Fact Sheet on Sweden
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Gästlistan Finns Att Ladda Ner Här Pdf, 108.8 Kb, Öppnas I Nytt Fönster
MIDDAG HOS DD.MM. KONUNGEN OCH DROTTNINGEN PÅ STOCKHOLMS SLOTT TISDAGEN DEN 3 DECEMBER 2013 KL. 19.30 H.M. Konungen H.M. Drottningen H.K.H. Kronprinsessan Victoria H.K.H. Prins Daniel H.K.H. Prins Carl Philip Corps diplomatique: H.E. Mr. Martin Rivera Gómez, Ambassador of El Salvador and Mrs. Patricia Guirola de Rivera, El Salvador H.E. Mrs. Kirsten Malling Biering, Ambassador of Denmark and Mr. Peter Hänschell Biering, Danmark H.E. Mr. Francisco Roberto Florentino Graupera, Ambassador of the Republic of Cuba, Kuba H.E. Mr. Mario Aníbal Guerrero Murgueytio, Ambassador of Ecuador, Ecuador H.E. Mr. Kire Ilioski, Ambassador of the Republic of Macedonia and Mrs. Mimi Ilioska, Makedonien H.E. Dr. Dusan Crnogorcevic, Ambassador of the Republic of Serbia and Mrs. Ljiiljana Crnogorcevic, Serbien H.E. Mr. Harry Helenius, Ambassador of Finland and Mrs. Barbara Helenius, Finland H.E. Mrs. Mandisa Dona Marasha, Ambassador of the Republic of South Africa, Sydafrika H.E. Mrs. Venetia Sebudandi, Ambassador of the Republic of Rwanda, Rwanda H.E. Mr. Paul Charles Johnston, Ambassador of the United Kingdom and Mrs. Nicola Johnston, Storbritannien H.E. Mr. Harald Kindermann, Ambassador of Germany and Mrs. Ingrid Wendt-Kindermann, Tyskland H.E. Mr. Konstantine Kavtaradze, Ambassador of Georgia, Georgien 1 Riksdagen: Förste vice talman Susanne Eberstein och Kammarrättsrådet Hans Eberstein, (S) Riksdagsledamot Berit Högman, (S) Riksdagsstyrelsen Riksdagsledamot Ewa Thalén Finné och Herr Christer Finné, (M) Riksdagsstyrelsen Riksdagsledamot Carina Herrstedt -
Liberal Vision Lite: Your Mid-Monthly Update of News from Liberal International
Liberal Vision Lite: your mid-monthly update of news from Liberal International Thu, Apr 15, 2021 at 6:59 PM Issue n°5 - 15 April 2021 SUBSCRIBE TO OUR NEWSLETTER "We have a chance to re-think & re-invent our future", LI President El Haité tells Liberal Party of Canada Convention. In an introductory keynote, President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, addressed thousands of liberals at the Liberal Party of Canada‘s largest policy convention in history. WATCH VIDEO CGLI’s Axworthy tells Canadian liberals, "To solve interlinked challenges, common threads must be found." On 9 April, as thousands of Candian liberals joined the Liberal Party of Canada's first-ever virtual National Convention, distinguished liberal speakers: Hon. Lloyd Axworthy, Hon. Diana Whalen, Chaviva Hosek, Rob Oliphant & President of the Canadian Group of LI Hon. Art Eggleton discussed liberal challenges and offered solutions needed for the decade ahead. WATCH VIDEO On World Health Day, Council of Liberal Presidents call for more equitable access to COVID vaccines Meeting virtually on Tuesday 7 April, the Council of Liberal Presidents convened by the President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, applauded the speed with which vaccines have been developed to combat COVID19 but expressed growing concern that the rollout has until now been so unequal around the world. READ JOINT STATEMENT LI-CALD Statement: We cannot allow this conviction to mark the end of Hong Kong LI and the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats released a joint statement on the conviction of LI individual member & LI Prize for Freedom laureate, Martin Lee along with other pro-democracy leaders in Hong Kong, which has sent shockwaves around the world. -
Vachudova + Zilovic APSA Paper CWG September 2015
Party Positions, State Capture and EU Enlargement in the Western Balkans Milada Anna Vachudova University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Marko Zilovic George Washington University Paper prepared for the Annual Meeting of American Political Science Association, San Francisco, September 2015. The study of EU conditionality has focused on how the governments of candidate states have changed domestic policies, laws and institutions in order to qualify for EU membership. However, political parties are arguably the most important and most proximate source of domestic policy change – and thus of compliance or noncompliance with EU requirements. Scholars have shown that ruling political parties rarely comply with the EU’s external requirements if the costs of compliance are too high and threaten to undermine the domestic sources of their political power. After twenty-five years of observing post-communist party systems, we also know that extremist and nationalist parties rarely fade away. Consequently, it is important to understand how parties construct and change their agendas, and how these agendas are translated into government policies if they win power. EU enlargement, meanwhile, has been under the spotlight: It has been called the most successful democracy promotion program ever implemented by an international actor. Yet it has also been held liable for weak rule of law in new EU members, and lately for the dismantling of liberal democracy by the Hungarian and also Polish governments. It is therefore also important to understand how and under what conditions the key instrument of EU leverage – using conditionality to moderate parties and shape government policies – has been successful. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift Årgång 117 · 2015 / 2
Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift Årgång 117 · 2015 / 2 Ny följd, årg 94. Utgiven av Fahlbeckska stiftelsen. redaktionssekreterare Magnus Jerneck (ansvarig utgivare) bitr. redaktionssekreterare Björn Badersten litteraturredaktör Björn Östbring förbundsredaktör Magnus Erlandsson redaktionsråd Karin Borevi, Södertörns högskola, Niklas Eklund, Umeå univer- sitet, Mikael Gilljam, Göteborgs universitet, Mats Lindberg, Örebro universitet, Carina Lundmark, Luleå tekniska universitet, Ulf Mörkenstam, Stockholms uni- verstet, Elin Wihlborg, Linköpings universitet, Björn Badersten, Lunds universitet, biträdande redaktionssekreterare, Magnus Jerneck, Lunds universitet, , redak- tionssekreterare, Björn Östbring, Lunds universitet, litteraturredaktör, Magnus Erlandsson, förbundsredaktör teknisk redaktör Sven Eighteen Tidskiften utkommer med fyra nummer per år. prenumerationspris 2015 420 kr, enstaka nummer 110 kr. Medlemmar i Statsvetenskapliga förbundet och studenter erhåller tidskriften till rabatterat pris. Prenumeration sker via hemsidan, genom insättning på plusgiro 27 95 65-6 med angivande av namn och adress eller genom meddelande till tidskriftens expedition. Eftertryck av tidskiftens innehåll utan angivande av källan förbjudes. adress Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Box 52, SE-221 00 Lund, Sverige telefon 046-222 97 77 (Jerneck) 046-222 01 59 (Badersten) 046-222 89 45 (Östbring) telefax 046-222 40 06 e-post [email protected] hemsida www.statsvetenskapligtidskrift.org tryck Mediatryck, Lund 2015 ISSN 0039-0747 Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift -
Jens Gmeiner: from the “Old” to the “New” Moderates. Conditions for Success and Change Processes of the Swedish Conserva
Jens Gmeiner: From the “old” to the “new” moderates. Conditions for success and change processes of the Swedish Conservatives from 2002 to 2010, Books on Demand (BoD) 2020 Submitted as: Conditions for success for the Swedish Conservatives. Structures, actors and processes of change of the Moderate Party from 2002 to 2010 Brief overview of the structure: 1. INTRODUCTION: SUBJECT MATTER AND INTEREST IN THE STUDY 2. STATE OF RESEARCH IN THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND OWN LEVELS OF EXAMINATION 2.1 Research status and research gap on the Moderate Party 2.2 Party change – Clarification of terms, preliminary considerations and approaches 2.3 Theoretical framework – Parties between agency and structure 2.4 On the mission statement, content and trends of the Swedish model 2.5 Own approach: Levels of analysis and concrete questions of the work 3. RESEARCH DESIGN, METHODS, AND STUDY STRUCTURE 3.1 Research design and case selection 3.2 Material and methods 3.3 Structure of the study 4. IDEOLOGICAL AND WELFARE CONTEXT: THE “POLICY OF MARKET ADAPTATION” 4.1 Criticism and diagnosis of the Swedish model since the “long 1990s” 4.2 The new welfare compromise in the 1990s 4.3 The Swedish model between “people's home nostalgia” and market adaptation 5. HISTORY: FOUNDATION, RISE AND LIMITS OF THE MODERATE PARTY (1904–1999) 5.1 Origin, development of ideas, organization and electoral milieu of the Swedish conservatives 5.2 From the marginalized right-wing party to the leading party in the bourgeois bloc (1970–1999) 6. THE MODERATE PARTY IN THE OPPOSITION – THE TRANSITION -
Framework Agreement Between the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Swedish Green Party, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats
Framework agreement between the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Swedish Green Party, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats Pillars Sweden’s energy policy should build on the same three pillars as energy cooperation in the EU. The policy therefore aims to combine: • ecological sustainability • competitiveness • security of supply Sweden must have a robust electricity network with high security of supply and low environmental impact, and offer electricity at competitive prices. This creates a long- term perspective and clarity for actors in the market and helps generate new jobs and investment in Sweden. The energy policy is based on the fact that Sweden is closely linked to its neighbours in northern Europe, and aims to find joint solutions to challenges in the common electricity market. Targets By 2045, Sweden is to have no net emissions of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere and should thereafter achieve negative emissions. The target by 2040 is 100 per cent renewable electricity production. This is a target, not a deadline for banning nuclear power, nor does mean closing nuclear power plants through political decisions. An energy-efficiency target for the period 2020 to 2030 will be produced and adopted no later than 2017. Conditions on the Swedish electricity market Better conditions are needed for investments in renewable energy, energy technologies and energy efficiency. Development of the energy system should be based on a variety of large- and small-scale renewable production that is tailored to local and industrial needs. One major challenge is converting energy policy from focusing almost exclusively on the amount of energy delivered (TWh) to also ensuring sufficient output (MW). -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions. -
Digital Government Review of Sweden Towards a Data-Driven Public Sector
Digital Government Review of Sweden Towards a Data-driven Public Sector Key findings Revised version – October 2018 Contents 1. BACKGROUND 1 2. STRENGTHENING THE INSTITUTIONAL GOVERNANCE FOR DIGITAL GOVERNMENT IN SWEDEN 6 3. LEVERAGING DATA FOR PUBLIC SECTOR DIGITAL INNOVATION AND INTELLIGENCE 14 4. OPEN GOVERNMENT DATA IN SWEDEN: From transparency to proactive openness, user engagement and public value co-creation 18 BIBLIOGRAPHY 24 NOTES 24 OECD Digital Government and Open Data Unit Digital Government Project KEY FINDINGS KEY DIGITAL GOVERNMENT REVIEW OF SWEDEN 1. Background The OECD Digital Government Review of Sweden builds on The OECD Recommendation on Digital Government Strategies the experience and knowledge acquired by the Reform contains twelve key recommendations grouped in three of the Public Sector Division of the OECD Directorate for main pillars (Figure 1.1) to support countries in realising the Public Governance through similar projects conducted digital transformation of the public sector, and therefore over the past 15 years in a number of OECD member and serves as an overall analytical framework for this review. partner countries. The Recommendation was adopted by the Council in 2014, and applies to all the OECD member countries, as well as to The Review also draws upon the close collaboration non-OECD members that proactively adhere to it. between the OECD and the Swedish Government, including the participation of Sweden in the OECD The aim of the Digital Government Review is to assist the Working Party of Digital Government Officials (E-Leaders), Swedish government in its efforts to take the full benefits of the OECD Expert Group on Open Government Data, digital technologies and data to boost public sector intelligence and the 2016 OECD comparative project on Digital and act as a platform for public value co-creation and Government Strategies for Transforming Public Services sustained public trust. -
PAPPA – Parties and Policies in Parliaments
PAPPA Parties and Policies in Parliament Version 1.0 (August 2004) Data description Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard Political Science Publications No. 3/2004 Name: PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0 (August 2004) Authors: Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen & Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard. Contents: All legislation passed in the Danish Folketing, 1945-2003. Availability: The dataset is at present not generally available to the public. Academics should please contact one of the authors with a request for data stating purpose and scope; it will then be determined whether or not the data can be released at present, or the requested results will be provided. Data will be made available on a website and through Dansk Data Arkiv (DDA) when the authors have finished their work with the data. Citation: Hansen, Martin Ejnar, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard (2004): PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0, Odense: Department of Political Science and Public Management, University of Southern Denmark. Variables The total number of variables in the dataset is 186. The following variables have all been coded on the basis of the Folketingets Årbog (the parliamentary hansard) and (to a smaller degree) the parliamentary website (www.ft.dk): nr The number given in the parliamentary hansard (Folketingets Årbog), or (in recent years) the law number. sam The legislative session. eu Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was EU/EEC initiated. change Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was a change of already existing legislation. vedt Whether the particular piece of legislation was passed or not. -
The Racist Legacy in Modern Swedish Saami Policy1
THE RACIST LEGACY IN MODERN SWEDISH SAAMI POLICY1 Roger Kvist Department of Saami Studies Umeå University S-901 87 Umeå Sweden Abstract/Resume The Swedish national state (1548-1846) did not treat the Saami any differently than the population at large. The Swedish nation state (1846- 1971) in practice created a system of institutionalized racism towards the nomadic Saami. Saami organizations managed to force the Swedish welfare state to adopt a policy of ethnic tolerance beginning in 1971. The earlier racist policy, however, left a strong anti-Saami rights legacy among the non-Saami population of the North. The increasing willingness of both the left and the right of Swedish political life to take advantage of this racist legacy, makes it unlikely that Saami self-determination will be realized within the foreseeable future. L'état suédois national (1548-1846) n'a pas traité les Saami d'une manière différente de la population générale. L'Etat de la nation suédoise (1846- 1971) a créé en pratique un système de racisme institutionnalisé vers les Saami nomades. Les organisations saamies ont réussi à obliger l'Etat- providence suédois à adopter une politique de tolérance ethnique à partir de 1971. Pourtant, la politique précédente de racisme a fait un legs fort des droits anti-saamis parmi la population non-saamie du nord. En con- séquence de l'empressement croissant de la gauche et de la droite de la vie politique suédoise de profiter de ce legs raciste, il est peu probable que l'autodétermination soit atteinte dans un avenir prévisible. 204 Roger Kvist Introduction In 1981 the Supreme Court of Sweden stated that the Saami right to reindeer herding, and adjacent rights to hunting and fishing, was a form of private property.