of the situation in Belarus by the international community. 2. The authorities continue to stake their power on repression and violent solutions to problems. We have clearly declared that UDF is in support of dialog with the authorities. But we cannot shake a hand which is balled into a fist. We cannot shake a hand that holds the keys to the prison cells of Alexander Kazulin, Andrei Klimau, Dzmitry Dashkevich and other political prisoners. We maintain that a real dialog about concrete issues of political prisoners and free and fair elections is substituted for never ending “talks.” There is a danger that the international community will be stuck in these conversations, which have neither time limit nor agenda. 3. The regime demonstrates certain signs of mimicry. -
Explanatory Notes 2012
CARIM EAST – CONSORTIUM FOR APPLIED RESEARCH ON INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION Co-fi nanced by the European Union The Role of Migration in the Political System of Belarus Anastacia Bobrova CARIM-East Explanatory Note 12/107 Socio-Political Module September 2012 © 2012. All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be distributed, quoted or reproduced in any form without permission from the CARIM East Project. The pluralism of political parties emerged in Belarus in 1991. However, in the experts' opinion currently its proper functioning is in question. Thus, V.A. Bozhanov writes: "today in the political environment of Belarus we see a complete lack of political system, because we do not have any actual ruling parties, no Parliamentary groups" (Bozhanov, 2010, p. 164). It has been observed that the number of political parties decreased significantly: from 40 in 1990 to 15 in 2012. As the number of parties decreased, so did their representation in the Parliament which is responsible for adopting the laws. In general there were 4 sessions of the two houses of Parliament convened in the work of the National Assembly of Belarus since 1996. Speaking of the House of Representatives which is in charge of considering and discussing the bills, most of the party representatives were there based on the results of the first convocation, formed of the Supreme Council: half of all the deputies were representatives of 9 political parties, including 24 members of agrarian party, 20 from the two Communist parties, 6 from several social-democratic parties. There were only 16 deputies affiliated with political parties in the second National Assembly, 12 in the third one, 7 in the fourth one (1 from the Belarusian Agrarian party, 6 from the Communist parties, the rest 103 of them were not affiliated with any parties). -
I~III~ * O 2 E I I Lfls ___E-".'
Date Printed: 10/28/2008 JTS Box Number: IFES 1 Tab Number: 31 Document Title: Report of the IFES Delegation Examininq the Evolution of the Document Date: 1992 Document Country: Belarus IFES ID: R01530 ~ I~III~ * o 2 E I I lflS ___E-".'_ .. 1101 15th STREET. N'w'THIRD FLOOR·WASHINGTON. D.C. 20005'12021 828-8507'FAX 12021 452-0804 I I I I REPORT OF THE IFES DELEGATION EXAMINING THE EVOLUTION I OF THE ELECTION PROCESS IN I BELARUS I MARCH 20-24, 1992 I I I I I I I I 80'1RD OF DIREGORS Barbara Boggs Maureen A Kindel William R. Sweeney. Jr. Randal C. Teague Counsel Charles I Manau Patricia Hutar Frank J. Fahrenkopf Jr. Jean-Pierre Kingsley leonJ. Weil I Chairman Secretary Judy Fernald Peter McPherson DIREGORS EMERrTI Richard W. Soudriette David R. Jones Joseph Napolitan James M. Cannon Director I Vice Chairman Treasurer Victor Kamber Sonia Picado S. Richard M. Scammon I I TABLE OF CONTENTS I Foreword 1 I Introduction 2 Political Setting 5 I constitutional System 9 Political Party System 15 I Election System 16 Legislating the Election System 17 I Administering the Election System 17 I Drawing Boundaries 19 Providing Ballot Access 20 I Registering voters 23 campaign Financing, I Regulation, and Providing Voter Information 23 Balloting • • . 24 I contesting Elections and Recounts 24 I Concluding Observations . 24 Appendices I (a) Invitations (b) Report of the united states Delegation Studying the I Evolution of the Electoral Process in the Soviet union (March 17-27, 1990) (c) Report of the International Delegation Studying the I Development of the Mongolian Election System I (December 3-10, 1991) I I I I I FOREWORD This document is based on a report by the IFES delegation examining the evolution of the electoral process in the Republic I of Belarus. -
Belarus 2020 International Religious Freedom Report
BELARUS 2020 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution grants individuals freedom to profess and practice any religious belief but prohibits religious activities directed against the sovereignty of the state, its constitutional system, and “civic harmony.” A concordat grants the Belarusian Orthodox Church (BOC) rights and privileges not granted to other religious groups, although the law also acknowledges the historical importance of the “traditional faiths” of Catholicism, Judaism, Islam, and evangelical Lutheranism. By law, all registered religious groups must seek permits to hold events outside of their premises, including proselytizing activities, and must obtain prior governmental approval to import and distribute religious literature. The law prohibits all religious activity by unregistered groups. The country experienced massive peaceful protests met with what most observers considered a brutal government crackdown following the August 9 presidential election, which civil society and human rights groups, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the EU, the United Kingdom, and the United States, among others, stated was fraudulent. Demonstrators protested electoral fraud, and authorities responded with widespread violence against peaceful protesters, the opposition, journalists, and ordinary citizens. Most of those detained, jailed, or fined – including clergy – were charged indiscriminately with “organizing or participating in unauthorized mass events.” Authorities continued their surveillance of minority and unregistered religious groups. Religious groups met less frequently at their own discretion due to COVID-19 infection concerns. At the same time, authorities focused less on monitoring religious groups as they were preoccupied with other issues, including the COVID-19 pandemic, a struggling economy, the presidential campaign, and the election-related protests that followed. -
CPY Document
The Parliamentary Elections in Belarus: Lukashenka’s Dress Rehearsal? Uladzimir Padhol and David R. Marples n 16 October 2000 the Advisory and Wieck, which has maintained that the opposition Monitoring Group of the OSCE in Minsk should gain a foothold in the official structures and Odeclared that the parliamentary elections, advocated a mass turnout at the polling booths as a which took place in the Republic of Belarus on 15 form of public protest. The role of the OSCE AMB October, did not meet international standards for has itself caused dissension among the opposition,1 democratic elections. In addition the US some of whom have maintained that the Department of State has also refused to recognize organization is in this way promoting the the validity of the elections and will continue to government’s cause. At issue are the results of an regard the Parliament of the 13th Session, dissolved agreement made between President Alyaksander by President Lukashenka in late 1996, as the Lukashenka and the OSCE at a summit in Istanbul, legitimate parliament of Belarus. The chairman of Turkey, in November 1999, during which that parliament, Semyon Sharetsky, left Belarus in Lukashenka agreed to develop a serious “dialogue” the summer of 1999, fearing for his safety. A second with the opposition, thereby (it was hoped) bringing round of the elections took place on 29 October, to an end the impasse between the two sides, which resulting in the election of 97 deputies in the 110- dates back to the November 1996 referendum by seat assembly. It may take a further three months which the president amended the 1994 Constitution for the remaining thirteen seats to be filled. -
OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 176 1 Or Education Establishments, to Other Forms of the Belarusian Opposition Forces Claim to Have Everyday Intimidation
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 176 | 08.07.2015 www.osw.waw.pl A game played according to Lukashenka’s rules: the political opposition in Belarus Tomasz Bakunowicz The Belarusian opposition is currently experiencing its deepest crisis since Alyaksandr Lukashen- ka took power in 1994. Following many months of negotiations, opposition leaders failed to select a joint candidate for the presidential election scheduled for 11th October. The failure of this latest round of talks has proven that not only is the opposition unlikely to threaten Lukashenka’s rule; it will not even be able to demonstrate to society that it could provide a genuine alternative to the present government. The presidential election in 2010 was a painful landmark for the opposition. The repression that ac- companied the election has largely weakened political circles opposed to the government. Against this backdrop, the traditional internal problems of the opposition have worsened, such as its inca- pacity to reach agreement and develop a common, coherent operational strategy, the excessive ambitions of the leaders of particular groups, the low level of political maturity, mutual distrust and frequent personal conflicts. As a result the opposition has for years been unable to gain confidence in society and reach beyond the limited number (20%) of staunch proponents of democratic trans- formations. Given the fact that the Belarusian opposition is fragmented and lacks one clear leader, the readiness to support individual leaders does not exceed several per cent, according to independ- ent surveys. Lukashenka’s present political opponents rather resemble a group of dissidents, than constitute a genuine opposition to the government. -
Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
At a glance March 2015 Belarus: an autocracy quashing all opposition Since 1994, President Alexander Lukashenko has effectively stifled all dissent in Belarus, and his 'Belaya Rus' party is de facto the only valid political force in Minsk. In the short term, the splintered political opposition is unlikely to pose a serious challenge to Lukashenko, who can expect to be re- elected in the presidential elections later this year, despite the country's financial woes and a looming risk of political unrest. Belarus – traditionally pro-Kremlin, but not Putin's puppet Wedged in between the EU and Russia, Belarus is traditionally clearly pro-Kremlin and has never made substantial efforts to integrate with the West. Compared to the other Eastern Partnership countries, long- serving President Alexander Lukashenko's political system performs poorly regarding relations with the EU and compliance with European standards. Criticism of the regime and the President is considered a criminal offence under Belarusian law, and freedom of expression in Belarus is de facto non-existent. Minsk depends heavily on support from Moscow to sustain its repressed economy and exports 40% of its goods to Russia. Belarus is a founding member of the Eurasian Economic Union, which was launched on 1 January 2015. Despite these close ties and the facilitating role played by Lukashenko in hosting several rounds of Ukraine- Russia talks, the Ukraine crisis nevertheless seems to have created rifts between Minsk and Moscow. In opposition to Putin, Minsk immediately recognised the new, pro-EU government in Kyiv in 2014. Belarus profited from EU-Russia sanctions by processing EU foodstuffs and exporting them to Russia, until Moscow banned certain Belarusian products from its market. -
Substitution of Civil Society in Belarus: Government-Organised Non-Governmental Organisations
67 The Journal of Belarusian Studies Substitution of Civil Society in Belarus: Government-Organised Non-Governmental Organisations BY ANASTASIYA MATCHANKA* Belarus, as a young state that received its full independence only in 1991, had no historical record of sovereignty except for a few months in 1918. This short period of time did little to create the foundations for a historical discourse for most Belarusians. When compared to Ukraine, the Baltic States or Poland, due to historic ties, Belarus’ path is different in many respects. In terms of civil society, or civil movements, a pre-independent Belarus never had its own Sajudis, a reform movement in neighbouring Lithuania that organised the struggle for independence in the 1990s, or massive workers movement like Solidarity in Poland. Likewise, island of independent intellectual thought throughout its history. Belarus achieved its independence without an organised struggle, unlike a ma- jority of its neighbouring countries. In fact, Belarus is often referred to as a coun- try that was not prepared for its own independent statehood. These considerations have major implications for the current state of civil society in the country, as well as its development. Its strong ties to its Soviet legacy shapes people’s understand- ing of civil society, which, in turn, is a major reason why modern concepts do not resonate well among its citizens. The available scholarly work on the weak state of civil society in Belarus gives credence to this argument. While post-communist civil societies are often consid- ered uniformly weak and ineffective, Belarus does not have a functioning civil society (Lenzi 2002, 404).