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) 1 W~ Mathias Marcuss~
;) 1 W~ MATHIAS MARCUSS~ INTERNATIOI\AL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RvVANDA ;.'- CASE NC J.:TR 19"; THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIB UNAL l~.·~'--'~l~C:-T ~~ AGAINST RECEIVED HASSAN NGEZE ,'; ;-, ~", 1" ~ 7 _, .....',~! V v ACTION :e..e",=,~~ COpy ~ ~ Il\DICTMENT I. The do;;eCcor ufthe International Criminal Tribun,j for Rwanda, pursuant to the authority stipulated in Article 17 of the Statute of the TribllfJaI 01' the L'lternational Crim: al Tribunal for Rwanda (the Statute oEthe Tribunal) charges Hi SSAN {GEZE with GENOCIDE, DIRECT ANi) PUBLIC INCITEMENT TO COMMIT CENOCll ~, and CRIM.!!:S AGAINST HUMANITY, all offenses stip:llated in Articles 2.ud 3 0 the Statut.: of the fribunal as set forth belo N: 2, THE ACCUSED HASSAN NGEZE was born in 1961 in the Commune of Rubavu, Prefecture of Gisenyi, ,he Republic of 'Zwand At the tim.: of the eV~:lts referred to in this indictment, HASSAN NGEZE was Editor-in-Chief of the .i' 'lirna: knewn :.IS, and published under tbe name ot~ KANGURA. PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/085c26/ 3. CONCISE STATENIENT OF THE ACTS 3.1. The crimes inthislnd';tmentr)l\! plse in Rwsnda, between January 1 and December :3 1 of 1994. 3.2. During the events n:rerred to III this indictment, Tutsis and Hutus were identified as ethnic or racial group<;. 3.3. DLL inlS the events referre, in thi' indi . (ment, there were in Rwanda \\idespre.d or sy ~ematic ,ttacL '1gain-t a civilian population, including Tutsis and certa:n 1{utus, Oil poliucal, etl lie or l'acial grounds. -
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide:Lessom from the Rwanda Experience
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience March 1996 Published by: Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Editor: David Millwood Cover illustrations: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic design: Designgrafik, Copenhagen Prepress: Dansk Klich‚, Copenhagen Printing: Strandberg Grafisk, Odense ISBN: 87-7265-335-3 (Synthesis Report) ISBN: 87-7265-331-0 (1. Historical Perspective: Some Explanatory Factors) ISBN: 87-7265-332-9 (2. Early Warning and Conflict Management) ISBN: 87-7265-333-7 (3. Humanitarian Aid and Effects) ISBN: 87-7265-334-5 (4. Rebuilding Post-War Rwanda) This publication may be reproduced for free distribution and may be quoted provided the source - Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda - is mentioned. The report is printed on G-print Matt, a wood-free, medium-coated paper. G-print is manufactured without the use of chlorine and marked with the Nordic Swan, licence-no. 304 022. 2 The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience Study 2 Early Warning and Conflict Management by Howard Adelman York University Toronto, Canada Astri Suhrke Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway with contributions by Bruce Jones London School of Economics, U.K. Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda 3 Contents Preface 5 Executive Summary 8 Acknowledgements 11 Introduction 12 Chapter 1: The Festering Refugee Problem 17 Chapter 2: Civil War, Civil Violence and International Response 20 (1 October 1990 - 4 August -
RAPPORT DE LA COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE D'enquete SUR LES VIOLATIONS DES DROITS DE L'homme AU RWANDA DEPUIS LE 1Er OCTOBRE 1990 (7 - 21 Janvier 1993)
EMBARGO -. 8 MARS 1993 11:00 RAPPORT DE LA COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE D'ENQUETE SUR LES VIOLATIONS DES DROITS DE L'HOMME AU RWANDA DEPUIS LE 1er OCTOBRE 1990 (7 - 21 janvier 1993). RAPPORT FINAL FEDERATION INTERNATIONALE DES AFRICA WATCH (New York, DROITS DE L'HOMME – FIDH Washington, London) (Paris) UNION INTER-AFRICAINE DES DROITS CENTRE INTERNATIONAL DES DROITS DE L'HOMME ET DES PEUPLES - DE LA PERSONNE ET DU UIDH (Ouagadougou) DEVELOPPEMENT DEMOCRATIQUE - CIDPDD / ICHRDD (Montréal) 1 Mars 1993 La mission d'enquête internationale qui fait l'objet du présent rapport a été organisée à la demande de la société civile rwandaise, s'exprimant notamment par la voix des associations rwandaises de défense des droits de l'homme (Association pour la Défense des Droits de la Personne et des Libertés Publiques - ADL, Association Rwandaise pour la Défense des Droits de l'Homme - ARDHO, Association des Volontaires de la Paix - AVP, et Ligue Chrétienne de Défense des Droits de 'Homme - LICHREDOR, regroupées dans le Comité de Liaison des Associations de Défense des Droits de l'Homme - CLADHO ; ainsi que KANYARWANDA -Association pour la promotion de l'Union par la justice sociale). Elle a été réalisée avec le concours des institutions et organisations suivantes : Agir ensemble pour les Droits de l'Homme, Centre de Promotion des Droits de l'Homme (CPDH), Centre National de Coopération au Développement (CNCD), Comité pour le Respect des Droits de l'Homme et la Démocratie au Rwanda (CRDDR), Commission des Communautés Européennes (CCE), European Human Rights Foundation, Ligue des Droits et Libertés du Québec, Nationaal Centrum voor Ontwikkelings-Samenwerking (NCOS), NOVIB. -
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes And
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes and Understanding the Origins Nicola Skakel Senior Honors Thesis Department of History April 9th 2018 Defense Committee: Dr. Susan K. Kent, Department of History, Primary Advisor Dr. Matthew Gerber, Department of History, Honors Council Representative Dr. Paul Shankman, Department of Anthropology, Advisor 1 Introduction On the 7th of April 1994, the small east African country of Rwanda erupted into one of the most deadly and intimate genocides the modern world had ever witnessed. Whilst the western world stood by and watched in just 100 days over 800,000 Rwandans out of a total population of 7 million, were systematically murdered in the most brutal and violent of ways. Those who were targeted made up the country’s minority ethnic group the Tutsis, and moderates from the majority group, the Hutus. For many, the legacy of Rwanda is a monstrous example of extreme pent up ethnic tensions that has its roots in European colonialism. In contrast, I will argue that the events not just of 1994 but also the unrest that proceeded it, arose from a highly complex culmination of long-standing historical tensions between ethnic groups that long pre-dated colonialism. In conjunction, a set of short-term triggers including foreign intervention, civil war, famine, state terrorism and ultimately the assassination of President Habyarimana also contributed to the outburst of genocide in 1994. Whilst it would be easy to place sole responsibility on European colonists for implementing a policy of divide and rule and therefore exacerbating ethnic tensions, it seems to me that genocide is never that cut and dried: it can never be explained by one factor. -
Historical Context
Historical Context: On April 6, 1994, Hutus began slaughtering the Tutsis in Rwanda, Africa. As the brutal Genocide took place, the world stood idle and watched the massacre take place. The Rwandan Genocide, also known as the genocide against the Tutsi, lasted 100 days and the brutal, barbaric mass killings left approximately 800,000 Rwandans dead. Who Are the Hutu and Tutsi? Key Facts, Thoughts The Hutu and Tutsi are two peoples in Africa who share a common past (i.e., & Questions language, religion, beliefs, etc.). When Rwanda was first settled, the people who lived in the region raised livestock; the people who owned the most cattle were called "Tutsi" and everyone else was called "Hutu." The Tutsi were the minority upper class and the Hutu majority, were generally considered to be lower class; however, social mobility was possible. If a Hutu acquired more than 10 cattle or received a dowry of cattle through marriage, they could easily change categories and become a Tutsi. What Impact Did Colonialism Have on the Hutu and Tutsi? German’s colonized Rwanda in 1894. Upon their arrival, they began to make ethnic distinctions between the three groups: The Hutu, the Tutsi and the Twa (a small group of hunter-gatherers who also live in Rwanda). The German’s favored the Tutsi because they felt that they embodied more European features and characteristics such as lighter skin, lighter eyes, longer noses and a thinner and taller physique. Because of this, German rulers gave special status to Tutsis. They put Tutsis in roles of responsibility and authority because they deemed them superior to Hutus. -
“The Law of Incitement” (PDF)
THE LAW OF INCITEMENT United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Symposium "Speech, Power and Violence" ∗ by Gregory S. Gordon I. INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the origins and development of the crime of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. It will begin with an historical analysis of the epochal Nuremberg decisions regarding Nazi hate-mongers Julius Streicher, Hans Fritzsche and Otto Dietrich. Although these decisions did not deal explicitly with incitement as a separate crime, they laid the groundwork for future development of incitement as a crime in its own right. The essay will then examine the official birth of the incitement crime with the adoption of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide ("Genocide Convention"). From that point through the next forty-five years, the crime was not actually applied. But that changed with the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which vigorously prosecuted incitement to genocide. Through a series of cases that progressively fleshed out elements of the crime, the ICTR jurisprudence set out the materials necessary to construct a legal framework necessary to analyze incitement. That framework was put to good use in the Canadian immigration context in the case of Rwandan politician Leon Mugesera, who delivered an infamous pre-1994 speech calling for genocide through a series of violent and macabre metaphors. The essay will conclude with an analysis of the most recent ICTR case to apply and develop the incitement framework -- Prosecutor v. Simon Bikindi. Bikindi, a popular songwriter, composed music and lyrics that provoked ethnic hatred toward Tutsis. -
Rwandan Journalists Who Were Living in Uganda Went Back Home and Resumed Working
Because of this history, the media are no longer trusted by the public and government, and most people are suspicious of the journalism profession generally. Under the new government, a few journalists who had survived the genocide and other Rwandan journalists who were living in Uganda went back home and resumed working. RWANDA 268 MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2006–2007 INTRODUCTION OVERALL SCORE: 2.29 RWANDA Rwanda lost almost all its journalists during the 1994 genocide; they were among the roughly one million Tutsi and moderate Hutu Rwandans who were killed by extremist armed militia known by the name Interehemwa. The genocide came after the death of then-President Juvenile Habyarimana in a plane crash Rsuspected to have been caused by rebels hiding out in Uganda. During this genocide, which lasted for a period of about 100 days, the media stood accused of acting as a tool of hate. Some local radio stations and print media encouraged neighbors to turn against each other. Hutu extremists used the radio to mobilize the Hutu majority, coordinate killings, and try to ensure that the Tutsi were systematically eliminated. Rwandans are still bitter that it occurred with little intervention from Western governments, and it finally ended when the rebel group Rwanda Patriotic Front and the Ugandan Army wrested power away from the perpetrators and stopped the massacres. Some journalists who are believed to have actively participated in the genocide were investigated by international human-rights groups and were arrested and charged by the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Other journalists chose to go into exile. -
Report on the Rwanda Media Experience After The
IMS assessment mission: The Rwanda media experience from the genocide International Media Support • Report • March 2003 Monique Alexis, IMS Consultant Ines Mpambara, Co-director of Rwanda’s School of Journalism Contents 1 Introduction ............................................................................. 3 1.1 Background for the mission .............................................................................3 1.2 Mission Objectives..........................................................................................3 1.3 Method and Scope of work ..............................................................................3 1.4 Structure of the report....................................................................................4 2 The Rwandan Context............................................................... 5 2.1 Political background .......................................................................................5 3 The media and the genocide ................................................... 10 3.1 Historical development of the Rwandan media before the genocide .................... 10 3.2 The media during the genocide: the hate media............................................... 14 4 The media after the genocide ................................................. 19 4.1 Reconstruction of a destroyed media sector (1994 - 2003)................................ 19 4.2 Today: Absence of pluralism and constant threats and pressures ....................... 20 4.3 The new Press Law and the High Press Council -
The Prosecutor V Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze, ICTR-99-52-T International Criminal Tribunal for Rwan
TheProsecutor v Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze, ICTR-99-52-T InternationalCriminal Tribunal for Rwanda Tribunalp~nal international pour le Rwanda OR: ENG TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: JudgeNavanethem Pillay, presiding JudgeErik Mose JudgeAsoka de ZoysaGunawardana Registrar: Adama Dieng Date: 9 May 2003 THE PROSECUTOR V. FERDINAND NAHIMANA JEAN-BOSCO BARAYAGWIZA HASSAN NGEZE Case No. ICTR-99-52-T DECISION ON THE PROSECUTOR’S APPLICATION FOR REBUTTAL WITNESSES Officeof the Prosecutor: Mr StephenRapp Ms SimoneMonasebian Ms CharityKagwi Mr WilliamEgbe Counselfor FerdinandNahimana: r,,,,+.,Ib Jean-MarieBiju-Duval DianaEllis, Q.C. ! Counselfor HassanNReze: -O Mr JohnFloyd, III Mr Ren6 Martel 73 r.~ Counselfor Jean-BoscoBarayagwiza: N CO Mr GiacomoBarletta-Caldarera TheProsecutor v Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze, ICTR-99-52-T THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RWANDA ("the Tribunal") SITTINGas TrialChamber I, composedof JudgeNavanethem Pillay, presiding, Judge ErikMose, and JudgeAsoka de ZoysaGunawardana ("the Chamber"); CONSIDERING: 1. The Prosecutor’sApplication for RebuttalWitnesses, filed on 24 April2003 (the "Motion")in whichthe Prosecutor requests ten witnesses in rebuttal; 2. The Prosecutor’sSupplementary Application for additionalrebuttal witnesses on HassanNgeze’s alibi defence filed on 28 April2003 (the "Supplementary Motion"), requestingone further witness in rebuttal; 3.The Replyof the Defencefor HassanNgeze, filed on 1 May 2003; 4.TheReply of the Defencefor Jean-BoscoBarayagwiza, -
ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse, presiding Judge Jai Ram Reddy Judge Sergei Alekseevich Egorov Registrar: Adama Dieng Date: 18 December 2008 THE PROSECUTOR v. Théoneste BAGOSORA Gratien KABILIGI Aloys NTABAKUZE Anatole NSENGIYUMVA Case No. ICTR-98-41-T JUDGEMENT AND SENTENCE Office of the Prosecutor: Counsel for the Defence: Barbara Mulvaney Raphaël Constant Christine Graham Allison Turner Kartik Murukutla Paul Skolnik Rashid Rashid Frédéric Hivon Gregory Townsend Peter Erlinder Drew White Kennedy Ogetto Gershom Otachi Bw’Omanwa The Prosecutor v. Théoneste Bagosora et al., Case No. ICTR-98-41-T TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION........................................................................................ 1 1. Overview ................................................................................................................... 1 2. The Accused ............................................................................................................. 8 2.1 Théoneste Bagosora ................................................................................................... 8 2.2 Gratien Kabiligi ....................................................................................................... 10 2.3 Aloys Ntabakuze ...................................................................................................... 10 2.4 Anatole Nsengiyumva ............................................................................................. -
Theory and Evidence from the Rwandan Genocide
Propaganda and Conflict Theory and Evidence from the Rwandan Genocide David Yanagizawa-Drott CID Working Paper No. 257 August 2012 Copyright 2012 Yanagizawa-Drott, David, and the President and Fellows of Harvard College Working Papers Center for International Development at Harvard University Propaganda and Conflict: Theory and Evidence from the Rwandan Genocide David Yanagizawa-Drott Harvard University August 2012 Abstract This paper investigates the role of mass media in times of conflict and state-sponsored vio- lence. A model of collective violence is presented where mass media has the potential to increase participation in conflict by facilitating coordination, in addition to any direct effect on behav- ior due to content. Guided by the insights of the model, the paper uses a unique nation-wide village-level dataset from the Rwandan Genocide to estimate the impact of radio broadcasts that called for the extermination of the Tutsi minority, and are commonly believed to have played a significant role in fueling the violence. The results show that the broadcasts increased participation in the killings. They indicate that approximately 10 percent, or an estimated 51,000 perpetrators, of the participation in the violence during the Rwandan Genocide can be attributed to the effects of the radio. Violence that inherently requires more coordination, such as militia and army violence, was also more affected by the broadcasts. Together with a set of results presented in the paper, the evidence indicates that mass media can in part affect conflict by functioning as a coordination device. JEL codes: D7, N4 Keywords: Conflict, Genocide, Media Effects Harvard Kennedy School. -
Hutus Aiding Tutsis During the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings and Morals
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 10 Issue 2 Article 8 10-2016 Hutus Aiding Tutsis during the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings and Morals Daniel Rothbart School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University Jessica Cooley George Mason University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Rothbart, Daniel and Cooley, Jessica (2016) "Hutus Aiding Tutsis during the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings and Morals," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 10: Iss. 2: 76-97. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.10.2.1398 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol10/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hutus Aiding Tutsis during the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings, and Morals Daniel Rothbart School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University Fairfax, Virginia, USA Jessica Cooley Affiliate, Program on Ethics and Conflict School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University. Fairfax, Virginia, USA Abstract: During the Rwandan genocide of 1994, Hutu extremists who launched a propaganda campaign to demonize Rwandan Tutsis, accusing them of planning to exterminate Hutus. Embracing the propaganda, gangs of Hutus went on a killing rampage, rooming the streets and ravaging Tutsis who fell prey to their assaults. Yet, the framing of Hutus as perpetrators cannot capture the work of those Hutus who actively offered assistance to Tutsis.