The Traits of Cultural Contacts Between Orthodox and Lutheran Commemoration Practices Among Ingrian Finnish Women

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The Traits of Cultural Contacts Between Orthodox and Lutheran Commemoration Practices Among Ingrian Finnish Women THE TRAITS OF CULTURAL CONTACTS BETWEEN ORTHODOX AND LUTHERAN COMMEMORATION PRACTICES AMONG INGRIAN FINNISH WOMEN Taisto Kalevi Raudalainen Abstract This article discusses the commemoration practices shared by Lutheran Finnish women and representatives of different Greek Orthodox ethnic groups in central and western part of Ingria. The research is based on ethnographic data and interviews recorded by the author in Ingria, Fin- land and Estonia. The author focuses on three cases of commemorative behaviour, analyses each of them in detail and compares with the prac- tices used among Orthodox believers. One of the most fascinating phe- nomena considered is the role of birch-tree as a memorial sign for the deceased person shared by Lutheran and Orthodox groups. The author stresses that marginal and unexpected death in particular needs to be supported by additional strategies of folk religiosity. For example, the more frequent and regular commemoration days of Orthodox liturgy offer for the Lutherans broader frames for dialogic relation across the border to the World beyond. Keywords: commemoration practices, cultural contacts and fusion, Greek Orthodox folk religiosity, Ingrian Finnish Lutheranism, lament tradition, multiethnic environment INTRODUCTION The task of the present article is to discuss some cases of cultural contacts or even possible cultural fusion in the commemoration customs among the Finnish Lutheran women in Central Ingria. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork and life experience interviews collected by the author during the years 1997–2002. Therefore I will focus here on commemoration rituals and prac- tices mainly concerning contemporary Ingria. As a comparison, I will share some cases of commemoration practices among Ortho- dox Votians and Izhorians obtained by the research group of the Estonian Literary Museum in 1998–2003. I am fully aware that we are dealing here with a large and many-angled problem, which should http://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol28/traits.pdf57 www.folklore.ee/folklore/ Taisto Kalevi Raudalainen Folklore 28 not be attended with one solution. Here I will talk about the con- tacts, while in some cases it should be possible to suppose even the influences of the assimilation processes and the impact of substra- tum population. As different localities of Ingria are culturally quite heterogeneous, I prefer to make case analyses and try to avoid too broad generalisations. Like almost every third Finnish folklorist, Lauri Honko had a close relation with the Ingrian material. Dealing with the prospects of the future Ingrian studies in one of his latest remarks on the topic, he pointed out that there had not been too much research on the cultural contacts in the region. L. Honko himself reported on a par- ticular custom in the villages of Ingrian Lutherans to hang icons into a corner of their homes giving their Orthodox guests a chance to make the sign of cross upon entering the house (1990: 119–120).1 As a matter of fact, quite many common features appear in popular magic, traditional omens, healing practices, prophetic speech, and finally in the customs related to Easter, St. George Day and Michaelmas, shared by both Lutheran and Orthodox inhabitants of the region. Local Lutheran Finns in most cases tend to point out the main differences between them and Orthodox believers, and therefore people usually did not cross cultural and confessional bor- ders. On the other hand, these borders are obviously crossed by persons with marginal cultural and confessional status for whom the fusions and convergence are part of everyday reality (see, for example, Raudalainen 2003; Raudalainen 2004). Along the same lines, it is supposed that the laments and lament- like invocations performed during commemoration rituals among local Finnish Lutherans in Tyrö, Hevaa and Narvusi2 parishes are Orthodox by their origin (Honko 1978: 83–84). Aili Nenola has pub- lished recently a fundamental textual corpus of Ingrian laments (Nenola 2002). It is well known that a number of wedding laments have been collected from the Lutheran Finns mainly in the parish of Tyrö, and sporadically in those of Hevaa and Narvusi (cf. Nenola 2002: 15, 37; also Konkka 1985: 13; Honko 1990: 121). A. Nenola has supposed that the lamenting tradition of Ingrian Finnish äyrämöiset-subgroup is not genuine but a borrowing from Ortho- dox Izhorians (Nenola 2002: 15). In addition, Ingrian Lutherans knew laments to be performed to recruits in some regions. The cultural www.folklore.ee/folklore 58 Orthodox and Lutheran Commemoration Practices contacts or possibly even cultural fusion as well as ethnic assimila- tion of the population of Orthodox, Lutheran and possibly of former Orthodox origin3 had taken place. Observing the lament-like performances of one of my informants, an Ingrian-Finnish Lutheran Maria I., during her commemoration rituals, I am inclined to find traces of the Orthodox cultural models (for example, the usage of some stereotypes and elements of recita- tion within the lamenting code). Additionally, dialogues with the departed ones and blessing formulas on a family burial site are quite unusual in the Lutheran surroundings. As a matter of fact, we pos- sibly can talk about quite strong Orthodox cultural influences among the local Lutheran groups even at two levels – at the linguistic as well as the ritualistic one. Here I will focus on the latter. Also, I will consider some differences between the Lutheran and Orthodox concept about the soul’s fate after departing this world. The Lutheran church, as well as the Orthodox one, emphasizes the benefit of a burial place being located near the parochial church where ordinary services, prayers (intercessions) and sermons are permanently practiced and thus the Eternal Life, Grace and Glory are especially close to the departed ones. However, smaller burial places farther from central churchyards were much more practical and also more appreciated, especially among the Orthodox people to whom regular and numerous commemoration days are an im- portant part of their religious life. The threshold dividing the de- parted ones and their living family is – to make use of a metaphor – lower within the Orthodox tradition. The elderly Ingrian women frequently used to underline that visiting kalmot ‘graveyard’ brings some additional virtue. For them, the institution of commemora- tion is a reality and the feast for the departed ones is called jälkimuistot ‘funeral repast’, a borrowing from the Russian term pominki. Also commemorating days three, nine and 40 days there- after were sometimes mentioned, which are obviously influenced by the surrounding Orthodox environment. Notable importance was laid, of course, on aastajam_päivät ‘the annual commemoration feast’ (the Russian godovschina). Radunitsa ‘commemoration day a week after Eastern’ and troitsa ‘Whitsuntide’, the main annual commemo- ration feasts among Orthodox believers, could be mentioned by the Lutherans in Ingria as well. 59 www.folklore.ee/folklore/ Taisto Kalevi Raudalainen Folklore 28 The commemoration practice is not the only feature connecting the Ingrian Finnish Lutherans’ local mentalities partly to the Or- thodox cultural realm. Without any doubt, one of the reasons for the fusion of the two confessional mentalities was the social prac- tice of adopting children from the orphanages of St. Petersburg. As a rule, these persons remained Orthodox and visited the liturgies of the Orthodox Church throughout their life, but having been grown up in Lutheran homes they were frequently active members of their local Lutheran parishes. I have met some women who, mostly par- ticipating in Lutheran services, also visited Orthodox churches and wrote regularly intercessions in diptych books or simply spiski ‘lists’ (Russ.) according to the common Orthodox commemoration prac- tice. The keeping of those lists is closely connected to the Orthodox liturgy. The priest reads the names of the persons, whose souls the relatives want to be included in the commemoration service both at the graveyard and at home (cf., Järvinen & Timonen 1992: 57; see also Järvinen 2004). In addition, turning oneself towards icons and kissing them is quite usual for these women. Honouring the icons of various Saints, Vir- gin Mary or Christ the Saviour, is also the reason why Orthodox people use to visualise (almost experience physically) the presence of their dead relatives. All but physical closeness – touching, strok- ing and kissing the departed ones before the burying of the body – that can be regarded as the main characteristics of the Orthodox burial customs, are often present in the ritual behaviour of Lutherans of Central Ingria. Both in the Karelian and Ingrian fe- male culture, the deceased members of the clan are present in ritual events and in everyday environment in a very concrete way (cf. Järvinen & Timonen 1992: 55–56; Konkka 1985: 67–72 on the dialogical relation with the departed one during the funeral and thereafter). I shall mainly analyse the commemoration practices of two Ingrian Finnish informants from the parish of Spankkova – Maria I., born in Korpisalo4 village in 1910, and Katri R., born in Vanha-Holopitsa village in 1911. Both of them are Lutherans by their confession, and their cultural behaviour obviously contains some Orthodox fea- tures. During the last 40–50 years, the former lived in a sovkhoz www.folklore.ee/folklore 60 Orthodox and Lutheran Commemoration Practices ‘state farmstead’ in Estonia, while the latter, having lived in Esto- nia for almost ten years, returned to her native land. Both of them have had since their early age a deep relation with their grand- mothers, who taught and adapted them to the village Christianity, the traditional agrarian way of life and the corresponding world- view. Both of them had also had an extremely hard life including the loss of their homes and native surroundings, many experiences with death and social collapses since the earliest childhood, as well as complex relationships with their husbands. But they both have astonishing memory to which the multifarious traditional ethno- cultural strategies (with their own specific accents) have applied in a fluid and intense way.
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