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America's Response to the China–Taiwan Talks No. 1230 October 28, 1998 AMERICAS RESPONSE TO THE CHINATAIWAN TALKS: ENCOURAGE BUT DONT INTERFERE HARVEY J. FELDMAN America’s interest in preserving peace on the TENSION AND HIATUS Taiwan Strait can be advanced by the recently Although the talks between Koo Chen-fu and resumed senior-level negotiations between the Wang Daohan began in People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic 1993, they were suspended of China on Taiwan (ROC). From October 14 to by China in 1995 to protest Produced by the 19, after a five-year hiatus, Koo Chen-fu, Chair- Taiwan President Lee Teng- Asian Studies Center man of Taiwan’s Straits Exchange Foundation hui’s visit to Cornell Univer- Published by (SEF), and Wang Daohan of China’s Association sity. China began a campaign The Heritage Foundation for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) of military intimidation, 214 Massachusetts Ave., N.E. resumed talks aimed at easing tensions in the Tai- including missile tests, coin- Washington, D.C. wan Strait area. Although the two remain far apart 20002-4999 ciding with legislative and on issues of supreme importance—the sovereignty (202) 546-4400 presidential elections in Tai- question, renunciation of force, and Taiwan’s http://www.heritage.org wan. The United States hopes for an expanded international profile—they deployed naval forces in nevertheless agreed that the talks must continue. March 1996 to deter threat- With questions as complex as these, negotia- ening Chinese military activ- tions will be long and far from easy. Each party ity. Since then, the Clinton very likely will try to pull the U.S. to its side of the Administration has sought to table. Critical U.S. interests are also affected by improve relations with these negotiations. Washington wants a useful China, culminating in Presi- relationship with Beijing but must do nothing that dent Bill Clinton’s nine-day would compromise Taiwan’s multi-party democ- visit to China this past June. This improved atmo- racy and free economy. Therefore, while encourag- sphere between Washington and Beijing provided ing continuation of the dialogue, the U.S. should some impetus for Beijing and Taipei to resume not insert itself into the process. Washington negotiations. should make clear that it can accept any solution Koo, a senior advisor to President Lee, was the two parties construct as long as that solution is treated with elaborate courtesy while in China. He arrived at peacefully, without coercion, and is held discussions with PRC President Jiang Zemin, acceptable to the people of Taiwan. PRC Vice Premier Qian Qichen, and former No. 1230 October 28, 1998 Shanghai mayor Wang Daohan, in many ways a two sides will have to work out for themselves mentor to President Jiang. As a result of the Koo by peaceful means. visit, the two sides agreed to resume the high-level • Suggest confidence-building measures. While talks. The two counterpart organizations will meet avoiding the temptation to become involved as at regular intervals to discuss political and eco- a mediator, or to propose “solutions,” the U.S. nomic issues, as Beijing had insisted, as well as can tell Beijing that its campaign to squeeze practical matters affecting trade, exchanges, and Taiwan completely out of international life, the protection of ROC citizens while in China, as such as its refusal to allow Taipei’s participa- Taipei had wanted. Wang agreed to pay a return tion in international humanitarian organiza- visit to Taiwan at some time in the near future. tions like the World Health Assembly, only SERIOUS DIFFERENCES REMAIN strengthens sentiment on Taiwan for a declara- tion of de jure independence. The U.S. should But the PRC and Taiwan remain far apart on point out that a relaxation of this stand, per- basic issues, most especially Taiwan’s status. haps even agreement to sponsor Taiwan’s par- Despite earlier hints of flexibility, Chinese leaders ticipation in organizations like the World insisted “there is only one China in the world and Health Assembly, would have a very positive it is represented by the PRC.” When Koo coun- effect on cross-Strait relations. tered that China and Taiwan could be reunified • Urge China to renounce the use of force only after the mainland had become a democracy in which the rule of law was respected, his Chi- against Taiwan. This is another important con- nese interlocutors emphasized that reunification fidence-building measure Washington can pro- could not be conditioned on democracy. Other mote. Beijing has argued that such a outstanding issues include China’s refusal to renunciation would be a limitation on the sov- renounce the use of force against Taiwan and its ereignty it claims over Taiwan, and in fact continuing campaign to ban the island republic might encourage independence sentiment on from participating even in non-political interna- the island. But PRC acceptance of the principle tional organizations. that unification cannot be imposed by force, and can come about only on terms agreed by Under these circumstances, the United States the people of Taiwan, would have a positive should: effect on relations between the two sides. Moreover, as stated in the Taiwan Relations • Encourage dialogue, but refuse to get involved. Act, America’s decision to establish diplomatic During his June visit to China, President Clin- relations with the PRC “rests upon the expecta- ton unnecessarily complicated the cross-Strait tion that the future of Taiwan will be deter- dialogue by stating China’s preferred “Three mined by peaceful means”; and “any effort to No’s”: no support for an independent Taiwan; determine the future of Taiwan by other than no support for its membership in international peaceful means, including by boycotts or organizations that require statehood as a con- embargoes, [would be considered] a threat to dition of membership; no intention to follow a the peace and security of the Western Pacific “two Chinas, or one China, one Taiwan” policy. area and of grave concern to the United Such a tilt weakens Taipei’s position, strength- States.” ening its belief that it cannot afford to make concessions and lowering the chance that —Harvey J. Feldman, a retired U.S. Ambassador, is negotiations can succeed. Therefore, the U.S. Senior Fellow for China Policy in The Asian Studies should return to its former position that the Center at The Heritage Foundation. future status of Taiwan is something that the No. 1230 October 28, 1998 AMERICA'S RESPONSE TO THE CHINA-TAIWAN TALKS: ENCOURAGE BUT DON'T INTERFERE HARVEY J. FELDMAN America’s interest in preserving peace on the questions mean that negotiations will be long and Taiwan Strait can be advanced by the recently far from easy. Each side likely will try to pull the resumed senior-level negotiations between the United States to its side of the table. People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic The United States’ greatest of China on Taiwan (ROC). Between October 14 interest is that China and Produced by the and 19, Koo Chen-fu, Chairman of Taiwan’s Straits Taiwan produce a solution Asian Studies Center Exchange Foundation (SEF), and Wang Daohan of that does not endanger the Published by China’s Association for Relations Across the Tai- democratic system on The Heritage Foundation wan Strait (ARATS) resumed talks aimed at easing Taiwan. The U.S. needs a 214 Massachusetts Ave., N.E. tensions in the Taiwan Strait area. The Koo–Wang useful relationship with Washington, D.C. talks had been suspended for the previous three 20002-4999 China but must not make years, which saw Chinese military intimidation of (202) 546-4400 concessions to Beijing that Taiwan due to fears that increasingly democratic http://www.heritage.org weaken Taipei’s position. Taiwan was also moving toward a position of The Clinton Administration “independence” instead of eventual unification blundered badly last June with China. China has threatened war if Taiwan when President Clinton declares a state of legal independence from China. embraced China’s preferred It is critical that the United States urge a peaceful “Three No’s”: no support for settlement of differences between Taipei and an independent Taiwan; no Beijing, but not a solution that endangers Taiwan’s support for its membership political and economic freedoms. in international organiza- China and Taiwan remain far apart on impor- tions that require statehood as a condition of tant issues. These include the question of sover- membership; no intention to follow a “two Chinas, eignty over Taiwan, Taiwan’s desire that China or one China, one Taiwan” policy. By embracing renounce the use of force against Taiwan, and China’s position, the U.S. weakened Taiwan’s China’s opposition to Taiwan’s membership in negotiating position. To lessen this danger, Wash- international organizations. Nevertheless, the ington should return to its previous stand: The October talks produced agreement that negotia- United States can accept any solution constructed tions must continue. The complex outstanding by the two parties as long as that solution is No. 1230 October 28, 1998 arrived at peacefully, without coercion, and is Kong’s reversion to Chinese sovereignty on July 1, acceptable to the people of Taiwan. 1997, saying that under the “one country, two systems” rubric, “the degree of autonomy enjoyed BACKGROUND TO THE TALKS in Taiwan will be even greater than that enjoyed in Hong Kong.”1 But accepting China’s version of The principal negotiators for Taiwan and China, “one China” remained a precondition, and few in Koo Chen-fu and Wang Daohan, are highly influ- Taiwan saw—or see—any advantage in trading its ential in their respective governments. Koo is a present independence for the promise of auton- senior advisor to Taiwanese President Lee Teng- omy within Communist China.
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