Pokojowe Negocjacje Czy Twa
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Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In
Imaginary War With China: Is The 1992 Consensus an Essential Element in Promoting Peace Across Taiwan Strait? Ching-Hsin Yu,* Ching-Hsing Wang,† and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng‡ Abstract This study aims to examine the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan in the name of the Republic of China (R.O.C) without declaring independence. Given President Tsai Ing-wen’s refusal to recognize the existence of the 1992 consensus that provides the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China, there is a pressing need to understand the role of the 1992 consensus in Taiwanese people’s support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. By using data from the 2017 Taiwan National Security Survey, this study finds that people with higher levels of support for the 1992 consensus are more likely to support Taiwan in the name of the R.O.C without declaring independence. This implies that from the public’s perspective, the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus is a required condition to maintain the status quo for Taiwan. Consequently, President Tsai and her administration might need to rethink about their policy of denying the existence of the 1992 consensus. Keywords: 1992 consensus, Taiwan, R.O.C., Taiwan independence, presidential approval. * Distinguished Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, email: [email protected]. † Postdoctoral Fellow, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, email: [email protected]. ‡ Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston State University, email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction The independence-unification issue has been the most salient political issue in Taiwan that has played an important role in domestic political competition as well as the development of cross-strait relations. -
Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2016 ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION OCTOBER 6, 2016 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 21–471 PDF WASHINGTON : 2016 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 19:58 Oct 05, 2016 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\AR16 NEW\21471.TXT DEIDRE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Cochairman Chairman JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina TOM COTTON, Arkansas TRENT FRANKS, Arizona STEVE DAINES, Montana RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois BEN SASSE, Nebraska DIANE BLACK, Tennessee DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TIMOTHY J. WALZ, Minnesota JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio GARY PETERS, Michigan MICHAEL M. HONDA, California TED LIEU, California EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS CHRISTOPHER P. LU, Department of Labor SARAH SEWALL, Department of State DANIEL R. RUSSEL, Department of State TOM MALINOWSKI, Department of State PAUL B. PROTIC, Staff Director ELYSE B. ANDERSON, Deputy Staff Director (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 19:58 Oct 05, 2016 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 U:\DOCS\AR16 NEW\21471.TXT DEIDRE C O N T E N T S Page I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................. 1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 1 Overview ............................................................................................................ 5 Recommendations to Congress and the Administration .............................. -
China's De-Extremization of Uyghurs in Xinjiang
PATRIK MEYER CHINA’S DE-EXTREMIZATION OF UYGHURS IN XINJIANG JUNE 2016 About the Author About New America Patrik Meyer is a fellow with New New America is committed to renewing American politics, America’s International Security program. prosperity, and purpose in the Digital Age. We generate big He has eclectic personal, academic, and ideas, bridge the gap between technology and policy, and professional backgrounds, which inform curate broad public conversation. We combine the best of his multidisciplinary research and narrow a policy research institute, technology laboratory, public the gap between theory and practice in his work. He forum, media platform, and a venture capital fund for earned his PhD in politics and international studies from ideas. We are a distinctive community of thinkers, writers, the University of Cambridge, working with Chinese researchers, technologists, and community activists who scholars to provide better understanding of the conflicts believe deeply in the possibility of American renewal. in Xinjiang, China, that fuel tensions between the Uyghurs and the Chinese government. He also holds an M.P.A. in Find out more at newamerica.org/our-story. development from Harvard Kennedy School, an M.S. in structural dynamics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and a B.S. in civil engineering from the About the International Security Program University of California, Berkeley. New America’s International Security program aims to Before commencing his academic studies, Patrik provide evidence-based analysis of some of the thorniest spent twenty years traveling the world, mainly through questions facing American policymakers and the public. the Middle East, North Africa, and Asia, where he was The program is largely focused on South Asia and the deeply involved in Islamic and Chinese studies. -
Taiwan's Upcoming Presidential and Legislative
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES TAIWAN’S UPCOMING PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS A Conversation with Shelley Rigger and Hsu Szu-chien The Brookings Institution December 14, 2011 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction and Moderator: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Featured Speakers: SHELLEY RIGGER Brown Professor of East Asian Studies Chair, Department of Political Science Davidson College HSU SZU-CHIEN Assistant Research Fellow Institute of Political Science Academia Sinica * * * * * P R O C E E D I N G S RICHARD BUSH: I’m Richard Bush. I’m the Director of the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, which is the unit at Brookings that is sponsoring today’s event on the Taiwan election. I’m really pleased that you’ve all come. I’m really pleased that Shelley Rigger of Davidson College and Hsu Szu-chien of Academia Sinica in Taipei are here because they’re our speakers today. The way we will work this is that I will have a couple of introductory remarks and then ask questions of our resource people about the election and its implications. And then we will open it up for discussion. Taiwan’s election takes place one month from today, on January 14th. It will be both an election for the legislature―the Legislative Yuan―and for the presidency. This is the first time that the two elections have been held on the same day. -
Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’S Policy Towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in Comparative Perspective
China Perspectives 2014/2 | 2014 Contested Urban Spaces Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective. Samson Yuen Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6491 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6491 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2014 Number of pages: 69-76 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Samson Yuen, « Under the Shadow of China. », China Perspectives [Online], 2014/2 | 2014, Online since 01 January 2017, connection on 15 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ chinaperspectives/6491 © All rights reserved Current Affairs China perspectives cefc News Analysis Under the Shadow of China Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective SAMSON YUEN n 18 March 2014, student protesters stormed Taiwan’s Legislative With the lessons of CEPA in mind, opinion in Taiwan was divided over the Yuan, kicking off to a 24-day sit-in that paralysed the island’s leg - service trade pact. Supporters, including the KMT government led by Pres - Oislature. The historic occupation, later given the name Sunflower ident Ma Ying-jeou, argued that the pact would be economically beneficial Student Movement ( taiyanghua xueyun 太陽花學運 ), was a protest against to Taiwan while diplomatically indispensable for Taiwan to join other free the attempt by the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) to pass a service trade pact trade zones such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership with China. The pact, entitled the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (RCEP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). (8) Opponents argued that (CSSTA), (1) was signed between China and Taiwan in June 2013 as one of the pact lacked a democratic mandate and condemned the negotiation two follow-up treaties to the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement process between the CCP and KMT governments as a “black box” ( heixiang (ECFA) signed in 2010. -
Murder, Sex, Corruption: Will China Continue to Hold Together?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik Working Paper Murder, Sex, Corruption: Will China Continue to Hold Together? Copenhagen Discussion Papers, No. 2012-39 Provided in Cooperation with: Asia Research Community (ARC), Copenhagen Business School (CBS) Suggested Citation: Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik (2012) : Murder, Sex, Corruption: Will China Continue to Hold Together?, Copenhagen Discussion Papers, No. 2012-39, Copenhagen Business School (CBS), Asia Research Centre (ARC), Frederiksberg, http://hdl.handle.net/10398/8622 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/208638 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ www.econstor.eu 39 2012 December Murder, Sex, Corruption: Will China Continue to Hold Together? Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard ©Copyright is held by the author or authors of each Discussion Paper. -
Taking Bo Xilai's Bribery Crime As an Example
ISSN 1923-0176 [Print] Studies in Sociology of Science ISSN 1923-0184 [Online] Vol. 5, No. 3, 2014, pp. 118-123 www.cscanada.net DOI: 10.3968/5302 www.cscanada.org A Cognitive Analysis of Crime: Taking Bo Xilai’s Bribery Crime as an Example ZHANG Chenquan[a],* [a]Guangdong University of Education, Guangzhou, China. Bo denied the bribery charge in court, arguing that he had *Corresponding author. no knowledge of what his wife and son had done, there Received 15 March 2014; accepted 18 July 2014 was no special relationship between him and the bribers 2 Published online 27 August 2014 and he had never used his power to help the bribers. The following is a cognitive analysis of Bo’s bribery Abstract crime charged in the judgment of the first instance by the In the judgment of the first instance for Bo Xilai’s case, Intermediate People’s Court of Jinan. the space-builder “The court herein believes…”activates a conceptual integration network of criminal judgment, 1. CONCEPTUAL INTEGRATION which involves four mental spaces: two input spaces, the generic space and the blended space. Its cognitive NETWORK OF CRIMINAL JUDGMENT outcome is the blended space, in which the core content ACTIVATED BY “THE COURT HEREIN is: Bo Xilai is convicted of bribery and sentenced to life imprisonment as well as life deprivation of political rights BELIEVES…” and confiscation of all personal property. The cognitive The court herein believes that the defenfant’s act has constituted analysis of this conceptual integration network justifies the crime of bribery with the justification of the facts that Bo that the defendant`s act constitutes a bribery crime. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
The Case of the Missing Indigene: Debate Over a 'Second-Generation'
The Case of the Missing Indigene: Debate Over a “Second-Generation” Ethnic Policy .BSL&MMJPUU ABSTRACT The last few years have seen a vigorous public policy debate emerge over a “second- generation” ethnic policy (di’erdai minzu zhengce) which, if implemented, would constitute a major revision of ethnic politics in China. Despite the fact that nationalities policy is a notoriously sensitive subject within China, the debate is happening openly in newspapers, academic journals and on the Internet. The prominence accorded to anthropological theory and international comparison is a notable feature of the debate. This article first explores the main positions in the ongoing policy discussion, then goes on to argue that, rather than comparing China’s non-Han peoples to minority immigrant populations in the industrial- ized democracies, a better comparison is to indigenous peoples. It then considers why this perspective is completely missing from the present debate. n recent years, a debate has arisen among intellectuals and officials in the IPeople’s Republic of China over the proper framework for managing the affairs of the country’s roughly 114 million citizens who identify themselves ethnically other than as Han Chinese (Hanzu 汉族).1 The earliest questioning of the present system for determining minority nationality status (shaoshu minzu chengfen 少数 民族成分) dates from about a decade ago, but the discussion has become greatly amplified since 2008, as the situation in many of the country’s ethnically dis- tinct frontier regions—notably, Tibet, Xinjiang and Mongolia—has deteriorated, * A version of this article was first presented at an international conference on the “second-generation” policy held at Shiga University (Japan) in December 2012. -
Caiann Thesis.Pdf (855.3Kb)
CONSTANT REVOLUTION: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA’S REACTIONARY APPROACH TO POLITICAL LEGITIMIZATION Ann Cai TC 660H Plan II Honors Program The University of Texas at Austin December 8, 2016 ____________________________________________ Dr. James K. Galbraith Lloyd M. Bentsen Jr. Chair in Government/Business Relations, LBJ School of Public Affairs Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________________ J. David Miller Finance Department, McCombs School of Business Second Reader Acknowledgements To Professor Galbraith, thank you for your support and patience, first when I sat in your classroom and later when I vacillated from topic to topic. I have always enjoyed our conversations and have found your anecdotes and old-school phrases a consistent source of bemusement and fascination. To Professor Miller, thank you for your friendship. I cannot begin to imagine why you put up with my jabbering for the past three years, other than that you are a genuinely kind person. I have treasured our chats, for you provided subtle mentorship that I must have stumbled upon by pure luck. I owe everything to my loving parents, who laugh as they comfort me over the same silly mistakes they taught me to avoid as a kid. Like the kids of generations before me, I learn that my parents are always right. As Chinese immigrants to the US, my parents influenced my thesis topic in ways I did not expect when I began the process. I now realize that their upbringing during the Cultural Revolution has had a subtle impact on me too. In part, my thesis is personally inspired, for I see the parallel between Mao’s influence on China and his unintended influence on me. -
Transcript Prepared from an Audio Recording]
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES in cooperation with THE FREEMAN CHAIR IN CHINA STUDIES, CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES TAIWAN’S PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR TAIWAN, THE UNITED STATES, AND CROSS-STRAIT RELATIONS Panel Three: Implications for the United States and Cross-Strait Relations Center for Strategic and International Studies January 17, 2012 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 Introduction: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeastern Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution BONNIE GLASER Senior Fellow, Freeman Chair in China Studies and Senior Associate, Pacific Forum Center for Strategic and International Studies Panel 1: Analysis of the Presidential and Legislative Elections Moderator: EDWARD McCORD Director, Sigur Center for Asian Studies Director, Taiwan Education and Research Program The George Washington University Panelists: ANTONIO CHIANG Columnist, Apple Daily CHU YUN-HAN Distinguished Research Fellow, Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica DAFYDD FELL Senior Lecturer in Taiwan Studies and Deputy Director, Centre of Taiwan Studies School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Panel 2: Lessons from the Past, and Policy Issues for the New Administration Moderator: NANCY BERNKOPF TUCKER Professor of History, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service Georgetown -
Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized.