Japan on the Medieval Globe: the Wakan Rōeishū and Imagined Landscapes in Early Medieval Texts
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The Medieval Globe Volume 2 Number 1 Article 8 December 2015 Japan on the Medieval Globe: The Wakan rōeishū and Imagined Landscapes in Early Medieval Texts Elizabeth Oyler University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/tmg Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, Classics Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Literature Commons, Comparative Methodologies and Theories Commons, Comparative Philosophy Commons, Medieval History Commons, Medieval Studies Commons, and the Theatre History Commons Recommended Citation Oyler, Elizabeth (2015) "Japan on the Medieval Globe: The Wakan rōeishū and Imagined Landscapes in Early Medieval Texts," The Medieval Globe: Vol. 2 : No. 1 , Article 8. 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ISSN 2377-3561 (print) ISSNwww.arc-humanities.org 2377-3553 (online) JAPAN ON THE MEDIEVAL GLOBE: THE WAKAN RŌEISHŪ AND IMAGINED LANDSCAPES IN EARLY MEDIEVAL TEXTS ELIZABETH OYLER chūsei 中世 of “the medieval” ( ) in Japan grew out of Japan’s constitutesThe veR yJapan’s idea medieval period, as well as its rough beginning and end dates, encounter with the West in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. What are still matters of debate, but scholars generally agree that the period from the late twelfth1 though late fifteenth centuries CE—an epoch marked by the presence of the Minamoto (1192–1333) and Ashikaga (1338–1573) shogunal houses—is this period, the travelogue Kaidōki (海道記 “medieval.” In this essay, I discuss two works written at specific moments during Tsunemasa (経正 “Travels on the [Eastern] Seaboard,” author unknown, 1223) and the nō play “Tsunemasa,” playwright tioned their realm in a world context during a period when the polity was becom unknown, ca. early fifteenth century) to elucidate one way that the Japanese posi ing decentered and its internal geography was being reshaped. My interest in 仁和寺, a Shingon these two works is their depiction of significant sites—first, the city of Kamakura, 宇多天 shogunal headquarters from 1192–1333; and second, Ninnaji 皇 Buddhist temple in the capital, founded in 888 by the retired emperor Uda ( loci of authority and power, described in works created at moments when author , 867–931, r. 887–97) and closely allied with the imperial family. Both spaces are Kaidōki and Tsunemasa rely heavily on the poetry anthology the Wakan rōeishū (和漢朗詠集 ity was in flux. Both 藤原公任 “Collection of Japanese and Chinese Poems to Wakan rōeishū Sing,” compiled by Fujiwara no Kintō , [966–1041] ca. 1013) to delineate these extraordinary sites. Although the influenced numerous gen 1 Although the Ashikaga continued to occupy the position of shogun until the late sixteenth century, by the mid fifteenth they had effectively lost control of large areas of the realm: a Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories, Bialock characterizes Japan’s medieval period specific end-date for ‘the medieval period’ is hard to pin down. A beginning date is also hard to locate. In the emergence of rule by retired sovereigns and ending with the appearance of Taiheiki after as extending “roughly from the late eleventh to the late fourteenth centuries, beginning with the defeat of Go-Daigo that forms a major part of its subject matter” (217). This definition shogunate to power and that complicated the traditional paradigm linking periodization takes in the forces that directly contributed to the Genpei War that brought the first Karma of Words, locates the specifically to ruling houses. LaFleur, in his introduction to beginning date earlier as well, since he frames “the medieval” in Buddhist terms. He posits the beginning of the medieval in Japan in the middle of the Heian period (794–1185). 129– The Medieval Globe 2.1 (2016) 10.17302/TMG.2-1.7 pp. 156 130 eliZabeTh OYLER res during the medieval period, the use of allusions drawn from this anthology to date Japan’s relation to the medieval globe: how does this collection of poems writ frame landscapes associated with power raises a set of questions that help to eluci ten in two languages, and by poets from two cultures, create a way of reimagining “Japan”? And how might the shared ways in which the source is deployed in these two very different works tell us about what it means to be “medieval” in Japan? The Medieval Era in Japan Although some scholars locate the beginnings of Japan’s medieval age during the Heian period (794–1185), most agree that the Genpei War (1180–85) marked an important turn toward “the medieval” in Japanese culture. The realm’s first 平安京 large-scale civil conflict, the Genpei War challenged Japan’s traditional political structure and the centrality of its long-standing capital city, Heian-kyō 平家 (present-day Kyoto). The war was fought between scions of two military clans, 源氏, the Taira (or Heike , “Taira family”), which rose precipitously to the highest echelons of power during the 1160s and 70s, and the Minamoto (or Genji with a complete Minamoto victory.2 “Minamoto clan”), which had suffered under the Taira ascendency. The war ended bakufu 幕府, by the new shogun Minamoto no Yoritomo 源頼朝 One result of the war was the establishment of a military headquarters, or Kamakura 鎌倉 (1147–99), in threatened to overturn the emperor or the central bureaucracy, Yoritomo asserted , five hundred kilometers from the capital city. Although he never and on estates. This attenuation of central authority was unprecedented and authority across the realm through appointees in provincial government offices would remain part of the political landscape through the early modern period. The Minamoto domination of the position of shogun was short lived, however:3 following the death of the third and final Minamoto shogun in 1219, the office Masako 北条政子 became the puppet of a regency controlled by the family of Yoritomo’s wife, Hōjō (1156–1225). with the shogun in an attempt to reassert imperial power, but were put down The years that followed were turbulent. In 1221, imperial partisans clashed Kaidōki was quickly by shogunal forces in what is known as the Jōkyū uprising. 2 For a description of the war and its aftermath, see Oyler, introduction to Like Clouds or Mists, ed. Oyler, 10–22. 3 For discussions of the complexity of early bakufu/court relations, see Mass, Court and Bakufu and Yoritomo and the Founding of the First Bakufu. Bakufu is a term used to refer to the shogunal offices in Kamakura: it was essentially a new government branch, established far from the older governmental offices of the capital, and overseen by the shogun. 131 JaPaN oN The MEDIEVAL GLOBE the shogun’s army repelled two Mongol invasions, but at great cost. The Kamakura written just two years after this event and makes reference to it. In 1274 and 1281, Takauji 足利尊氏 shogunate was then betrayed and overthrown in 1333 by former retainer Ashikaga Daigo 後醍醐 (1305–58). After breaking with his benefactor, Emperor Go- (1288–1339; r. 1318–39), the new shogun Takauji set up his head quarters in Heian-kyō and backed a rival monarch. For six decades, the imperial house was split, with the “northern court” in Heian-kyō supported by the shogun, and the “southern court” in possession of the imperial regalia in exile in the moun Takauji’s grandson, Yoshimitsu 義満 tainous Yoshino region south of Heian-kyō. Only in 1392, under the stewardship of (1358–1408), was the imperial line reunited mitsu’s patronage, and it is likely that Tsunemasa and peace restored, if only for a short while. The nō theater emerged under Yoshi was composed during Yoshimitsu’s lifetime or shortly thereafter. , a play set during the Genpei War, For Japanese in the thirteenth century and beyond, the establishment of the because of both the bifurcation of power it represented and the symbolic losses Kamakura shogunate following the Genpei War was seen as a turning point, that accompanied the end of the war. The child emperor, born to a Taira mother, lia: a sword. The conclusion of the war thus fundamentally altered the political, had drowned in the final sea battle, taking with him one of the three imperial rega symbolic, and actual landscapes: never before had a marker of imperial author ity been lost, and never before had an organ of the government with authority reaching across the realm been located anywhere other than the capital city.