DOCSLIB.ORG

Boletín De La Biblioteca Rafael Galván

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Boletín De La Biblioteca Rafael Galván rchivos BoletínA de la Biblioteca Rafael Galván Año 1, Nº 1, Agosto - Octubre 2012 La actualidad de Trotsky Una lectura a contrapelo. JAIME ORTEGA REYNA Trotsky, Breton y Rivera Cuando la revolución y el arte confluyen. DAVID RODRIGO GARCÍA COLÍN CARRILLO De Francia a México El aislamiento noruego, la esperanza mexicana, la comisión Dewey y la muerte en Coyoacán. MIGUEL MOURIÑO FAJARDO rchivos BoletínA de la Biblioteca Rafael Galván Año 1, Nº 1, Agosto - Octubre 2012 La actualidad de Trotsky Una lectura a contrapelo. JAIME ORTEGA REYNA Trotsky, Breton y Rivera Cuando la revolución y el arte confluyen. DAVID RODRIGO GARCÍA COLÍN CARRILLO De Francia a México El aislamiento noruego, la esperanza mexicana, la comisión Dewey y la muerte en Coyoacán. MIGUEL MOURIÑO FAJARDO Instituto del Derecho de Asilo Museo Casa León Trotsky José Antonio González de León Director Biblioteca Rafael Galván Nayeli Moctezuma Moreno Coordinación ARCHIVOS Boletín de las Biblioteca Rafael Galván D.R. © Archivos, Año 1, número 1, agosto-octubre, 2012. D.R. © Instituto del Derecho de Asilo-Museo Casa León Trotsky, Av. Río Churubusco núm.410, Col. Del Carmen, Delegación Coyoacán, C.P. 04100, México, D.F. Diseño y cuidado de la edición: Nayeli Moctezuma Moreno En portada: Estudio Casa León Trotsky Archivos: Boletín de la Biblioteca Rafael Galván es una publicación trimestral de carácter académico y cultural que busca contribuir a las tareas de investigación, difusión bibliográfica y enriquecer el campo del trabajo documental. Es editada por el Instituto del Derecho de Asilo-Museo Casa León Trotsky. Toda contribución deberá enviarse a: [email protected] Los artículos contenidos en esta publicación son responsabilidad de sus respectivos autores y no comprometen la posición oficial del Instituto del Derecho de Asilo-Museo Casa León Trotsky. ÍNDICE DOSSIER LA VIGENCIA DEL PENSAMIENTO DE TROTSKY PRESENTACIÓN 7 DIÁLOGOS La actualidad de Trotsky Una lectura a contrapelo 11 JAIME ORTEGA REYNA Trotsky, Breton y Rivera Cuando la revolución y el arte confluyen. 31 DAVID RODRIGO GARCÍA COLÍN CARRILLO Reivindicar a Trotsky hoy Una lectura contemporánea de Mi vida de León Trotsky. 49 MAURO SEBASTÍAN ESPÍNOLA TERÁN De Francia a México El aislamiento noruego, la esperanza mexicana , la comisión Dewey 59 y su muerte en Coyoacán. MIGUEL ÁNGEL MOURIÑO FAJARDO CONTORNOS Y SEMBLANZAS El hombre que amaba a los perros MARTÍN MANZANARES 75 ÍNDICES La colección León Trotsky NAYELI MOCTEZUMA MORENO 82 CALEIDOSCOPIO Exilio, una mirada a través de la biblioteca personal de León Trotsky 87 iálogos La actualidad de Trotsky Una lectura a contrapelo. Jaime Ortega Reyna* Resumen El presente trabajo busca realizar una lectura de la temprana obra de Trotsky, "Nuestras Tareas políticas" con el fin de resaltar los aspectos más relevante para nuestra realidad, comparando sus planteamientos con la tradición que el inauguró. Se plantea una crítica al pensamiento de Trotsky en su visión dominante, particularmente en puntos relevante que el marxismo ha tratado desde otras perspectivas y se presenta una alternativa de compresión de la misma, ubicada en su contexto Abstract This paper seeks to make a reading of the early work of Trotsky, "Our Political Tasks" to highlight the most relevant to our reality, comparing their approaches to the tradition that opened. We propose a critique of Trotsky's thought in its dominant view, particularly relevant points that Marxism has sought from other perspectives and presents an alternative compression thereof, located in context. Palabras Clave Trotskismo, la causa socialista, estalinismo, sobre- estalinización, movimiento obrero. Keywords Trotskysm, the socialist cause, stalinism, over-stalinization, workers movement. 11 No puede existir duda alguna sobre la relevancia histórica y política de un personaje como León Trotsky en el desarrollo de la historia del siglo XX. Plantearse la actualidad de su pensamiento, sin embargo, representa una problemática que tendrá que trazarse por varios senderos. Las razones de dicha situación se deben en gran medida a la polémica que suscitó su obra en medio de un movimiento político que en un momento de auge y explosividad social optó por otras visiones luego dominantes, relegando la suya a grupos reducidos o periféricos. La consagración de Trotsky como un líder político derrotado, pero a su vez encumbrado como el padre fundador de una corriente política de cuño radical, vuelve más complicado asumir con suficiente cuidado su legado. Matizar siempre es complicado en situaciones que han nacido de extremos, sin embargo es posible seguir el impacto político y cultural, incluso literario (Padura, 2009; Aguinis, 2011; Young-Tulin, 2012) de su legado. Es a partir de estas consideraciones iniciales que el presente texto tiene como objetivo central, proponer una lectura de Trotsky a contrapelo de la corriente que reclama su nombre y su legado: el trotskismo; empresa desmedida, pero que me parece ha sido ya apuntada en otros ámbitos. Por ejemplo Jack Barnes propuso hablar de “Su Trotsky y el nuestro”, precisamente como una forma de rescatar el legado del revolucionario ruso más allá del intento de ortodoxia que se construyó en su nombre. A propósito de los trotskismos Daniel Bensaid (2007) ha tenido a bien apuntar la pluralidad que componen a éste; pluralidad que no ha obviado la formulación de un corpus más o menos homogéneo de ideas y concepciones sobre la práctica política. El trotskismo, más allá de sus diferencias múltiples y muy conocidas, guarda sin embargo un núcleo muy similar en cuanto a sus referentes históricos, sus argumentos políticos y sus concepciones sobre lo que debe ser la política. Desde mi perspectiva y siguiendo a Zizek, hay que desembarazar la figura y la obra de Trotsky de esa visión construida por sus seguidores más fieles. La valía del personaje histórico, teórico y político, está más allá de las disputas por su legado. La valoración tampoco puede ir siempre en concordancia sobre su relación con Lenin, otro 12 gran dirigente político que aparecerá a lo largo de la historia. El trotskismo construyó un Trotsky que debía ser considerado en su fidelidad a Lenin. Propongo entonces una lectura de Trotsky a contrapelo del trotskismo. En principio, trataré de esbozar lo que me parece difícil sostener como “actualidad” de su legado lo escribo con la franqueza de que se trata de apuntes de una discusión muchísimo más amplia. A partir de la obra Nuestras Tareas Políticas escrita en 1904 (Abosch, 1974: 22) señalaré lo que me parece un núcleo crítico sumamente actual de su pensamiento, deteniéndome brevemente sobre la recepción de dicha obra en sus más importantes comentadores. Como resulta obvio, no sólo me ocuparé de Trotsky y su propuesta política de aquel momento, sino que tendré que hacer referencia en particular a Lenin y su conocida “teoría del partido”, la cual me parece ha comenzado a ser considerada de forma más amplia. Lo no-actual en Trotsky La “ortodoxia” construida al seno de una corriente política que en la segunda mitad del siglo XX se volvió muy activa, nos ha entregado una visión de Trotsky asentada en algunos de los pilares que actualmente tienen serios problemas al ser encarados. Quisiera detenerme en dos: a) la teoría de la revolución permanente; b) la concepción sobre los orígenes, causas y derroteros del movimiento revolucionario. La teoría de la revolución permanente, es el gran orgullo de las organizaciones trotskistas, con ella han buscado desprenderse de las concepciones lineales que prevalecieron en cierto marxismo tradicional, tanto el heredado por el reformismo de la II Internacional, como por el movimiento comunista de cuño soviético; apelando a que la historia no tiene etapas definidas y que la política en tiempos de la expansión del mercado mundial, conducía a ciertas sociedades por un tránsito de mayor prontitud a la revolución y que no había necesidad de subordinar las perspectivas revolucionarias a buscar la “revolución burguesa” que desarrollase el capitalismo (Trotsky, 1998:63-70). Las llamadas por Trotsky “tareas democráticas” serían cumplidas por la revolución encabezada por el 13 proletariado, sin necesidad de desarrollar procesos de liberación nacional previos. En resumen, Trotsky(2000)plantea la actualidad de la revolución en la periferia capitalista, aunque reconoce un retraso del tránsito sólido al socialismo. Si bien en esto no hay mayor problema, puesto que en realidad fue lo que ocurrió en el inicio de la Revolución de Octubre de 1917, hay una construcción historiográfica que hace parecer que el dirigente máximo de la revolución rusa -Lenin- en realidad adoptaba la posición de Trotsky. Es aquí donde la cuestión se trunca en cuanto posibilidades interpretativas. Kostas Mavrakis un intelectual griego de filiación maoísta- ha demostrado convincentemente que Lenin desde 1905 tenía una concepción muy similar a la que Trotsky expondrá en sus ideas sobre la revolución permanente (Mavrakis, 1974: 39-44). La diferencia entre Lenin y Trotsky recae sobre en el papel que uno y otro le dan al mundo campesino. Mientras que para Lenin la alianza obrero-campesina es la fundamental en un país como Rusia, para Trotsky es el proletariado industrial el que “acaudilla” a las masas campesinas. Lenin escribía en noviembre de 1915 que: En lo que respecta a Trotski, éste propone una solución errónea en NasheSlovo, repitiendo su “original” teoría de 1905 y negándose a reflexionar sobre las causas por las cuales, durante diez años, la vida ha pasado de largo ante esa magnífica teoría. La original teoría de Trotski copia de los bolcheviques el llamamiento al proletariado a una lucha revolucionaria resuelta y a la conquista del poder político, y de los mencheviques, la “negación” del papel del campesinado. (Lenin, 1978). Si bien la disquisición sobre la originalidad de la teoría de Trotsky en realidad no es un tema relevante para nuestro argumento –por lo demás, en su autobiografía reconoce la paternidad a Parvus-1 sí lo es la diferencia que existe en la construcción de las alianzas * Maestro en Estudios Latinoamericanos por la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Socialism in One Country” Promoting National Identity Based on Class Identification
    “Socialism in One Country” Promoting National Identity Based on Class Identification IVAN SZPAKOWSKI The Russian Empire of the Romanovs spanned thousands of miles from the Baltic to the Pacific, with a population of millions drawn from dozens of ethnic groups. Following the Russian Civil War, the Bolsheviks inherited the problem of holding together such a heterogeneous body. At the same time, they were forced to uphold Marxist ideology demanding worldwide revolution of the proletariat while facing the reality that despite the turmoil following the First World War no such revolution was forthcoming. In 1924 the rising Joseph Stalin, along with Nikolai Bukharin, devised the theory of “Socialism in One Country” which would become the solution to many of these problems facing the Bolsheviks. First of all, it proclaimed the ability of socialism to succeed in the Soviet Union alone, without foreign aid. Additionally, it marked a change from Lenin’s policy of self-determination for the Soviet Union’s constituent nations to Stalin’s policy of a compulsory unitary state. These non-Russian ethnics were systematically and firmly incorporated into the Soviet Union by the promotion of a proletariat class mentality. The development of the theory and policy of “Socialism in One Country” thus served to forge the unitary national identity of the Soviet Union around the concept of common Soviet class identity. The examination of this policy’s role in building a new form of national identity is dependant on a variety of sources, grouped into several subject areas. First, the origin of the term “Socialism in One Country,” its original meaning and its interpretation can be found in the speeches and writings of prominent contemporary communist leaders, chief among them: Stalin and Trotsky.
    [Show full text]
  • "Mein Leben" – "Моя Жизнь" Trockijs Autobiographie Essay
    "Mein Leben" – "Моя Жизнь" Trockijs Autobiographie Essay "Mein Leben" – "Моя Жизнь" Ein Essay über Trockijs Autobiographie und den jungen Trockij (1879-1904) von Wolfgang und Petra Lubitz, 2018/19 ________________________________________________________________________ Dieser Essay erscheint als Teil von Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Inhaltsverzeichnis (1) Einleitung, Vorbemerkungen.............................................................................3 Zum Thema........................................................................................................................3 Zum Inhalt.........................................................................................................................3 Formale Hinweise.................................................................................................................4 (2) "Mein Leben" – Bibliographisch-buchhistorisches und Kurioses........................5 Einleitung...........................................................................................................................5 Buchbeschreibung der deutschen Erstausgabe.........................................................................5 Die russische Erstausgabe.....................................................................................................8 Vorabdrucke........................................................................................................................8 Online-Ausgaben.................................................................................................................8
    [Show full text]
  • The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
    The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders ­ overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South­ East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social­ science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee
    [Show full text]
  • Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online
    A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://eprints.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Lenin and the Iskra Faction of the RSDLP 1899-1903 Richard Mullin Doctor of Philosophy Resubmission University of Sussex March 2010 1 I hereby declare that this thesis has not been submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree ……………………………….. 2 Contents Contents.......................................................................................................................3 Acknowledgements……………..…………………………………………………...4 Abstract........................................................................................................................5 Notes on Names, Texts and Dates…….....……………………..…………………...6 Chapter One: Historical and Historiographical Context…………………..…....7 i) 1899-1903 in the Context of Russian Social-Democratic History and Theory …12 ii) Historiographical Trends in the Study of Lenin and the RSDLP …………...…..23 iii) How the thesis develops
    [Show full text]
  • Trotsky and the Problem of Soviet Bureaucracy
    TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY by Thomas Marshall Twiss B.A., Mount Union College, 1971 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1972 M.S., Drexel University, 1997 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Thomas Marshall Twiss It was defended on April 16, 2009 and approved by William Chase, Professor, Department of History Ronald H. Linden, Professor, Department of Political Science Ilya Prizel, Professor, Department of Political Science Dissertation Advisor: Jonathan Harris, Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Thomas Marshall Twiss 2009 iii TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY Thomas Marshall Twiss, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 In 1917 the Bolsheviks anticipated, on the basis of the Marxist classics, that the proletarian revolution would put an end to bureaucracy. However, soon after the revolution many within the Bolshevik Party, including Trotsky, were denouncing Soviet bureaucracy as a persistent problem. In fact, for Trotsky the problem of Soviet bureaucracy became the central political and theoretical issue that preoccupied him for the remainder of his life. This study examines the development of Leon Trotsky’s views on that subject from the first years after the Russian Revolution through the completion of his work The Revolution Betrayed in 1936. In his various writings over these years Trotsky expressed three main understandings of the nature of the problem: During the civil war and the first years of NEP he denounced inefficiency in the distribution of supplies to the Red Army and resources throughout the economy as a whole.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction 11. I Have Approached This Subject in Greater Detail in J. D
    NOTES Introduction 11. I have approached this subject in greater detail in J. D. White, Karl Marx and the Intellectual Origins of Dialectical Materialism (Basingstoke and London, 1996). 12. V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 38, p. 180. 13. K. Marx, Grundrisse, translated by M. Nicolaus (Harmondsworth, 1973), p. 408. 14. N. I. Ziber, Teoriia tsennosti i kapitala D. Rikardo v sviazi s pozdneishimi dopolneniiami i raz"iasneniiami. Opyt kritiko-ekonomicheskogo issledovaniia (Kiev, 1871). 15. N. G. Chernyshevskii, ‘Dopolnenie i primechaniia na pervuiu knigu politicheskoi ekonomii Dzhon Stiuarta Millia’, Sochineniia N. Chernyshevskogo, Vol. 3 (Geneva, 1869); ‘Ocherki iz politicheskoi ekonomii (po Milliu)’, Sochineniia N. Chernyshevskogo, Vol. 4 (Geneva, 1870). Reprinted in N. G. Chernyshevskii, Polnoe sobranie sochineniy, Vol. IX (Moscow, 1949). 16. Arkhiv K. Marksa i F. Engel'sa, Vols XI–XVI. 17. M. M. Kovalevskii, Obshchinnoe zemlevladenie, prichiny, khod i posledstviia ego razlozheniia (Moscow, 1879). 18. Marx to the editorial board of Otechestvennye zapiski, November 1877, in Karl Marx Frederick Engels Collected Works, Vol. 24, pp. 196–201. 19. Marx to Zasulich, 8 March 1881, in Karl Marx Frederick Engels Collected Works, Vol. 24, pp. 346–73. 10. It was published in the journal Vestnik Narodnoi Voli, no. 5 (1886). 11. D. Riazanov, ‘V Zasulich i K. Marks’, Arkhiv K. Marksa i F. Engel'sa, Vol. 1 (1924), pp. 269–86. 12. N. F. Daniel'son, ‘Ocherki nashego poreformennogo obshch- estvennogo khoziaistva’, Slovo, no. 10 (October 1880), pp. 77–143. 13. N. F. Daniel'son, Ocherki nashego poreformennogo obshchestvennogo khozi- aistva (St Petersburg, 1893). 14. V. V. Vorontsov, Sud'by kapitalizma v Rossii (St Petersburg, 1882).
    [Show full text]
  • Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974
    Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974 By Joseph Paul Scalice A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in South and Southeast Asian Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Associate Professor Jerey Hadler, Chair Professor Peter Zinoman Professor Andrew Barshay Summer 2017 Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1957-1974 Copyright 2017 by Joseph Paul Scalice 1 Abstract Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974 by Joseph Paul Scalice Doctor of Philosophy in South and Southeast Asian Studies University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Jerey Hadler, Chair In 1967 the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (pkp) split in two. Within two years a second party – the Communist Party of the Philippines (cpp) – had been founded. In this work I argue that it was the political program of Stalinism, embodied in both parties through three basic principles – socialism in one country, the two-stage theory of revolution, and the bloc of four classes – that determined the fate of political struggles in the Philippines in the late 1960s and early 1970s and facilitated Marcos’ declaration of Martial Law in September 1972. I argue that the split in the Communist Party of the Philippines was the direct expression of the Sino-Soviet split in global Stalinism. The impact of this geopolitical split arrived late in the Philippines because it was initially refracted through Jakarta.
    [Show full text]
  • Alasdair Macintyre and Trotskyism
    BlackledgeKnight-09_Layout 1 12/29/10 8:07 AM Page 152 9 Alasdair MacIntyre and Trotskyism Alasdair MacIntyre began his literary career in 1953 with Marxism: An Interpretation. According to his own account, in that book he attempted to be faithful to both his Christian and his Marxist beliefs (MacIntyre 1995d). Over the course of the 1960s he abandoned both (MacIntyre 2008k, 180). In 1971 he introduced a collection of his essays by rejecting these and, indeed, all other attempts to illuminate the human condition (MacIntyre 1971b, viii). Since then, MacIntyre has of course re-embraced Christianity, although that of the Catholic Church rather than the An - glicanism to which he originally adhered. It seems unlikely, at this stage, that he will undertake a similar reconciliation with Marxism. Nevertheless, as MacIntyre has frequently reminded his readers, most recently in the prologue to the third edition of After Virtue (2007), his rejection of Marxism as a whole does not entail a rejection of every insight that it has to o ffer. MacIntyre’s current audience tends to be un - interested in his Marxism and consequently remains in ignorance not only of his early Marxist work but also of the context in which it was written. MacIntyre not only wrote from a Marxist perspective but also belonged to a number of Marxist organisations, which, to di ffering de - grees, made political demands on their members from which intellec tu - 152 BlackledgeKnight-09_Layout 1 12/29/10 8:07 AM Page 153 Alasdair MacIntyre and Trotskyism 153 als were not excluded. Even the most insightful of MacIntyre’s admirers tend to treat the subject of these political a ffiliations as an occasion for mild amusement (Knight 1998, 2).
    [Show full text]
  • Bio-Bibliographical Sketch of Rudolf Klement
    Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Rudolf Klement Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: Basic biographical data Biographical sketch Selective bibliography Sidelines, notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Rudolf Klement Other names (by-names, pseud., etc.): Adolphe ; Roger Bertrand ; Camille ; Frédéric ; Rudolf Alois Klement ; Lodovic * Ludwig * Nic ; Emile Schmitt ; St. ; Walter Steen ; Theodor ; Théodore ; W.S. ; W. St. Date and place of birth: Nov. 4, 1908, Hamburg (Germany) Date and place of death: July 14 or 15 (?), 1938, Paris (?) (France) Nationality: German Occupations, careers, etc.: Student, professional revolutionary, translator Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1932 - 1938 (lifelong Trotskyist) Biographical sketch Rudolf Klement was a devoted young Trotskyist who shared the fate of so many members of Trotsky's family and secretarial staff in the 1930s: he fell victim to Stalin’s revenge and was murdered by accomplices of the Soviet secret service. This following biographical sketch is chiefly based on the items listed in the final paragraph of the Selective bibliography section below. Rudolf (Alois) Klement was born in Hamburg (Germany) on November 4, 1908 1 as son of an archi- tect. After finishing his secondary school education, Klement took up philological studies at various universities in Germany and abroad. It is said that he knew at least five languages, including Russian. As a student, he became a member of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschland (KPD, Communist Party of Germany) from which, however, he was expelled in 1932 when he approached Trotskyist positions and was recruited by Georg Jungclas to the Hamburg branch of the Linke Opposition der KPD, Bolschewiki-Leninisten) (LO, Left Opposition of the KPD, Bolshevik-Leninists), the German section of the International Left Opposition (ILO) inspired by Leon Trotsky and led by his son, Lev Sedov.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fourth International and the Renegade Wohlforth
    LABOR PUBLICATIONS The Fourth International and the Renegade Wohlforth The Struggle for Trotskyism in the United States LABOR PUBLICATIONS ©Copyright May 1984 by Labor Publications, Inc. All rights reserved What Makes Wohlforth Run? was first published in pamphlet form in July, 1975 by Labor Publications, Inc. The Fourth International and the Renegade Wohlforth by David North and Alex Steiner was first published in pamphlet form in 1976 by Labor Publications, Inc. Printed in the United States of America Published by Labor Publications, Inc. 11 Grand River, Detroit, MI 48226 Distributed in Great Britain by New Park Publications Ltd. 21b Old Town, Clapham, London SW4 OJT CONTENTS Foreword— Ten Years Since the Split with Wohlforth i What Makes Wohlforth Run? 1 The Fourth International and the Renegade Wohlforth Introduction 71 The Wohlforth School of Falsification 75 In the Footsteps of Kant 83 The Long Road Back to Pablo 113 Reform or Revolution? 131 A Subjective Idealist on War 143 The Boston Stranglers of the Working Class 151 An Aging liar Peddles His Wares 163 The Accomplice of Joseph Hansen 179 Whither Wohlforth?^ 191 Correspondence From G. Healy to the ACFI - November 24, 1966 209 From G. Hcaly to Tim Wohlforth — June 7, 1971 212 From G. Healy to Tim Wohlforth - June 8, 1971 215 From G. Healy to Tim Wohlforth — June 17, 1971 217 From G. Healy to Tim Wohlforth— June 24, 1971 219 From Dany Sylveire to Tim Wohlforth — January 19, 1972 221 From G. Healy to Tim Wohlforth - February 8, 1972 224 From G. Healy to Tim Wohlforth - September 25, 1^72 226 From G.
    [Show full text]
  • Leont Trotsky: in Defence of October
    LEONT TROTSY— 1932: IN DEFENCE OF OCTOBER Leon Trotsky's In Defence Of October A speech delivered in Copenhagen, Denmark in November 1932 The first time that I was in Copenhagen was at the International Socialist Congress and I took away with me the kindest recollections of your city. But that was over a quarter of a century ago. Since then, the water in the Ore-Sund and in the fjords has changed over and over again. And not the water alone. The war has broke the backbone of the old European continent. The rivers and seas of Europe have washed down not a little blood. Mankind and particularly European mankind has gone through severe trials, has become more sombre and more brutal. Every kind of conflict has become more bitter. The world has entered into the period of the great change. Its extreme expressions are war and revolution. Before I pass on to the theme of my lecture, the Revolution, I consider it my duty to express my thanks to the organisers of this meeting, the organisation of social-democratic students. I do this as a political adversary. My lecture, it is true, pursues historic scientific and not political lines. I want to emphasise this right from the beginning. But it is impossible to speak of a revolution, out of which the Soviet Republic arose, without taking up a political position. As a lecturer I stand under the banner as I did when I participated in the events of the revolution. Up to the war, the Bolshevik Party belonged to the Social-Democratic International.
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical and International Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party
    The Historical and International Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party Adopted by the SEP Founding Congress August 3-9, 2008 © 2008 Socialist Equality Party Contents The Principled Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party ......................................................................................................................1 The Origins and Development of Marxism .................................................................................................................................................2 The Origins of Bolshevism ..........................................................................................................................................................................3 The Theory of Permanent Revolution ........................................................................................................................................................4 Lenin’s Defense of Materialism ...................................................................................................................................................................5 Imperialist War and the Collapse of the Second International ..................................................................................................................6 The Russian Revolution and the Vindication of Permanent Revolution ..................................................................................................8 The Communist International ..................................................................................................................................................................10
    [Show full text]