Studying Provincial Elections in Canada

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13

The Once-Forgotten Battlegrounds: Studying Provincial Elections in Canada

Jared J. Wesley Department of Political Science, University of Alberta – Email address: [email protected]

Abstract: This special edition of Canadian Political Science Review tests many of the leading assumptions surrounding Canada’s ten provincial electoral battlegrounds. Based on data and research emerging from the Comparative Provincial Election Project, these studies reveal how many theories based on federal-level evidence require refinement when it comes to their applicability to the provincial realm.

Keywords: provincial politics; surveys; federalism; party politics

Résumé: Cette édition spéciale de la revue des "sciences politiques canadiennes" teste de nombreuses hypothèses entourant dix campagnes électorales provinciales au Canada. Basée sur les données de recherches émergentes du Projet Comparatif des élections provinciales, ces études révèlent le nombre des théories basées sur un niveau fédéral qui ont besoin de perfectionnement pour être appliquées au niveau provincial.

Mots-clés: Mots clés : politique provinciale,enquêtes, fédéralisme, partis politique

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13

Can we truly understand a research cycle. Provincialists seeking to country’s electoral politics by focusing secure grant funding or space in flagship almost exclusively on nation-wide journals often encounter resistance from elections? This appears to be the their peers, who fail to see the broader assumption underlying generations of applicability of their research to national political science research in Canada. and international politics. A vicious cycle Whether measured by the weight or ensues, denying would-be students of volume of literature, or the content of provincial politics of the tutelage or university courses on the subject, resources to produce top-quality primary “Canadian politics” have become or secondary research. synonymous with “federal politics”. Whatever its source, this lack of Discussions of parties, media, voters, and attention to provincial politics in Canada democracy revolve around the federal- is disappointing, and is becoming level, sub-national actors and trends increasingly indefensible. For one, a receiving far less attention. These growing proportion of Canadian politics is assumptions persist, despite the fact that taking place within the provincial realm, an increasing amount of important with issues like healthcare, political activity is being undertaken environmental conservation, education, outside federal politics. and economic recovery dominating the Indeed, for such a decentralized public agenda. With the federal federation, there is a staggering lack of government vacating much of this policy understanding of politics at the provincial space, provinces are not only assuming level in Canada. While generations of leadership in their traditional areas of researchers, hundreds of volumes, and jurisdiction. Provincial governments are millions of dollars have been spent also assuming a larger presence in areas analyzing federal politics, few research of federal responsibility. This is true in projects have focused on democracy in the international sphere, by virtue of their Canada’s ten, smaller “political worlds”. own positions within the globalized This neglect is understandable on some economy and their concerted efforts to level. Scholars may assume that the engage with foreign partners; in dynamics at play at the pan-Canadian immigration; and in areas like Aboriginal level ought, logically, to apply to the sub- affairs. Considering the leading role national units. Assumptions like these played by provinces in these areas, the pervade the literature in other study of sub-national politics is a federations, as well, like the United States necessary element of understanding and Australia. This ecological fallacy is an Canadian politics, as a whole (not to easy trap in which to fall, but it is a fallacy mention politics on the global scale). and trap, nonetheless. Second, provincial political At the other end of the spectrum, systems have undergone dramatic scholars may view provincial politics as changes since the “high tide” of research too parochial and idiosyncratic to be of over thirty years ago. The last major, interest or value to audiences outside concerted effort to study provincial their borders. This bias is also often politics came amid the constitutional applied to the study of municipal politics debates of the late 1970s and early 1980s, in Canada and elsewhere, and manifests as scholars and governments aimed to itself in numerous ways throughout the gain a better understanding of Canada’s

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Small Worlds (Elkins and Simeon, 1980). the federal level (see Kanji et al., 2012; Even then, the research program was Courtney, 2004). very limited in scope and volume, and Third, the lack of concerted was based on admittedly rudimentary analysis of provincial politics means that data. In the decades that followed, there students of Canadian politics have missed was so little systematic comparison of an opportunity to contribute provincial elections that two leading meaningfully to the global literature on observers remarked, “it is only possible to federalism, democracy, and elections. sketch in a general fashion the variety The Canadian provinces represent a that now marks them” (Carty and series of under-used laboratories for Stewart, 1996: 65). Writing at the turn of comparative analysis in this regard, the twenty-first century, another offering political scientists an lamented “the literature in some areas is unparalleled opportunity to explore the now so dated that any generalizations are complex nature of campaigns, parties, becoming dangerous” (Dunn, 2001: 441). competition, elections, and other Some scholars kept the torchlight elements of democracy, with lessons that burning. There were periodic election could extend well beyond Canada’s studies in Ontario, BC, the Maritimes, borders. As Imbeau et al. (2000: 803) Quebec, and Alberta. And several volumes explain, the provinces provide on provincial politics have emerged since researchers with several notable that low ebb. Yet these studies remain advantages: “low variation on potentially exceedingly rare compared to those disturbing variables; high variability on focusing on the federal level. Christopher variables that are central to research Dunn (2015) edits the only textbook on questions; a number of cases sufficient to provincial politics presently in print, with allow for potentially complimentary his volume organized thematically, such comparative analyses in any of the that each article addresses all ten explanatory schemes used in social provinces according to one of eighteen sciences; and relatively modest research (18) topics ranging from political culture, costs than for international research.” democracy, institutions, political The following articles close these economy, and public policy. Other recent gaps, taking a “laboratory”-based books have focused on specific issues, approach to understanding Canadian relating to public policy (Atkinson et al., politics through the comparative lens of 2013), executives (Bernier et al., 2005), its provincial communities. The purpose and political economies (Brownsey and of the following studies is Howlett, 2001). The Canadian Political straightforward: to test the common Science Review provides space for the wisdom generated from decades of chronicling of individual provincial research at the federal-level, to see if our election campaigns as they occur. understanding of elections, electors, and Unfortunately, none of these sources have electioneering in Canada applies beyond included a systematic, comparative the pan-Canadian to the provincial level. examination of elections in the Canadian Each article tests an element of prevailing provinces – a surprising gap, given the knowledge about Canadian politics, immense amount of research that drawn almost exclusively from federal- continues to be conducted on the topic at level research. Some of this conventional wisdom is reinforced through the

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 provincial-level analysis in this edition, equivalent to federal politics. Just as an while other accepted understandings are awareness of federal politics is essential refined or rejected. At the same time, the to an understanding of Canadian politics, edition aims to improve our knowledge so, too, is a grasp of provincial politics. about Canadian politics by employing the This special edition focuses on the latter. provincial laboratories to establish new Regrettably, the edition also models and understandings that are best suffers from the same shortcoming of tested using the comparative method. most studies of subnational politics in An unprecedented cluster of nine Canada: it neglects the study of elections (9) provincial elections held within a two- in the three territories. It has become all year period (2011-2013) provided the too commonplace to justify this omission foundation for these analyses. (Only New for lack of expertise, secondary literature Brunswick voters failed to visit the polls or funding, although all of these excuses during this interval.) This timing allowed factored into the decision to confine the researchers to control for many national present study to provincial politics alone. and global effects, while providing for The approaches in this edition are advance planning in ways that have been intentionally varied. Each author brings previously problematic. Fixed-election his or her unique skills and perspective to dates in many of these jurisdictions the study of provincial politics. Several provided researchers with the luxury of team members have published in the planning a coordinated, pan-Canadian areas of voter participation, political study. This special edition is structured attitudes, and the demographic influences around a single, over-arching research on political behaviour. The edition brings question: Considering conventional together experts in the behaviour and wisdom is grounded in federal-level strategies of political parties, elites, and research, how can a comparison of media. In addition, the authors possess a provincial experiences help us better wealth of knowledge about politics in understand politics and elections in their individual provinces, having Canada as a whole? Each article explores researched, published, and taught in these this question by outlining the inherited areas. theoretical framework, the detailed This diversity of talent is fortunate, methodology employed to test it, the as a mixed-method research design is findings of this comparative analysis, and required to offer the sort of holistic a discussion of how this analysis examination required to understand contributes to a better understanding of electoral politics in the Canadian politics and elections in Canada. provinces. Some authors have It is important to note: this edition approached their studies from a is not designed to compare politics at the quantitative perspective, others from a federal versus provincial levels. (That is more qualitative angle. Some have certainly a worthy objective, and one to employed original survey data, while which scholars should turn their others have used government statistics or attention.) Rather, this edition delves media content. deeply into politics at the provincial level This edition’s focus is inherently as a means of better understanding comparative, meaning that readers Canadian (not federal) politics. Despite seeking a comprehensive examination of the research bias, Canadian politics is not the politics of a single province will not

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 find it here. At times, some authors have (2012), and Brad Lavigne (2013) remain chosen to incorporate all ten provinces in among the most widely-read accounts of their analyses; at others, they have Canadian campaigns. Empirical research, tightened their focus to include a handful like studies found in MacIvor (2010), of provincial cases. This narrowing was have shed more concentrated light on as much a product of research constraints issues like constituency campaigning, as it was conscientious research design. candidate selection, resource allocation, For instance, a full, ten-province study of online campaigning, and polling. Indeed, political marketing, media politics, or for decades, pioneers like Young and campaign finance is not only resource- Jansen (2011) have been carving space prohibitive. In many cases, the data to for the study of campaign finance in conduct a full ten-province study does not Canada, just as leading researchers exist; in others, the detail necessary to including Sampert and Trimble (2009) complete a comprehensive analysis have established a niche for ‘media would far surpass the space allotted in politics’ within the Canadian political this edition. science community. More recently, with Overall, the collective aim of advent of political marketing as a subfield contributors to this edition has been to in the discipline, scholars including shed light on provincial politics as a Marland, Lees-Marshment and Giasson window into Canadian politics as a whole. (2012) have begun exploring the ways in To accomplish this, the articles are which marketing principles, research, and divided into three main sections: those campaign tactics pervade electioneering dealing with electioneering (campaigns), in Canada. This broad range of research electors (voting), and electoral democracy activity has contributed immensely to our (civic culture). The three concepts are understanding of Canadian political inextricably linked, in that an campaigns... at least as they are conducted understanding of voter behaviour relies at the federal level. on an appreciation of how parties and the We know, for instance, that media behave during campaigns, and vice technological innovations, persistent versa. By the same token, the state of polling, year-round fundraising, fixed democracy at the provincial level in election dates, and the advent of the Canada – its civic culture – relies heavily twenty-four-seven media cycle have all on an assessment of how these political ushered in the era of “permanent actors interact. campaigning” in federal politics, one featuring an increased focus on negative and online communications. Aside from Electioneering and Campaigns anecdotal evidence or media coverage, however, we have lacked hard evidence of Whether from the perspective of these forces and effects present at the the citizen, media, or academics, the provincial level. Alex Marland addresses campaigns, themselves, have always this gap in the first article. Employing drawn the lion’s share of attention when qualitative content analysis of advertising it comes to Canadian politics and and media coverage in recent elections elections. Leaders’ biographies and across Canada, Marland finds strong insider exposes by renown strategists like evidence of the permanent campaign in Tom Flanagan (2007), Warren Kinsella provincial politics, replete with the same

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 normative implications for the quality of released publicly per day over the course Canadian democracy. His article raises of the 2011 federal election campaign – a important questions about the future of number that does not include the many Canadian campaigning, particularly as it internal polls conducted by parties and surrounds the world of unregulated candidates, themselves. For the most online content. part, nation-wide forecasts have been The media plays a central role in fairly accurate, with private sector firms the permanent campaign, often framing competing to be the most reliable when it the contests as “games” to be won or lost comes to predicting outcomes. While by the leading contenders, as opposed to smaller in volume, public polling in great debates over substantive policy provincial elections has grown steadily issues. In this vein, federal-level research with the arrival of more cost-effective confirms that most pan-Canadian media techniques and sampling methods. Over outlets are just as market-oriented as the one hundred private sector polls were parties they cover – often prioritizing published during the nine elections in the their own market share over their 2011-2013 cycle. With so many unique responsibility to contribute to a environments, these campaigns provided substantive, policy-based dialogue during pollsters with a fertile testing ground for elections. In the second article, Shannon new approaches to public opinion Sampert and Adelina Petit-Vouriot research, and academics with an present the first comprehensive, opportunity to examine the accuracy of comparative analysis of media framing their forecasts. All told, these provincial ever conducted at the provincial level. elections produced mixed results for Based on quantitative content analyses of Canada's private sector polling firms. As newspaper coverage in six provincial a whole, the polling industry did well elections across the country, their forecasting the six of the nine elections, findings suggest that game-framing and but the surprising results in Quebec, market logic are not nearly as pervasive Alberta, and British Columbia raised as federal-level research would have us serious questions about whether it is still believe. While outlets in larger markets possible to accurately measure voter tended to behave like national papers, intentions during a provincial election. In smaller papers and those covering the third article, pracademic insiders elections with little prospect for changes David Coletto and Bryan Breguet assess in government tended to offer more the polling conducted during each substantive (issue-based) content. Their provincial election between 2011 and conclusions suggest that Canadians living 2013, concluding that a lack of focus on in different parts of the country ‘likelihood to turnout’ led many firms to experience distinct modes of media produce less than reliable results. politics. Our focus on campaigning closes Polling is also an indispensable with a discussion of the role of money in part of the permanent campaign in provincial elections. For decades, federal- Canada. Political operatives need public level researchers have grappled with two opinion to shape their strategies and key challenges to studying campaign tactics, just as the media relies on it to sell finance in Canada: the inapplicability of their audiences on the intensity of the international theories and models, and ‘horserace’. An average of two polls were the inaccessibility of data on party

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 revenues and spending. Despite these (Kanji et al., 2012). In the early years, obstacles, a robust (if small) body of these pan-Canadian surveys included literature has evolved, providing the questions probing attitudes toward both foundation for vigorous debate over the federal and provincial politics. The latter federal regulatory regime, in general, and were steadily phased out of the survey its fundraising caps and public subsidies, beginning in 1988, and were dropped in particular. Due to the lack of entirely in 2000. Since that time, the CES comparability with other nations, has focused almost exclusively on federal- Canadian scholars have relied largely on level politics. With fewer than 400 longitudinal comparison to study the respondents per province in most cases, consequences of changes to the federal even using “province” as an independent campaign finance regime over time. variable has proven challenging. Considering the many other changes in Fortunately, there has been a the Canadian political system over the recent resurgence in provincial politics same period, it is difficult to isolate the surveys, particularly since 2011. Stand- effects of campaign financing rules on alone election studies in Saskatchewan party behaviour. In this sense, a cross- and Alberta, the “Making Democracy sectional study of provincial-level Work” surveys in Ontario and Quebec, regimes is long overdue. In the fourth and Vote Compass initiatives in Ontario, article, David Brock and Harold Jansen Quebec, Alberta, and BC have produced a examine the impact of party and election wealth of data for students of these finance rules on political competition in individual provinces. These recent British Columbia (BC), Saskatchewan, and investments notwithstanding, there has Manitoba. Constrained by the lack of been little effort to implement a pan- accessible provincial-level data across Canadian comparative survey of Canada, their three-province study provincial electorates. reveals the power of regulation, This was the driving force behind nonetheless. Unique sets of spending the creation of the Comparative caps and limitations on fundraising Provincial Election Project (CPEP), which sources, in particular, have helped shape included the largest survey of its kind in the different party systems we see in Canadian history.i In addition to studies these three Western provinces. of political marketing, media coverage, election platforms, and other facets of Electors and Voting provincial elections, CPEP involved a series of post-election surveys designed Once the campaign is complete, to compare political behavior and our focus shifts to explaining the attitudes across the Canadian provinces. outcome. As Anderson and Stephenson The twenty-minute questionnaire gauged (2010) suggest, deciphering why residents’ attitudes toward government, Canadians vote the way they do is akin to public policy, politicians, the media, solving a puzzle. And Canadian political election administration, the nature of scientists have proven keen puzzle- electioneering, and the dominant political solvers, with the study of vote choice culture. Data was collected by Abacus remaining one of their most popular pre- Data beginning the day after each occupations since the first Canadian election, using a mix-mode survey. (National) Election Study (CES) in 1965 Respondents were recruited using two

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 methods. First, respondents were to predicting vote choice in provincial selected from the Probit online research elections. Subsequent articles delve more panel which was randomly generated deeply into specific explanatory variables using random-digit dialing (RDD) live in the vote-choice equation. McGrane, telephone recruitment. If the online panel Kirk Clavelle, and Loleen Berdahl (sixth was insufficient to complete all the survey article) examine the effect of economic (as was the case in NL, PEI, Saskatchewan, perceptions on voting attitudes and Manitoba, Alberta, and Nova Scotia) behaviour. Their principal findings – that Interactive Voice Response (IVR) to Web sociotropic evaluations (of the broader technology was used to randomly recruit economy) trump egocentric evaluations participants. Survey respondents were (of one’s own economic well-being) when recruited from across Canadian society, to it comes to formulating opinions about obtain a representative sample of all parties, leaders, and governments – help eligible voters in terms of gender, age, refine our understanding of how the education, community size, number in economy influences election outcomes in household, immigration status, religion, Canada. By the same token, Roy, Andrea religiosity, income, and occupation. Perrella, and Joshua Borden’s dissection Geographically, northern regions of each of residence-based factors helps to clarify province were also oversampled. Unless the important distinctions between rural, indicated otherwise, findings are urban, and suburban voters in Canada produced by weighting cases according to (seventh article). Their analysis reveals gender, age, education, and region, using the importance and uniqueness of the census data. Sample sizes and survey latter category when it comes to dates for data employed in the articles in explaining vote choice and election this Edition are reported in Table 1. The outcomes in the Canadian provinces, complete CPEP dataset now includes all something often overlooked or ten provinces, with repeat elections in undervalued in federal-level research that Quebec (2014) and Alberta (2015). focuses solely on the rural/urban divide. Several authors in this edition Likewise in the eighth article, Andrea employed CPEP survey data to test Rounce and Karine Levasseur introduce a several well-accepted (federal-level) novel variable to our understanding of theories about voting in Canada. In the vote choice in Canada, probing the fifth article, Jason Roy and David McGrane differences between electors in the public, begin by testing the suitability of the two private, and non-profit sectors. While, most popular vote choice models when it their overall findings conform to what we comes to explaining electoral behaviour. would expect – namely that private sector They find predictive value in both the bloc employees tend to lean further to the recursive and valence models – the right and lend more support to former allowing for far greater precision conservative parties than those from the and detail, the later providing a much public and non-profit sectors – their tighter, cogent explanation. Each is provincial-level analysis uncovered equally accurate, however, when it comes intriguing nuances across the country.

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Table 1: Comparative Provincial Election Project Survey Details, by Province Province Sample Size Survey Dates PE 509 October 4 to 25, 2011 MB 775 October 5 to 31, 2011 ON 1044 October 7 to 31, 2011 NL 851 October 12 to 30, 2011 SK 821 November 8 to 21, 2011 AB 897 April 25 to May 15, 2012 QC 1009 September 5 to October 11, 2012 BC 803 May 15 to 29, 2013 NS 797 October 9 to November 3, 2013

Electoral Democracy and Civic Culture Greene, 2004; Smith, 2005; White, 2005; Young and Everitt, 2005). Whether the Canadians’ political attitudes result of a “decline of deference”, poor neither begin nor end with their choice at performance on the part of politicians and the ballot box, of course. It is also institutions, or a combination of both, important to understand their these developments have prompted perceptions of Canadian democracy, its concern among academics and advocates, representativeness, and its relationship to alike (Belanger and Nadeau, 2005; their sense of political community. Nevitte, 1996). According to existing research, This long-term decline in citizen civic engagement and democratic confidence, interest, and participation in satisfaction are at all-time lows politics has resulted in what many throughout much of the country. observers call a "democratic deficit" in Nationwide studies confirm that Canada – a situation in which "ostensibly participation in elections and other democratic organizations or institutions traditional political activities have in fact fall short of fulfilling what are declined considerably over the past four believed to be the principles of decades, as has the public’s faith in the democracy" (Levinson, 2007: 859-860). political process and its leaders (see: Again, these conclusions are based Archer and Wesley, 2006; Blais et al., primarily on assessments at the federal 2002: ch. 3; Gidengil et al., 2004: 108-116; level (Cross, 2010; Milner, 2002), leaving LeDuc and Pammett, 2006; Nevitte et al., many unanswered questions surrounding 2000: ch. 5; Pammett, 1991; Pammett and the scope of the democratic deficit in the LeDuc, 2003; Rubenson et al., 2007). various Canadian provinces. Indeed, the Supplementing these studies, a recent picture emerging from nation-wide “Canadian Democratic Audit” assessed the studies appears to mask important sub- performance of eight key federal national patterns and trends. As institutions and actors, finding many of illustrated in Figure 1, rates of voter them lacking in terms of public turnout in provincial elections vary participation, inclusiveness, and widely across the country, as do levels of responsiveness (Barney, 2004; Courtney, political knowledge, efficacy, and social 2004; Cross, 2004; Docherty, 2005; capital (Wesley, 2010). Some provinces,

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like Saskatchewan, appear to have longitudinal, ecological analysis of voter experienced a civic revival in the last turnout across the Canadian provinces. decade, while others, including Manitoba, Their findings suggest that would-be Ontario, and Newfoundland, have voters in Canada live in very different experienced record-low levels of voter political worlds, and that contextual participation. Existing research offers factors like the competitiveness of the few explanations of such disparities, little election and the strength of left-wing sense as to how residents actually parties in their respective provinces have perceive the quality of democracy in their a strong impact on whether or not they provinces, and few clues as to the will turn out to vote. These contextual contribution of institutions and elites to variables are often lost on survey-based the democratic malaise. In sum, political analyses conducted at the federal (pan- scientists remain "puzzled" by the way Canadian) level. Lori Thorlakson builds democracy appears healthier in some on this aggregate-level analysis in the provinces than others (Gidengil et al., tenth article, exploring the disjunction 2004: 116-120). between Canadians’ propensity to vote in The third section of this edition provincial versus federal elections. Her addresses these gaps in our study confirms that citizens who vote understanding of provincial democracies, more often in provincial elections than in beginning with Canadians’ propensity to federal elections are more likely to feel a turnout at the polls. In the ninth article, positive connection to, and higher level of Alan Siaroff and Jared Wesley provide a interest in, their provincial government.

Figure 1: Mean Voter Turnout, 1965-2013, by Province

85 80 81 83 82 78 79 79 80 78 77 75 73 75 69 70 71 71 68 70 70 65 61 64 62 64 57 59 54 50

BC AB SK MB ON QC NB NS NL PE

1965 to 1980 1981 to 1996 1997 to 2013

Voter turnout may be a convenient, presently available to researchers. Yet, short-hand measure of a community’s turnout alone is by no means a valid democratic deficit; in most Canadian measure of a province’s democratic deficit. provinces, it is the only sort of evidence In the eleventh article, Joanna Everitt

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 examines the challenges associated with politics and economic voting. Together, incorporating gender and sexual diversity in these studies demonstrate the value of provincial election campaigns. Her study of province-based analysis, not only for the “demand” and “supply” side factors sake of understanding individual concludes that the strength of left-leaning jurisdictions, but for understanding parties is the strongest predictor of whether Canadian politics more generally. a provinces elections will feature women ______and lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) candidates. The twelfth and final article in Works Cited this edition explores the determinants of Canadians’ attitudes toward the quality of Anderson, Cameron D. and Laura B. Stephenson, democracy in their provinces. Mebs Kanji, eds. 2010. Voting Behaviour in Canada. Kerry Tannahill, and Vincent Hopkins Vancouver: UBC Press. explore Canadians’ connections to their Archer, Keith and Jared J. Wesley. 2006. "And We various provincial and federal-level Don't Do Dishes Either! Political and Civic communities, concluding that citizens’ Disengagement of Youth." Paper presented judgements as to the performance of their at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian respective leaders and governments has a Political Science Association, York significant influence on their support for University, Toronto. their political communities. All told, many of the federally- Atkinson, Michael M., Daniel Beland, Gregory P. founded models and theories tested in these Marchildon, Kathleen McNutt, Peter W.B. studies were found to have applicability at Philips, and Ken Rasmussen. 2013. the provincial level. Federal-level findings Governance and Public Policy in Canada: A related to the permanent campaign, under- View from the Provinces. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. representation of traditionally- disadvantaged groups, and vote choice Barney, Darin. 2004. Communications frameworks were largely replicated in the Technology. Vancouver: UBC Press. provinces examined in the following articles. This is good news for Canadian politics Belanger, Eric and Richard Nadeau. 2005. observers who had assumed as much, and "Political Trust and the Vote in Multiparty solace for those who had been waiting for Elections: The Canadian Case." European empirical confirmation. This said, several of Journal of Political Research. 44: 121-46. the studies in this edition found existing, federally-based approaches wanting when it Bernier, Luc, Keith Brownsey and Michael comes to analyzing provincial politics. Some Howlett, eds. 2005. Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership failed to account for the unique nuances Practices in Canadian Government. Toronto: found in particular jurisdictions, while University of Toronto Press. others were missing variables necessary to understand politics at the provincial level. Blais, André, Elisabeth Gidengil, Richard Nadeau In this sense, contributors to this edition and Neil Nevitte. 2002. Anatomy of a Liberal have helped refine our understanding of Victory: Making Sense of the 2000 Canadian polling, campaign finance, turnout, suburban Election. Peterborough: Broadview Press. and non-profit sector voting, and efficacy in Canada. And some provincial-level analyses Brownsey, Keith and Michael Howlett, eds. in this edition overturned conventional 2001. The Provincial State in Canada: wisdom in other areas, particularly, media Politics in the Provinces and Territories. Peterborough: Broadview. 11

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 Kanji, Mebs, Antoine Bilodeau, and Thomas Carty, R.K. and David Stewart. 1996. "Parties and Scotto, eds. 2012. The Canadian Election Party Systems." In Provinces: Canadian Studies: Assessing Four Decades of Influence. Provincial Politics. Christopher Dunn, ed. Vancouver: UBC Press. Peterborough: Broadview. Kinsella, Warren. 2012. Fight the Right: A Courtney, John. 2004. Elections. Vancouver: UBC Manual for Surviving the Coming Conservative Press. Apocalypse. Toronto: Random House Canada.

Cross, William, ed. 2010. Auditing Canadian Lavigne, Brad. 2013. Building the Orange Wave: Democracy. Vancouver: UBC Press. The Inside Story behind the Historic Rise of Jack Layton and the NDP. Vancouver: Douglas Cross, William. 2004. Political Parties. & McIntyre. Vancouver: UBC Press. LeDuc, Lawrence and Jon Pammett. 2006. "Voter Docherty, David. 2005. Legislatures. Vancouver: Turnout in 2006: More Than Just the UBC Press. Weather." In The Canadian Federal Election of 2006. Jon Pammett and Christopher Dunn, Christopher. 2001. "Comparative Dornan, eds. Toronto: Dundurn Press. Provincial Politics: A Review." In The Provincial State in Canada: Politics in the Levinson, Sanford. 2007. “How the United Province and Territories. Keith Brownsey States Constitution Contributes to the and Michael Howlett, eds. Peterborough: Democratic Deficit in America.” Drake Law Broadview Press. Review 55: 859.

Dunn, Christopher, ed. 2015. Provinces: MacIvor, Heather, ed. 2010. Election. Toronto: Canadian Provincial Politics. 3rd Edition. Emond Montgomery. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Marland, Alex, Jennifer Lees-Marshment and Elkins, David J and Richard Simeon, eds. 1980. Thierry Giasson, eds. 2012. Political Small Worlds: Provinces and Parties in Marketing in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press. Canadian Political Life. Toronto: Methuen.

Flanagan, Tom. 2007. Harper’s Team: Behind the Milner, Henry. 2002. Civic Literacy: How Scenes in the Conservative Rise to Power. Informed Citizens Make Democracy Work. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Gidengil, Elisabeth, André Blais, Neil Nevitte and Nevitte, Neil. 1996. The Decline of Deference. Richard Nadeau. 2004. Citizens. Vancouver: Peterborough: Broadview Press. UBC Press. Nevitte, Neil, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil and Greene, Ian. 2004. The Courts. Vancouver: UBC Richard Nadeau. 2000. Unsteady State: The Press. 1997 Canadian Federal Election. Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press. Imbeau, Louis M., Rejean Landry, Henry Milner, Francois Petry, Jean Crête, Pierre-Gerlier Pammett, Jon H. 1991. "Voting Turnout in Forest and Vincent Lemieux. 2000. Canada." In Voter Turnout in Canada. "Comparative Provincial Policy Analysis: A Herman Bakvis, ed. Toronto: Dundurn Press. Research Agenda." Canadian Journal of Political Science. 33: 779-804. Pammett, Jon H. and Lawrence LeDuc. 2003. Explaining the Turnout Decline in Federal

Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 1-13 Elections: A New Survey of Non-voters. Ottawa: Elections Canada.

Rubenson, Daniel, Andre Blais, Patrick Fournier, Elisabeth Gidengil and Neil Nevitte. 2007. "Does Low Turnout Matter? Evidence from the 2000 Canadian Federal Election." Electoral Studies. 26: 589-97.

Sampert, Shannon and Linda Trimble, eds. 2009. Mediating Canadian Politics. Toronto: Pearson.

Smith, Jennifer. 2005. Federalism. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Wesley, Jared J. 2010. "Slack in the System: Turnout in the Canadian Provinces, 1965- 2009." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Concordia University, Montreal.

Wesley, Jared J. et al. 2013. Comparative Provincial Election Project Survey [computer file] Edmonton, AB: University of Alberta.

White, Graham. 2005. Cabinets and First Ministers. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Young, Lisa and Joanna Everitt. 2005. Advocacy Groups. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Young, Lisa and Harold Jansen, eds. 2011. Money, Politics, and Democracy: Canada’s Party Finance Reforms. Vancouver: UBC Press. i The Comparative Provincial Election Project (CPEP) Study Survey was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC); the Offices of the Dean of Arts and VP Research, University of Prince Edward Island; The Killam Trust, University of Alberta; and Elections Nova Scotia. The Survey was completed for the CPEP Team, led by Principal Investigator Jared J. Wesley (University of Alberta). Neither these funding bodies nor the CPEP Team are responsible for the analyses or interpretations presented in this edition. Further information on CPEP is available online: http://cpep.ualberta.ca. Research assistance for CPEP was provided by Brendon Legault and Eric Van Aerde.