DOCSLIB.ORG

Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In Imaginary War With China: Is The 1992 Consensus an Essential Element in Promoting Peace Across Taiwan Strait? Ching-Hsin Yu,* Ching-Hsing Wang,† and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng‡ Abstract This study aims to examine the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan in the name of the Republic of China (R.O.C) without declaring independence. Given President Tsai Ing-wen’s refusal to recognize the existence of the 1992 consensus that provides the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China, there is a pressing need to understand the role of the 1992 consensus in Taiwanese people’s support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. By using data from the 2017 Taiwan National Security Survey, this study finds that people with higher levels of support for the 1992 consensus are more likely to support Taiwan in the name of the R.O.C without declaring independence. This implies that from the public’s perspective, the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus is a required condition to maintain the status quo for Taiwan. Consequently, President Tsai and her administration might need to rethink about their policy of denying the existence of the 1992 consensus. Keywords: 1992 consensus, Taiwan, R.O.C., Taiwan independence, presidential approval. * Distinguished Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, email: [email protected]. † Postdoctoral Fellow, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, email: [email protected]. ‡ Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston State University, email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction The independence-unification issue has been the most salient political issue in Taiwan that has played an important role in domestic political competition as well as the development of cross-strait relations. On the one hand, every time when presidential elections are held in Taiwan, the independence-unification issue must be the focus of debate between competing presidential candidates and Taiwanese people have been concerned about how the elected president will handle the issue. On the other hand, the Chinese government has viewed Taiwan as part of its territory, and has consistently adhered to the One-China principle and resolutely opposed any attempt to separate Taiwan from China. In the face of various threats from China, Taiwanese people have difficulty in deciding the future of Taiwan at their own free will and thus it is observed that the majority of Taiwanese people prefer to maintain the status quo. According to data from the Election Study Center at National Chengchi University (see Figure 1), the percentage of Taiwanese people who want to maintain the status quo indefinitely has increased from 9.8% in 1994, peaked at 27.7% in 2012, and then slightly decreased to 25.1% in 2017. Furthermore, the percentage of Taiwanese people who prefer to maintain the status quo and decide at later date has been more than 30% except for the year of 1995. It peaked at 38.7% in 2006 and then has gradually decreased to 33.2% in 2017. In a nutshell, the majority of Taiwanese people support maintaining the status quo at the present time. [Figure 1 about here] However, what does maintaining the status quo mean? The former president, Ma Ying-jeou, proclaimed a “three noes” policy – no unification, no independence and no use of force – to endorse the status quo and said that Taiwan has been an independent sovereign country and there 2 is no reason to declare independence twice.1 In order to win the 2016 presidential election, Tsai Ing-wen was cautious about the independence-unification issue and moved toward the status quo, instead of clinging to the pro-independence stance of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Since taking office, President Tsai has sought to maintain the status quo in cross-strait ties, her status quo position does not really satisfy the Chinese government due to her refusal to recognize the 1992 consensus. The 1992 consensus, whereby each side acknowledges the existence of “one China” but maintains its own interpretation of what that means, has been seen as the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China and even a tacit agreement that could lead to eventual unification for China. No wonder China threats to suspend talks with Taiwan until President Tsai acknowledges the 1992 consensus (Chung 2016). While President Tsai’s denial of the existence of the 1992 consensus has seemed to keep a window open for future independence, which might appease diehard pro-independence supporters, Premier Lai Ching-te appointed by President Tsai said at the Legislature on September 26, 2017 that “We are already an independent sovereign state and don’t bother to declare independence” (Yang 2017). Although some might interpret Premier Lai’s claim as support for independence, it is still not the same as what pro- independence supporters pursue, that is, formal independence of Taiwan. Therefore, from the perspective of Tsai administration, Taiwan is a sovereign and independent country under the constitutional framework of the Republic of China (R.O.C). In particular, President Tsai and her administration adopt a policy of recognizing the R.O.C constitutional framework without outright accepting the concept of one China represented by the 1992 consensus. Then the question is whether President Tsai’s refusal to acknowledge the 1992 consensus would increase the public’s support for the status quo, that is, Taiwan in the name of 1 More detailed information can be found at https://english.president.gov.tw/NEWS/3313. 3 the R.O.C without declaring independence. In this study, we aims to unveil the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. Given the difficulty of Taiwan independence, there might be only two feasible alternatives for Taiwanese people – either unification with China or maintaining the status quo. Since unification with China is the least preferred choice for the majority of Taiwanese people, the best choice should be to maintain the status quo. Then how do we maintain the status quo? Is the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus a required condition to maintain the status quo? We attempt to address this question from the perspective of public opinion and expect to provide new insights into the role of the 1992 consensus in cross strait relations. The reminder of this study is structured as follows. In Section 2, we briefly introduce the background of the 1992 consensus. Then we provide the theoretical framework for the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. In Section 3, we discuss our data, operationalization of variables and model specification. In Section 4, we report the empirical results for the relationships between the variables of interest. In the conclusion section, we summarize the key findings of this study and provide policy implications for cross-strait relations. Cross Straits Relations and The 1992 Consensus Looking back to the history of Cross-Strait relations, between 1949 to the late 80s’ in particular, the major struggle between the two sides revolved around the question of which side represented China was the key obstacle that hindered any exchange across the Taiwan Strait. From Republic of China’s (ROC) perspective, as ROC in Taiwan led by President Chiang Kai-Shek still held the position in the United Nations as one of the five founding members, ROC was evidently the only 4 China’s representative in the world. However, Taiwan’s leverage declined as the People Republic of China (PRC) attempted to open up its market to the world in the early 70s’. Given the potential business opportunity that was hidden in China’s domestic market and population, PRC started to have more leverage to the pursuit of formally representing all of China in the world. Yet, PRC’s attempt was not considered as a serious challenge to ROC’s representation of the China seat in the UN before it could gather enough support. The historical turning point occurred in 1971, whether one considers ROC withdrawal from the UN as a voluntary pull out or an expulsion, Taiwan’s loss of the China seat at the UN was the result of PRC’s continuous attempts. Not surprisingly, a subsequent break of diplomatic relations with other countries and isolation from the international political system followed, including losing the official diplomatic relations with the United States in 1979. When the United States established formal diplomatic relations with Beijing (PRC) and tacitly agreed the “One China Policy” which recognized PRC as the only government of China, most people were convinced that Taiwan (ROC) government would be losing its leverage and reunified with the mainland soon, if not immediately. However, in response to the international concern and the PRC’s attempts to have a negotiation on the issue of reunification, President Chiang Ching-Kuo not only refused, but also reiterated that ROC had no intention to talk to PRC anytime soon. President Chiang even claimed that there were to be “no contact, no compromise, and no negotiation” with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The so-called “Three-No’s Policy” established by President Chiang and the rationale behind it was obviously in the effect of the continuation of China’s civil war. Most Kuomintang (KMT) political elites at the time had the similar mindset and firmly believed that with the opposite political ideology, KMT and the CCP could not live under the same sky (漢賊不兩立). Despite the resource, population, and military 5 disparities between Taiwan and China, relying on its postwar economic miracle, Taiwan was able to maintain the “Three No’s Policy” and managed the pressures without been forced to unify with PRC.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Writing Taiwan History: Interpreting the Past in the Global Present
    EATS III Paris, 2006 Writing Taiwan History: Interpreting the Past in the Global Present Ann Heylen Research Unit on Taiwanese Culture and Literature, Ruhr University Bochum [email protected] Do not cite, work in progress Introduction Concurrent with nation building is the construction of a national history to assure national cohesion. Hence, the collective memory is elevated to the standard of national myth and most often expressed in the master narrative. I may refer here to Michael Robinson’s observation that “the state constructs and maintains a ‘master narrative’ of nation which acts as an official ‘story of the nation’. This master narrative legitimates the existence of the state and nation internally; it is also projected externally, to legitimate a nations’ existence in the world community”.1 But in as much as memory is selective, so also is the state-sanctioned official narrative, and it has become commonplace that changes in the political order enhance and result in ideologically motivated re-writing of that history in spite of its claims at objectivity and truth. The study of the contemporary formation of Taiwan history and its historiography is no exception. In fact, the current activity in rewriting the history is compounded by an additional element, and one which is crucial to understanding the complexity of the issue. What makes Taiwanese historiography as a separate entity interesting, intriguing and complex is that the master-narrative is treated as a part of and embedded in Chinese history, and at the same time conditioned by the transition from a perceived to a real pressure from a larger nation, China, that lays claim on its territory, ethnicity, and past.
    [Show full text]
  • Taiwan and China's Cross-Strait Relations" (2018)
    The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Master's Projects and Capstones Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects Spring 5-18-2018 Contending Identities: Taiwan and China's Cross- Strait Relations Jing Feng [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/capstone Recommended Citation Feng, Jing, "Contending Identities: Taiwan and China's Cross-Strait Relations" (2018). Master's Projects and Capstones. 777. https://repository.usfca.edu/capstone/777 This Project/Capstone is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Projects and Capstones by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Contending Identities: Taiwan and ​ China’s Cross-Strait Relationship Jing Feng Capstone Project APS 650 Professor Brian Komei Dempster May 15, 2018 2 Abstract Taiwan’s strategic geopolitical position—along with domestic political developments—have put the country in turmoil ever since the post-Chinese civil war. In particular, its antagonistic, cross-strait relationship with China has led to various negative consequences and cast a spotlight on the country on the international diplomatic front for close to over six decades. After the end of the Cold War, the democratization of Taiwan altered her political identity and released a nation-building process that was seemingly irreversible. Taiwan’s nation-building efforts have moved the nation further away from reunification with China.
    [Show full text]
  • Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future Vincent Wei-Cheng Wang Ithaca College
    Ithaca College Digital Commons @ IC Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations Politics Department 1-1-1999 Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future Vincent Wei-Cheng Wang Ithaca College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ithaca.edu/politics_faculty_pubs Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Wang, Vincent Wei-Cheng, "Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future" (1999). Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations. 37. https://digitalcommons.ithaca.edu/politics_faculty_pubs/37 This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics Department at Digital Commons @ IC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ IC. 253 BILL CLINTON'S "THREE NOES" AND TAIWAN'S FUTURE Vincent Wei-cheng Wang University of Richmond Diplomatic historians and political scientists have warned that when great powers make war or love, the smaller countries nearby feel the tremors.1 As they look back, President Bill Clinton's 1998 summit visit to China marked the emergence of a new world order: With the end of the Cold War, China is poised to become a poten­ tial superpower, and its future evolution will have great implications for the U.S. "For better or worse, the U.S.­ Chinese relationship seems destined to be one of the principal pivots in international relations well into the 21st century," as Walter Russell Mead asserts.2 That much is clear, but what is not clear is how to deal with this rising power. 1. Summit in Context: Is Engagement Actually a Realist Strategy? Historically, coping with a rising great power has sel­ dom been easy, and conflicts have often occurred during 1 An Indian .saying has a slightly different twist: "When two elephants make wars or love, the grass gets hurt.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets.
    [Show full text]
  • Taiwan's Upcoming Presidential and Legislative
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES TAIWAN’S UPCOMING PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS A Conversation with Shelley Rigger and Hsu Szu-chien The Brookings Institution December 14, 2011 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction and Moderator: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Featured Speakers: SHELLEY RIGGER Brown Professor of East Asian Studies Chair, Department of Political Science Davidson College HSU SZU-CHIEN Assistant Research Fellow Institute of Political Science Academia Sinica * * * * * P R O C E E D I N G S RICHARD BUSH: I’m Richard Bush. I’m the Director of the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, which is the unit at Brookings that is sponsoring today’s event on the Taiwan election. I’m really pleased that you’ve all come. I’m really pleased that Shelley Rigger of Davidson College and Hsu Szu-chien of Academia Sinica in Taipei are here because they’re our speakers today. The way we will work this is that I will have a couple of introductory remarks and then ask questions of our resource people about the election and its implications. And then we will open it up for discussion. Taiwan’s election takes place one month from today, on January 14th. It will be both an election for the legislature―the Legislative Yuan―and for the presidency. This is the first time that the two elections have been held on the same day.
    [Show full text]
  • Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’S Policy Towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in Comparative Perspective
    China Perspectives 2014/2 | 2014 Contested Urban Spaces Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective. Samson Yuen Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6491 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6491 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2014 Number of pages: 69-76 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Samson Yuen, « Under the Shadow of China. », China Perspectives [Online], 2014/2 | 2014, Online since 01 January 2017, connection on 15 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ chinaperspectives/6491 © All rights reserved Current Affairs China perspectives cefc News Analysis Under the Shadow of China Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective SAMSON YUEN n 18 March 2014, student protesters stormed Taiwan’s Legislative With the lessons of CEPA in mind, opinion in Taiwan was divided over the Yuan, kicking off to a 24-day sit-in that paralysed the island’s leg - service trade pact. Supporters, including the KMT government led by Pres - Oislature. The historic occupation, later given the name Sunflower ident Ma Ying-jeou, argued that the pact would be economically beneficial Student Movement ( taiyanghua xueyun 太陽花學運 ), was a protest against to Taiwan while diplomatically indispensable for Taiwan to join other free the attempt by the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) to pass a service trade pact trade zones such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership with China. The pact, entitled the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (RCEP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). (8) Opponents argued that (CSSTA), (1) was signed between China and Taiwan in June 2013 as one of the pact lacked a democratic mandate and condemned the negotiation two follow-up treaties to the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement process between the CCP and KMT governments as a “black box” ( heixiang (ECFA) signed in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • No to the “Three Noes”
    Published by: International Committee for Human Rights in Taiwan Taiwan : 4Fl., 5 Ching-tao East Rd., TAIPEI, Taiwan Europe : P.O. Box 91542, 2509 EC THE HAGUE, The Netherlands Canada : P.O. Box 69510, 5845 Yonge Street, WILLOWDALE, Ont. M2M 4K3 U.S.A. : P.O. Box 15182, CHEVY CHASE, MD 20825 International edition, June 1998 Published 6 times a year ISSN number: 1027-3999 81 No to the three noes Let the world say yes to Taiwan As Mr. Clintons visit to Beijing is getting closer, the U.S. press and Congress have focused attention on the new scandals in which Mr. Clinton finds himself embroiled, such as donations originating in the Chinese Army, export waivers for Loral satellites to China in exchange for campaign donations, and the leakage of sensitive space technology to the Chinese military. There is one issue which is receiving less attention, but which Taiwanese and Taiwanese-Americans consider vital: the safety and security of our homeland Taiwan, and its future as a free and independent nation. We are therefore deeply concerned by Mr. Clintons apparent acquiescence in the so-called three noes. We wish to state clearly that any reiteration oral or written or even any acknowledgement of the three noes by the Clinton Administration amounts to a betrayal of Taiwan and its future as a free, democratic and independent nation. It would embolden China to move even more aggressively in isolating Taiwan, and would limit Taiwans options in future negotiations. It should be crystal clear to Mr. Clinton that the three noes are a violation of the Senator Torricelli with a message for the White House Taiwan Communiqué -2- June 1998 basic principles of democracy and self-determination, for which the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Fortnightly Review Are DPP and KMT Views of China Converging?
    Global Taiwan Brief Vol. 5, Issue 20 Global Taiwan Brief Vol 5. Issue1 20 Fortnightly Review Russell Hsiao Are DPP and KMT Views of China Converging? David G. Brown Taiwan and France Expand Relations in the Covid-19 Era I-wei Jennifer Chang How China Could Decide Not to Invade Taiwan Michael Mazza Repelling a Chinese Invasion: The Critical Role of Taiwan’s Ground Forces Charlemagne McHaffie Fortnightly Review The Global Taiwan Brief is a By: Russell Hsiao bi-weekly publication released every other Wednesday and pro- Russell Hsiao is the executive director of the Global Taiwan Institute (GTI) and editor-in-chief of the vides insight into the latest news Global Taiwan Brief. on Taiwan. President Tsai Calls for Dialogue with Beijing in 109th National Day Speech Editor-in-Chief Russell Hsiao Even as the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) provocativelyramps up activities in and around Staff Editor the Taiwan Strait and concerns over a possible limited conflict mount, Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英 Katherine Schultz 文), president of the Republic of China (Taiwan), used the firstNational Day speech of her Copy Editor second term to call on Beijing to engage in dialogue with Taipei on the basis of “mutual Marshall Reid respect, goodwill, and understanding.” Like previous National Day speeches, which past The views and opinions expressed presidents of the ROC would use to contextualize and present their cross-Strait policy, this in these articles are those of the year’s speech delivered an overview of the administration’s approach to China. However, authors and do not necessarily re- it undeniably stood out—not because it signaled a major policy change—but because it flect the official policy or position was seemingly calibrated to carefully signal President Tsai’s even-keeled policy, especially of the Global Taiwan Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • Rise of China and the Cross-Strait Relations by Philip Yang National Taiwan University
    tik 5th Europe-Northeast Asia Forum i The Taiwan Strait and Northeast Asian Security Berlin, 15-17 December 2005 A conference jointly organised by Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin, the Korean Institute for International Studies (KIIS), Seoul, and the Federal Ministry of Defence, Berlin Discussion Paper Do Note Cite or Quote without Author’s Permission ftung Wissenschaft und Pol Sti Rise of China and the Cross-Strait Relations by Philip Yang National Taiwan University German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org In East Asia, the rise of China has dominated most regional policy discussion and deliberation. In almost every field of regional concerns, China’s rise has posed new challenges and brought profound implications. The impacts of China's rise on cross-strait relations are also heatedly discussed in Taiwan’s academia as well as media. China’s surging economy and newfound political clout expand its tool box in handling cross-strait relations and complicate U.S. role in dealing with the cross-strait political and military stalemate. With its missile deployments directed at Taiwan and the adoption of an anti-secession law threatening the use of force to deter Taiwan’s pursuance of de jure independence, China’s coercive cross-strait policy could severely challenge the island and its most important ally, the United States. However, China’s rising economic power and political status in the region have also been translated into a growing pool of “soft” power, affording Beijing increasing leverage on cross-strait issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Pokojowe Negocjacje Czy Twa
    POKOJOWE NEGOCJACJE CZY TWARDA GRA? ROZWÓJ STOSUNKÓW PONAD CIEŚNINĄ TAJWAŃSKĄ seria pod redakcją BOGDANA SZLACHTY 54 ŁUKASZ GACEK EWA TROJNAR POKOJOWE NEGOCJACJE CZY TWARDA GRA? ROZWÓJ STOSUNKÓW PONAD CIEŚNINĄ TAJWAŃSKĄ Kraków 2013 © Copyright by Łukasz Gacek, Ewa Trojnar, Kraków 2012 Recenzent: Prof. dr hab. Adam W. Jelonek Opracowanie redakcyjne: Edyta Wygonik-Barzyk Korekta: Irena Gubernat Projekt okładki: Emilia Dajnowicz Zdjęcie na okładce – figurki (od lewej): Chiang Kai-shek, Sun Yat-sen, Mao Zedong Skład i łamanie: www.anatta.pl Książka dofinansowana przez Wydział Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego ISBN 978-83-7638-277-7 KsięgarNIA AKADEMICKA ul. św. Anny 6, 31-008 Kraków tel./faks 43-127-43, 422-10-33 w. 11-67 [email protected] www.akademicka.pl Słowo WSTęPNE Prowadzenie badań naukowych poświęconych problematyce rozwoju stosunków w Cieśninie Tajwańskiej stanowi nie lada wyzwanie. Ich unikatowość i zarazem złożoność zjednują i dzielą uczonych na całym świecie. Powstawaniu prac nauko- wych o tej tematyce sprzyjają różnorodne podejścia badawcze, prowadzące często do rozbieżnych wyjaśnień i prognoz dotyczących rozwoju wypadków. Wśród nich panuje jednak dość powszechna akceptacja poziomu skomplikowania zagadnienia. Nie zrażając się tym faktem, a wręcz czerpiąc z niego badawczą satysfakcję, autorzy oddają w ręce Czytelników opracowanie poświęcone bieżącym stosunkom pomiędzy Chinami a Tajwanem, uwzględniające wnikliwą analizę zarówno wewnętrznych, jak i zewnętrznych uwarunkowań procesu. Monografia powstała w oparciu o aktualne i dostępne w 2012 r. dane. Jest to praca o charakterze nie tylko podręcznikowym, ale i analitycznym. Wynika to z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, podejmując taką decyzję, autorzy kierowali się potrzebami świata akademickiego, gdyż omawiane stosunki są tematem wielu wykła- dów akademickich na kierunkach: nauk politycznych, ekonomicznych, stosunków międzynarodowych, a także na studiach kulturoznawczych i innych.
    [Show full text]
  • Transcript Prepared from an Audio Recording]
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES in cooperation with THE FREEMAN CHAIR IN CHINA STUDIES, CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES TAIWAN’S PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR TAIWAN, THE UNITED STATES, AND CROSS-STRAIT RELATIONS Panel Three: Implications for the United States and Cross-Strait Relations Center for Strategic and International Studies January 17, 2012 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 Introduction: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeastern Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution BONNIE GLASER Senior Fellow, Freeman Chair in China Studies and Senior Associate, Pacific Forum Center for Strategic and International Studies Panel 1: Analysis of the Presidential and Legislative Elections Moderator: EDWARD McCORD Director, Sigur Center for Asian Studies Director, Taiwan Education and Research Program The George Washington University Panelists: ANTONIO CHIANG Columnist, Apple Daily CHU YUN-HAN Distinguished Research Fellow, Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica DAFYDD FELL Senior Lecturer in Taiwan Studies and Deputy Director, Centre of Taiwan Studies School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Panel 2: Lessons from the Past, and Policy Issues for the New Administration Moderator: NANCY BERNKOPF TUCKER Professor of History, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service Georgetown
    [Show full text]
  • CRS Report for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
    Order Code RL30341 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Updated March 12, 2001 Shirley A. Kan Specialist in National Security Policy Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress This CRS Report was initiated upon a request from Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott in the 106th Congress. China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Summary On July 9, 1999, questions about the “one China” policy arose again after Lee Teng-hui, then-President of Taiwan, characterized cross-strait relations as “special state-to-state ties.” The Clinton Administration responded that Lee’s statement was not helpful and reaffirmed the “one China” policy and opposition to “two Chinas.” Beijing, in February 2000, issued its second White Paper on Taiwan, reaffirming its “peaceful unification” policy but with new warnings about the risk of conflict. There also have been questions about whether and how President Chen Shui-bian, inaugurated in May 2000, might adjust Taiwan’s policy toward the Mainland. In Part I, this CRS report discusses the policy on “one China” since the United States began in 1971 to reach understandings with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) government in Beijing. Part II documents the evolution of the “one China” principle as articulated in key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. Despite apparently consistent statements over almost three decades, the critical “one China” principle has been left somewhat ambiguous and subject to different interpretations among Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.
    [Show full text]