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“Third Culture Kids”: the Transnational Lives of Young People at an International School in Indonesia

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“Third Culture Kids”: the Transnational Lives of Young People at an International School in Indonesia Unpacking “Third Culture Kids”: the Transnational Lives of Young People at an International School in Indonesia Danau Tanu (19729595) B.A. (Hons), 1999 This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Western Australia School of Social Sciences Disciplines of Anthropology & Sociology and Asian Studies 2013 ii ABstract This thesis studies young people who experience a high-level of international mobility while they are growing up either directly (by moving geographically) or indirectly (by attending an international school with a transient student body). They are referred to as “Third Culture Kids (TCKs)” or “global nomads” in the Anglophone literature and popular discourse. I propose the need to view TCKs as “transnational youth” in order to move the analysis beyond the literature’s current methodological limitations, Eurocentrism, and focus on the individual to the neglect of socio-historical context. I use an anthropological approach, methodological cosmopolitanism, and postcolonial critique to contextualize the way young people experience international mobility and the cosmopolitan space of an international school in a capitalist, postcolonial world. Fieldwork was conducted for one year in 2009 and consisted mainly of participant observation of high school students (grades 9 to 12, about 14 to 18 years old) at an international school catering to expatriate and wealthy Indonesian families in Jakarta, Indonesia. I also conducted in-depth interviews with over 140 students, staff, and parents from the school, as well as alumni of international schools in various countries. With over sixty nationalities represented in the student body and over twenty nationalities in the teaching staff, the international school was a setting in which national and transnational discourses of imagined communities converged and competed with one another. Consequently, the students negotiate boundaries as a matter of daily living, yielding concentrated data for analysis relating to intercultural dynamics and cosmopolitan practices. The data show that cosmopolitan practices of peaceably engaging with the Other are diverse, situational, and embedded within relations of power. Whether or not these practices are recognized as cosmopolitan at the international school hinges on the way difference is defined by the notion of being “international”. I propose that the school’s ideology of being “international” is a vehicle through which both national and transnational class structures are reproduced. Becoming “international”, I show, is mutually constitutive with becoming “western”, becoming “Asian”, and even becoming “Indonesian”. Each of these processes represents ways of practising cosmopolitanism that emerges out of socio-cultural inequalities. iii Young people experience the educational space of an international school in diverse and complex ways. I explore these complexities by interrogating the ideology of being “international” that dominated the field site. I argue that the school’s vision is to educate students to become “international”, which the school articulates as a set of ideas and practices about engaging peaceably with others across difference. Notwithstanding this ideal, I propose that being “international” in the context of the school is characterized by speaking English, maintaining a sense of distance from the local, and being “western”. I argue that this is a Eurocentric form of cosmopolitanism, which has implications for social relations on campus. This thesis examines the intricate ways in which transnational youth engage with the dominant ideology of being “international”, and find alternative ways to practise cosmopolitanism. The tension between the shared experience of a transnational (educational) space that privileges a Eurocentric form of cosmopolitanism and the differing ways in which various actors experience this space draws out the thematic focus of each chapter. iv Candidate’s Declaration This thesis does not contain work that I have published, nor work under review for publication. Student signature: _____________________________________ Date: 26 April 2013 v vi Acknowledgements I thank the participants of this research who shared their time and stories with me. I thank them for being open, vulnerable, and kind. My greatest worry in writing this dissertation was to do justice to their experiences, views, and willingness to share. It is impossible to do so, but I hope I have not failed too miserably. To my two supervisors I owe several years of gratitude for seeing me through and showing me by example that a woman can do much. This has meant a lot to me. To Lyn Parker I want to pay special thanks for being encouraging, dedicated, and helping me grow intellectually. CY was right about you being an awesome supervisor, and motherly too. To Loretta Baldassar I owe much for the many strategic advice that advanced my argument beyond what I could imagine. I loved being challenged by you. Thank you also for keeping me on track and being forgiving. Many thanks to Yukimi Shimoda, Richard Martin, Marco Cuevas-Hewitt and Thijs Schut for their feedback on drafts and the robust discussions. Martin Forsey, Richard Davies, Victoria Burbank, Chang Yau Hoon, Ethan Blue, Rob Cover, and James Farrer gave insightful comments that helped develop my arguments. Brice Royer, Ruth Van Reken and Reto Hofmann deserve very warm thanks for their continued support for this project. I am also grateful to Katie Glaskin and my colleagues in Asian Studies and Anthropology & Sociology at The University of Western Australia for their regular feedback on drafts, the discussions we have, and their support, namely: Vanessa Caparas, Kara Salter, Lara McKenzie, Hariyadi, Leah Maund, Gemma Bothe, Crystal Abidin, Irma Riyani, Angelika Riyandari, Kieran golby, Joshua Esler, Carly Lane, Mee Mee Zaw, Jocelyn Cleghorn, Maki Meyer, Moshe Bernstein, Noresma Jahya, Richard Lyons, and Alka Sabharwal. And very special thanks go to Suzie Handajani, Margherita Viviani, Wen Wen Zhang, gabrielle Désilet, Andrew Broertjes, Carol Kaplanian, Mitchell Low, Jonathan Ciawy Tay, Wee Loon Yeo, Cathryne Sanders, Rebecca Rey, Nicole Beattie, Asim Aqeel, Claire Molloy and Christie Blaikie for their input, friendship and support. Also, I would never have fallen in love with the Arts had it not been for my high school teachers: Rick Butler who taught me how to write (he would have been a great professor), and Nancy Venhola who taught me how interesting the social sciences could be. More importantly, I am most grateful to my father and mother, Bachri and Toshiko, as well as my sister, Mayapada, for their unconditional love and support. Without them this thesis would not have been possible. vii viii Contents Chapter 1 An anthropology of transnational youth 1 1. From “Third Culture Kids” to “transnational youth” 5 2. “Cosmopolitanism” as a conceptual framework 12 3. Structure of thesis 16 Chapter 2 “Third Culture Kid”: Narrating transnational Belonging 21 1. “Was I ever mislabelled?” 22 2. Third Culture Kids: Who are they? 23 2.1. Mobility and adolescence 25 2.2. Mobility and imagined communities 27 2.3. Cultural chameleon 28 2.4. Becoming “normal” 28 2.5. Mutual intelligibility 30 3. A shared sense of place: “I needed to know that story” 32 4. Embodied history: “It was a different experience” 35 5. Who’s cosmopolitan third space? 38 6. Conclusion 39 Chapter 3 Situating the researcher and fieldwork 41 1. The researcher’s story 42 1.1. Hereditary cosmopolitanism 42 1.2. Like a second generation immigrant 44 1.3. English and linguistic imperialism 45 1.4. School as a site of cultural reproduction 46 1.5. Mobility and (cultural) displacement 47 1.6. Between local and expat, Asian and western 50 1.7. Self-identifying as a Third Culture Kid 52 2. Situating the researcher 53 3. Why do a school ethnography? 54 4. Fieldwork 55 4.1. Participant observation 55 4.2. Ethnographic interviewing 59 4.3. Ethnographic writing 61 5. Conclusion 62 Chapter 4 Being “international”: the field site and its context 63 1. The International School (TIS) and Jakarta 64 2. Articulating internationalism: “Being the best for the world” 68 2.1. Mission: educating “responsible world citizens” 68 2.2. Curriculum: the International Baccalaureate program 69 2.3. Rituals: for global citizenship 70 ix 2.4. Imagined communities: a global international school community 71 2.5. Symbols: nationalities, flags, and Obama 71 2.6. More rituals: United Nations Day 73 2.7. Students: Being “international” 74 3. It’s American. It’s European. It’s Western. It’s Asian. It’s international? 75 4. Mapping student cliques 76 5. The gatekeepers for being “international” 79 6. The internationalization of education 80 7. Conclusion 84 Chapter 5 English: the language of power and cosmopolitanism 85 1. Becoming “international” by speaking English 85 2. “English is the power language” 87 3. The coloniality and globality of English 88 4. “When I Spoke English I Felt Smart!” 92 5. Speaking “without” an accent 96 6. Linguistic and cultural boundaries within the family 98 7. Associating English and “expat” with high status 103 8. “Natural” English: the native—non-native speaker dichotomy 105 9. Conclusion 107 Chapter 6 Living in Disneyland: uneasy relations with the local 109 1. A “western” expatriate community 109 2. Constructing the host country as “Disneyland” 111 2.1. The “wonders of Disneyland” 111 2.2. The exotic Other 114 2.3. “I miss the riots” 115 2.4. An unfamiliar, dangerous Other 116 3. International schools as the center of student life 118 4. Propped up by an economic structure: the pay scale 121 5. Hidden curriculum: “It’s our daily experience here” 126 6. Internalizing hierarchies 130 7. Conclusion 131 Chapter 7 In pursuit of cosmopolitan capital 133 1. Parent gatherings: the dominance of Euro-American cultural capital 133 1.1. Parent coffee mornings and a Third Culture Kid information evening 134 1.2. Open house night 135 1.3. Korean parents’ meeting: miraculous encounters 136 2. Ideal cosmopolitanism meets pragmatic cosmopolitanism 138 3.
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