Introduction 11. I Have Approached This Subject in Greater Detail in J. D
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Jewish Socialists Around Vpered1
BORIS SAPIR JEWISH SOCIALISTS AROUND VPERED1 SOCIALIST PROPAGANDA AMONG JEWS AND VPERED The importance of the "Lavrists" or "Vperedovtsy", named after the publication Vpered (Forward) (i873-1877) founded and edited by Peter Lavrovich Lavrov, in the evolution of the socialist ideas and groups in Russia has been recognized by historians from Alphonse Thun to Franco Venturi.2 The journal's role in the dissemination of the socialist credo among Russian Jews has never been seriously disputed, although seldom recorded in concrete terms. Of the leading Lavrists only Nicolas Kuliabko-Koretskii left memoirs.3 But he, as well as Lavrov who compiled an interesting outline of the main phases of the "Narodnichestvo"4 were not exceedingly interested in the Jewish aspect of their oeuvre. They touched this topic only in passing and, if at all, referred to Liberman whose Jewish socialism captivated their imagination. There was no reason for them to indicate and to dwell on the Jewish origin of socialist Jews in their midst who never associated themselves with any Jewish cause or aspirations. The outsiders who did so many years afterwards, knew too little about the internal affairs of Vpered and, therefore, either exaggerated its influence among Jews or underestimated the importance of leading Jewish Lavrists or, which 1 With slight changes this paper was read at the YIVO Research Conference on Jewish participation in movements devoted to the cause of social progress, New York, September 10-13, '964. 1 A. Thun, Geschichte der revolutionaren Bewegung in Russland, Leipzig 1883; F. Venturi, Roots of Revolution, London i960. The reader of this journal may find a condensed treatment of the position and influence of Vpered in Boris Sapir, Unknown Chapters in the history of Vpered, in: International Review of Social History, Vol. -
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
Marx and History: the Russian Road and the Myth of Historical Determinism
Ciências Sociais Unisinos 57(1):78-86, janeiro/abril 2021 Unisinos - doi: 10.4013/csu.2021.57.1.07 Marx and history: the Russian road and the myth of historical determinism Marx e a história: a via russa e o mito do determinismo histórico Guilherme Nunes Pires1 [email protected] Abstract This paper aims to point out the limits of the historical determinism thesis in Marx’s thought by analyzing his writings on the Russian issue and the possibility of a “Russian road” to socialism. The perspective of historical determinism implies that Marx’s thought is supported by a unilinear view of social evolution, i.e. history is understood as a succes- sion of modes of production and their internal relations inexorably leading to a classless society. We argue that in letters and drafts on the Russian issue, Marx opposes to any attempt associate his thought with a deterministic conception of history. It is pointed out that Marx’s contact with the Russian populists in the 1880s provides textual ele- ments allowing to impose limits on the idea of historical determinism and the unilinear perspective in the historical process. Keywords: Marx. Historical Determinism. Unilinearity. Russian Road. Resumo O objetivo do presente artigo é apontar os limites da tese do determinismo histórico no pensamento de Marx, através da análise dos escritos sobre a questão russa e a possibilidade da “via russa” para o socialismo. A perspectiva do determinismo histórico compreende que o pensamento de Marx estaria amparado por uma visão unilinear da evolução social, ou seja, a história seria compreendida por uma sucessão de modos de produção e suas relações internas que inexoravelmente rumaria a uma sociedade sem classes sociais. -
Aleksandr Bogdanov and Systems Theory
Democracy & Nature, Vol. 6, No. 3, 2000 Aleksandr Bogdanov and Systems Theory ARRAN GARE ABSTRACT The signi cance and potential of systems theory and complexity theory are best appreciated through an understanding of their origins. Arguably, their originator was the Russian philosopher and revolutionary, Aleksandr Bogdanov. Bogdanov anticipated later developments of systems theory and complexity theory in his efforts to lay the foundations for a new, post-capitalist culture and science. This science would overcome the division between the natural and the human sciences and enable workers to organise themselves and their productive activity. It would be central to the culture of a society in which class and gender divisions have been transcended. At the same time it would free people from the deformed thinking of class societies, enabling them to appreciate both the limitations and the signi cance of their environments and other forms of life. In this paper it is argued that whatever Bogdanov’s limitations, such a science is still required if we are to create a society free of class divisions, and that it is in this light that developments in systems theory and complexity theory should be judged. Aleksandr Bogdanov, the Russian revolutionary, philosopher and scientist, has a good claim to being regarded as the founder of systems theory.1 His ‘tektology’, that is, his new science of organisation, not only anticipated and probably in uenced the ideas of Ludwig von Bertalanffy—who must have been familiar with his work,2 but anticipated many of the ideas of the complexity theorists. As Simona Poustlinik commented at a recent conference on Bogdanov: It is remarkable the extent to which Bogdanov anticipated the ideas which were to be developed in systems thinking later in the twentieth century. -
Lenin, What Is to Be Done.Indd
XIII Editor’s Preface This work saw the light of day in the heat of a decisive battle for the international proletariat. What Is to Be Done? constituted the essential weapon with which to fight revisionism. This, even in its Russian form, denied the scientific nature of Marxist analysis, i.e. it excluded for the proletariat even the possibility of equip- ping itself with a strategy. What Is to Be Done? is the precious magnifying glass that allows us to reread the chapters of the history of our class from a Leninist point of view. In order to do this, we can follow the Russian script. Between 1884 and 1894, Marxist theory gathered strength, but the Marxists, among the currents of avant-garde thought, only had very few disciples. Between 1894 and 1898, the labour movement revealed its political awakening in the struggle via strikes. 1898-1902 was a period of dispersion, of theoretical and organisational eclecticism ; it was the artisanal phase of the political struggle fought by the vanguard of the Russian proletariat. What Is to Be Done? was published as the theoretical guidebook allowing that phase to be left behind. Lenin focused on the Russian precursors of revolutionary Marxism. The latter had the merit of being considered the world vanguard of the revolutionary democratic movement. Lenin hoped that the nascent social-democratic movement would be able to be nurtured with the « same devoted de- termination and vigour ». Eighteen years later, in “Left-Wing” Communism : an Infantile Disorder, he picked up this concept again and underlined it : « For about half a century – approximately from the forties to the nineties of the last century – progressive thought in XIV Lenin – What Is to Be Done Russia, oppressed by a most brutal and reactionary tsarism, sought eagerly for a correct revolutionary theory, and fol- lowed with the utmost diligence and thoroughness each and every “last word” in this sphere in Europe and America. -
Nationality Issue in Proletkult Activities in Ukraine
GLOKALde April 2016, ISSN 2148-7278, Volume: 2 Number: 2, Article 4 GLOKALde is official e-journal of UDEEEWANA NATIONALITY ISSUE IN PROLETKULT ACTIVITIES IN UKRAINE Associate Professor Oksana O. GOMENIUK Ph.D. (Pedagogics), Pavlo TYchyna Uman State Pedagogical UniversitY, UKRAINE ABSTRACT The article highlights the social and political conditions under which the proletarian educational organizations of the 1920s functioned in the context of nationalitY issue, namelY the study of political frameworks determining the status of the Ukrainian language and culture in Ukraine. The nationalitY issue became crucial in Proletkult activities – a proletarian cultural, educational and literary organization in the structure of People's Commissariat, the aim of which was a broad and comprehensive development of the proletarian culture created by the working class. Unlike Russia, Proletkult’s organizations in Ukraine were not significantlY spread and ceased to exist due to the fact that the national language and culture were not taken into account and the contact with the peasants and indigenous people of non-proletarian origin was limited. KeYwords: Proletkult, worker, culture, language, policY, organization. FORMULATION OF THE PROBLEM IN GENERAL AND ITS CONNECTION WITH IMPORTANT SCIENTIFIC AND PRACTICAL TASKS ContemporarY social transformations require detailed, critical reinterpreting the experiences of previous generations. In his work “Lectures” Hegel wrote that experience and history taught that peoples and governments had never learnt from history and did not act in accordance with the lessons that historY could give. The objective study of Russian-Ukrainian relations require special attention that will help to clarify the reasons for misunderstandings in historical context, to consider them in establishing intercommunication and ensuring peace in the geopolitical space. -
Peter Chaadaev: Between the Love of Fatherland and the Love of Truth
PETER CHAADAEV: BETWEEN THE LOVE OF FATHERLAND AND THE LOVE OF TRUTH BOOK OF ABSTRACTS International Conference Krakow Meetings 2016 June 5–8, 2016 Benedictine Abbey in Tyniec, Krakow, Poland ORGANIZERS: Pontifical University of John Paul II in Krakow Instituto de Filosofia Edith Stein in Granada International Center for the Study of the Christian Orient in Granada HONORARY PATRONAGE: Council of European Bishops’ Conferences INVITED SPEAKERS: Andrzej Walicki (Warsaw) Bernard Marchadier (Paris) Fr. Georgy Orekhanov (Moscow) Regula Zwahlen (Fribourg) ACADEMIC BOARD: Teresa Obolevitch (Krakow) Artur Mrówczyński-Van Allen (Granada) Paweł Rojek (Krakow) CONFERENCE SECRETARY: Olga Tabatadze (Granada) Gennadii Aliaiev Poltava Yuri Kondratuk National Technical University, Ukraine THE TRUTH OF PATRIOTISM OR THE PATRIOTISM OF THE TRUTH What does it make the inner tension of the title question? It is obvious—at least for rational thinking—that the truth is a predicate that describes the universal, as the patriotism is the one that describes the individual or group. There is only one truth, but there are many pa- triotisms. Within this coordinate system, we should rather talk about the patriotism of the truth: as the universal bears greater value than individual, so, first, one should be a patriot of the truth, and only thereafter a patriot of a group (the group is not necessarily a people, a nation, or a state). The patriotism of the truth is the true patriotism, as it comprises in itself or replaces itself (or subordinates under itself) the patriotism of a group as it is com- monly understood. Thus, we can read and interpret the famous words of Peter Chaadaev that the love of the truth is much more beautiful than the love of the Fatherland. -
The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee -
The Russian Revolution from Lenin to Stalin 1917-1929 2Nd Edition Pdf, Epub, Ebook
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION FROM LENIN TO STALIN 1917-1929 2ND EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Edward Hallett Carr | 9780333993095 | | | | | The Russian Revolution from Lenin to Stalin 1917-1929 2nd edition PDF Book Philosophy Economic determinism Historical materialism Marx's dialectic Marx's method Philosophy of nature. Rosmer himself was conscripted in May and so could not attend the Zimmerwald conference held in Switzerland in September , when a first puny attempt was made to bring together the remnants of the antiwar Left. Aleksandr Kerensky, the prime…. Lenin was prepared to replace the Union he had originally proposed with a looser association in which the centralized powers might be limited to defense and international relations alone. Concerning the political disenfranchisement of the capitalist social-class in Bolshevik Russia, Lenin said that "depriving the exploiters of the franchise is a purely Russian question, and not a question of the dictatorship of the proletariat, in general. The Communists, therefore, are, on the one hand, practically the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the lines of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement. However, he ruled by terror, and millions of his own There are problems in the interpretation: Carr designates the overtrow of the Provisional Government as a coup; the inadequate control of workers in the nationalized industry does not derive from the inability of workers but from the given circumstances, etc. -
The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a. -
David Mandel
David Mandel (1990) The Petrograd Workers and the Fall of the Old Régime From the February Revolution to the July Days, 1917 Un document produit en version numérique par Mme Marcelle Bergeron, bénévole Professeure à la retraite de l’École Dominique-Racine de Chicoutimi, Québec Courriel : mailto : [email protected] Dans le cadre de la collection : "Les classiques des sciences sociales" dirigée et fondée par Jean-Marie Tremblay, professeur de sociologie au Cégep de Chicoutimi Site web : http://bibliotheque.uqac.ca/ Une collection développée en collaboration avec la Bibliothèque Paul-Émile-Boulet de l'Université du Québec à Chicoutimi Site web: http://classiques.uqac.ca David Mandel, The Petrograd Workers and the Fall of the Old Régime (1983) 2 Un document produit en version numérique par Mme Marcelle Bergeron, bénévole, professeure à la retraite de l’École Dominique-Racine de Chicoutimi, Québec courriel : mailto:[email protected] David Mandel Une édition électronique réalisée à partir du texte de David Mandel, The Petrograd workers and the Fall of the Old Régime. From the February Revolution to the July Days, 1917. London: MACMILLAN, Macmillan Academic and Professional Ltd., in association with the Centre for Russian and East European Studies University of Birmingham. 1st edition, 1983. Reprinted, 1990, 220 pp. + 10 pp. [Autorisation accordée par l'auteur le 13 décembre 2006 de diffuser ce livre dans Les Classiques des sciences sociales.] Courriels : [email protected] ou [email protected]. Polices de caractères utilisés : Pour le texte : Times New Roman, 12 points. Pour les citations : Times New Roman 10 points. Pour les notes de bas de page : Times New Roman, 10 points.