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The Honorable John F. Kelly January 30, 2017 Secretary Department of Homeland Security 3801 Nebraska Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036
The Honorable John F. Kelly January 30, 2017 Secretary Department of Homeland Security 3801 Nebraska Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036 The Honorable Sally Yates Acting Attorney General Department of Justice 950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20530 The Honorable Thomas A. Shannon Acting Secretary Department of State 2201 C Street, NW Washington, DC 20520 Secretary Kelly, Acting Attorney General Yates, Acting Secretary Shannon: As former cabinet Secretaries, senior government officials, diplomats, military service members and intelligence community professionals who have served in the Bush and Obama administrations, we, the undersigned, have worked for many years to make America strong and our homeland secure. Therefore, we are writing to you to express our deep concern with President Trump’s recent Executive Order directed at the immigration system, refugees and visitors to this country. This Order not only jeopardizes tens of thousands of lives, it has caused a crisis right here in America and will do long-term damage to our national security. In the middle of the night, just as we were beginning our nation’s commemoration of the Holocaust, dozens of refugees onboard flights to the United States and thousands of visitors were swept up in an Order of unprecedented scope, apparently with little to no oversight or input from national security professionals. Individuals, who have passed through multiple rounds of robust security vetting, including just before their departure, were detained, some reportedly without access to lawyers, right here in U.S. airports. They include not only women and children whose lives have been upended by actual radical terrorists, but brave individuals who put their own lives on the line and worked side-by-side with our men and women in uniform in Iraq now fighting against ISIL. -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future Vincent Wei-Cheng Wang Ithaca College
Ithaca College Digital Commons @ IC Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations Politics Department 1-1-1999 Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future Vincent Wei-Cheng Wang Ithaca College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ithaca.edu/politics_faculty_pubs Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Wang, Vincent Wei-Cheng, "Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future" (1999). Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations. 37. https://digitalcommons.ithaca.edu/politics_faculty_pubs/37 This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics Department at Digital Commons @ IC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ IC. 253 BILL CLINTON'S "THREE NOES" AND TAIWAN'S FUTURE Vincent Wei-cheng Wang University of Richmond Diplomatic historians and political scientists have warned that when great powers make war or love, the smaller countries nearby feel the tremors.1 As they look back, President Bill Clinton's 1998 summit visit to China marked the emergence of a new world order: With the end of the Cold War, China is poised to become a poten tial superpower, and its future evolution will have great implications for the U.S. "For better or worse, the U.S. Chinese relationship seems destined to be one of the principal pivots in international relations well into the 21st century," as Walter Russell Mead asserts.2 That much is clear, but what is not clear is how to deal with this rising power. 1. Summit in Context: Is Engagement Actually a Realist Strategy? Historically, coping with a rising great power has sel dom been easy, and conflicts have often occurred during 1 An Indian .saying has a slightly different twist: "When two elephants make wars or love, the grass gets hurt. -
Reinforcing the U.S.-Taiwan Relationship
Reinforcing the U.S.-Taiwan Relationship Testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific United States House of Representatives Mark Stokes Executive Director The Project 2049 Institute Tuesday, April 17, 2018 Mr. Chairman and esteemed subcommittee members, thank you for the opportunity to testify today alongside my two distinguished colleagues. My remarks address the United States and future policy options in the Taiwan Strait. With the inauguration of President Tsai Ing-wen and the administration of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in May 2016, the Republic of China (Taiwan) completed its third peaceful transition of presidential power and the first transfer of power within its legislature in history. Since that time, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have sought to further isolate Taiwan internationally and coerce its democratically-elected government militarily. Panama and Sao Tome and Príncipe's abrupt shifts in diplomatic relations from the ROC to PRC are recent examples. Authorities in Beijing also have leveraged their financial influence to shut Taiwan out of international organizations, such as the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), and the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), among others. Tourists holding ROC passports are denied entry into the United Nations. The Chinese Communist Party has long sought the political subordination of people on Taiwan under its formula for unification -- “One Country, Two Systems.” Under this so- called “One China Principle,” there is One China, Taiwan is part of China, and the PRC is the sole representative of China in the international community. -
Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In
Imaginary War With China: Is The 1992 Consensus an Essential Element in Promoting Peace Across Taiwan Strait? Ching-Hsin Yu,* Ching-Hsing Wang,† and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng‡ Abstract This study aims to examine the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan in the name of the Republic of China (R.O.C) without declaring independence. Given President Tsai Ing-wen’s refusal to recognize the existence of the 1992 consensus that provides the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China, there is a pressing need to understand the role of the 1992 consensus in Taiwanese people’s support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. By using data from the 2017 Taiwan National Security Survey, this study finds that people with higher levels of support for the 1992 consensus are more likely to support Taiwan in the name of the R.O.C without declaring independence. This implies that from the public’s perspective, the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus is a required condition to maintain the status quo for Taiwan. Consequently, President Tsai and her administration might need to rethink about their policy of denying the existence of the 1992 consensus. Keywords: 1992 consensus, Taiwan, R.O.C., Taiwan independence, presidential approval. * Distinguished Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, email: [email protected]. † Postdoctoral Fellow, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, email: [email protected]. ‡ Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston State University, email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction The independence-unification issue has been the most salient political issue in Taiwan that has played an important role in domestic political competition as well as the development of cross-strait relations. -
Process Makes Perfect Best Practices in the Art of National Security Policymaking
AP PHOTO/CHARLES DHARAPAK PHOTO/CHARLES AP Process Makes Perfect Best Practices in the Art of National Security Policymaking By Kori Schake, Hoover Institution, and William F. Wechsler, Center for American Progress January 2017 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Process Makes Perfect Best Practices in the Art of National Security Policymaking By Kori Schake, Hoover Institution, and William F. Wechsler, Center for American Progress January 2017 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 6 Findings 14 First-order questions for the next president 17 Best practices to consider 26 Policymaking versus oversight versus crisis management 36 Meetings, meetings, and more meetings 61 Internal NSC staff management 72 Appendix A 73 About the authors 74 Endnotes Introduction and summary Most modern presidents have found that the transition from campaigning to governing presents a unique set of challenges, especially regarding their newfound national security responsibilities. Regardless of their party affiliation or preferred diplomatic priorities, presidents have invariably come to appreciate that they can- not afford to make foreign policy decisions in the same manner as they did when they were a candidate. The requirements of managing an enormous and complex national security bureau- cracy reward careful deliberation and strategic consistency, while sharply punishing the kind of policy shifts that are more common on the campaign trail. Statements by the president are taken far more seriously abroad than are promises by a candidate, by both allies and adversaries alike. And while policy mistakes made before entering office can damage a candidate’s personal political prospects, a serious misstep made once in office can put the country itself at risk. -
The Hon. James P. Rubin Speaker Profile
The Hon. James P. Rubin Asesor de Política Exterior de EEUU y Profesor de la Universidad de Columbia de la Escuela de Asuntos Internacionales y Públicos CSA CELEBRITY SPEAKERS James Rubin actualmente es profesor visitante de la Universidad de Columbia de la Escuela de Asuntos Internacionales y Públicos y asesor de política exterior de los EE.UU. de la senadora Hillary Clinton y el Presidente Barack Obama. De 2000 a 2007, Sr. Rubin vivió en Londres, trabajó como presentador radio, profesor, comentarista y consultor comunicaciones. Desde 2005 a 2007, fue comentarista internacional de noticias y comentarista de asuntos del mundo en Sky News. Sr. Rubin sirvió bajo el Presidente Clinton, como Secretario Adjunto de Estado en Asuntos Públicos y Portavoz del Jefe del Departamento de Estado de 1997 a 2000. "Autoridad en Asuntos Exteriores" En detalle Idiomas Durante las elecciones de 2004, el Sr. Rubin sirvió como Asesor Presenta en inglés. Superior de Seguridad Nacional para la Campaña de Kerry/Edwards. En las elecciones de 1996, fue Director de ¿Quiere saber más? Política Exterior para la campaña de Clinton/Gore. Estando en LLámenos o envienos un e-mail para saber exactamente lo que Londres, fue profesor visitante de Relaciones Internacionales de el puede aportar a su evento. la London School of Economics de 2001-2004, socio en el Grupo Brunswick; empresa de asesoría financiera, del 2001 a 2004, y ¿Como reservarle? del 2002 y 2003, fue anfitrión de la serie de PBS Wide Angle, Simplemente llame, envie un fax o e-mail. Mire detalles a programa semanal de asuntos internacionales. -
Communists Take Power in China
2 Communists Take Power in China MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION After World War II, China remains a Communist •Mao Zedong • Red Guards Chinese Communists defeated country and a major power in • Jiang Jieshi • Cultural Revolution Nationalist forces and two the world. • commune separate Chinas emerged. SETTING THE STAGE In World War II, China fought on the side of the victo- rious Allies. But the victory proved to be a hollow one for China. During the war, Japan’s armies had occupied and devastated most of China’s cities. China’s civilian death toll alone was estimated between 10 to 22 million persons. This vast country suffered casualties second only to those of the Soviet Union. However, conflict did not end with the defeat of the Japanese. In 1945, opposing Chinese armies faced one another. TAKING NOTES Communists vs. Nationalists Recognizing Effects Use a chart to identify As you read in Chapter 14, a bitter civil war was raging between the Nationalists the causes and effects and the Communists when the Japanese invaded China in 1937. During World of the Communist War II, the political opponents temporarily united to fight the Japanese. But they Revolution in China. continued to jockey for position within China. Cause Effect World War II in China Under their leader, Mao Zedong (MOW dzuh•dahng), 1. 1. the Communists had a stronghold in northwestern China. From there, they mobi- 2. 2. lized peasants for guerrilla war against the Japanese in the northeast. Thanks to 3. 3. their efforts to promote literacy and improve food production, the Communists won the peasants’ loyalty. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
The One China Policy and Taiwan: Trump Is Playing with Fire Next to A
January 2017 1/2017 Jyrki Kallio The Finnish Institute of International Affairs The One China policy and Taiwan:Trump is playing with fire next to a powder keg Will the Taiwan Issue once again become central to US-China relations once Donald Trump’s presidential term gets underway or is it just a storm in a teacup? US President-elect Donald Trump still officially considered a province, recognizes the government of the indicated in a TV news interview in although its factual independence is PRC as the sole legal government of December 2016: “I don’t know why tolerated in practice. Internationally, China. At the same time, according we have to be bound by a One China Taiwan can be considered a sovereign to the EEAS factsheet on EU-Taiwan policy unless we make a deal with nation in many aspects – the most relations, it insists that any arrange- China having to do with other things, significant exception being the lack ment between the two sides of the including trade”. The sentiment of recognition by the majority of the Taiwan Strait can only be achieved that China is playing by unfair rules world’s countries and international on a mutually acceptable basis, is widely shared in the US, but the organizations like the UN. “with reference also to the wishes suggestion of using the One China The One China policy is central of the Taiwanese population”. This policy as a bargaining chip was new. to the PRC’s diplomatic relations. means that the EU, similarly to the To make matters worse for China, It means that any country that US, does not unconditionally accept the Taiwanese leader, Tsai Ing-wen, recognizes the PRC must break the PRC’s claim over Taiwan. -
Suga and Biden Off to a Good Start
US-JAPAN RELATIONS SUGA AND BIDEN OFF TO A GOOD START SHEILA A. SMITH, COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CHARLES T. MCCLEAN , UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO The early months of 2021 offered a full diplomatic agenda for US-Japan relations as a new US administration took office. Joe Biden was sworn in as the 46th president of the United States amid considerable contention. Former President Donald Trump refused to concede defeat, and on Jan. 6, a crowd of his supporters stormed the US Capitol where Congressional representatives were certifying the results of the presidential election. The breach of the US Capitol shocked the nation and the world. Yet after his inauguration on Jan. 20, Biden and his foreign policy team soon got to work on implementing policies that emphasized on US allies and sought to restore US engagement in multilateral coalitions around the globe. The day after the inauguration, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan reached out to his counterpart in Japan, National Security Secretariat Secretary General Kitamura Shigeru, to assure him of the importance the new administration placed on its allies. The COVID-19 pandemic continued to focus the attention of leaders in the United States and Japan, however. This article is extracted from Comparative Connections: A Triannual E-Journal of Bilateral Relations in the Indo-Pacific, Vol. 23, No. 1, May 2021. Preferred citation: Sheila A. Smith and Charles T. McClean, “US-Japan Relations: Suga and Biden Off to a Good Start,” Comparative Connections, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp 21-28. US- JAPAN RELATIONS | M AY 202 1 21 Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide faced rising on Asian allies and on the primacy of the US- numbers of infections, declaring a second state Japan partnership. -
Fortnightly Review Are DPP and KMT Views of China Converging?
Global Taiwan Brief Vol. 5, Issue 20 Global Taiwan Brief Vol 5. Issue1 20 Fortnightly Review Russell Hsiao Are DPP and KMT Views of China Converging? David G. Brown Taiwan and France Expand Relations in the Covid-19 Era I-wei Jennifer Chang How China Could Decide Not to Invade Taiwan Michael Mazza Repelling a Chinese Invasion: The Critical Role of Taiwan’s Ground Forces Charlemagne McHaffie Fortnightly Review The Global Taiwan Brief is a By: Russell Hsiao bi-weekly publication released every other Wednesday and pro- Russell Hsiao is the executive director of the Global Taiwan Institute (GTI) and editor-in-chief of the vides insight into the latest news Global Taiwan Brief. on Taiwan. President Tsai Calls for Dialogue with Beijing in 109th National Day Speech Editor-in-Chief Russell Hsiao Even as the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) provocativelyramps up activities in and around Staff Editor the Taiwan Strait and concerns over a possible limited conflict mount, Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英 Katherine Schultz 文), president of the Republic of China (Taiwan), used the firstNational Day speech of her Copy Editor second term to call on Beijing to engage in dialogue with Taipei on the basis of “mutual Marshall Reid respect, goodwill, and understanding.” Like previous National Day speeches, which past The views and opinions expressed presidents of the ROC would use to contextualize and present their cross-Strait policy, this in these articles are those of the year’s speech delivered an overview of the administration’s approach to China. However, authors and do not necessarily re- it undeniably stood out—not because it signaled a major policy change—but because it flect the official policy or position was seemingly calibrated to carefully signal President Tsai’s even-keeled policy, especially of the Global Taiwan Institute.