DOCSLIB.ORG

) 1 W~ Mathias Marcuss~

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
) 1 W~ Mathias Marcuss~ ;) 1 W~ MATHIAS MARCUSS~ INTERNATIOI\AL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RvVANDA ;.'- CASE NC J.:TR 19"; THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIB UNAL l~.·~'--'~l~C:-T ~~ AGAINST RECEIVED HASSAN NGEZE ,'; ;-, ~", 1" ~ 7 _, .....',~! V v ACTION :e..e",=,~~ COpy ~ ~ Il\DICTMENT I. The do;;eCcor ufthe International Criminal Tribun,j for Rwanda, pursuant to the authority stipulated in Article 17 of the Statute of the TribllfJaI 01' the L'lternational Crim: al Tribunal for Rwanda (the Statute oEthe Tribunal) charges Hi SSAN {GEZE with GENOCIDE, DIRECT ANi) PUBLIC INCITEMENT TO COMMIT CENOCll ~, and CRIM.!!:S AGAINST HUMANITY, all offenses stip:llated in Articles 2.ud 3 0 the Statut.: of the fribunal as set forth belo N: 2, THE ACCUSED HASSAN NGEZE was born in 1961 in the Commune of Rubavu, Prefecture of Gisenyi, ,he Republic of 'Zwand At the tim.: of the eV~:lts referred to in this indictment, HASSAN NGEZE was Editor-in-Chief of the .i' 'lirna: knewn :.IS, and published under tbe name ot~ KANGURA. PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/085c26/ 3. CONCISE STATENIENT OF THE ACTS 3.1. The crimes inthislnd';tmentr)l\! plse in Rwsnda, between January 1 and December :3 1 of 1994. 3.2. During the events n:rerred to III this indictment, Tutsis and Hutus were identified as ethnic or racial group<;. 3.3. DLL inlS the events referre, in thi' indi . (ment, there were in Rwanda \\idespre.d or sy ~ematic ,ttacL '1gain-t a civilian population, including Tutsis and certa:n 1{utus, Oil poliucal, etl lie or l'acial grounds. , 3.4. During the events giVIng r;se to 'he charges in this indictment, the media exercised great inf1uence over the Rwandan population. 3.5. The periodical KANGURA was first published in 1990 in Kigali, Rwanda. From May 19 0 0 until March 1994, KA 'GURA was printed in Rwanda by the National P;'inting Press. I1 W;iS available :0 the public in Rwanda until at least in or about the month of July 1994. Throughout this period, Hassan Ngeze was its Editor-in-Chief 3.6. KANGURA was published in Kinyarwanda, with some material in French. An international version of KAN\, l'RA was also published and available to the public in Rwanda durin" the same period. The intemational version of the magazine was largely printed in French. 3.7. During the events gIVIng rise to the charges in this indictment, Hassan Ngeze in his capacity as Editor-in-Chief~ was responsible for, and exercised control over, the editorial and 'lrticle content, publication, and finances of KANGUR1\.. 3.8. During the events glVIng nse to the charges m this indictment, Hassan PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/085c26/ .' ! 181 Ngeze, with his knowledge and COllsent clnd ar his direction, published, and/or allowed to be published, i!j KANGURA certain materials which included, but were not limited to, the following: a. editorial comment; b. articles by. arinus jo Tn:1list and contributors; c. ?ol jca anL. ,)Cial C'rto,ms; d. lIe- .les , f; lcividuals. 3.9. The llldreri~ll n KANGURA referred to in paragraph 3.8 above: a. was used in the preparation of genocide against Tutsis; • b. incited to kill and/or cause serious bodily. or mental harm to Tutsis. c. persecuted Tutsis and certainHutus. 3.10. Further, in his capacity as Editor-in-Chief of KANGURA, Hassan Ngeze was, consistent with parai'iraph 3.7 above, responsible for the content of all of the material published in the magazine. Despite this, he failed to take sufficient, measures to stop the publicati()n nor did he prevent others to publish such material as referred 1.0 in paragraph 3.8. 3.11. Further, on a number of occasions during the events gIvmg rise to the charges in tbis indictment, Hassan Ngeze made broadcasts over two radio stations in Rwanda. 'These stations were c(),nmonly kllown as RTLM dnd Radio Rwanda. The said radio stations were useu to bruadcast the ideology and designs of Hutu extremists wlthin Rwanda. 3.12. The broadcasts made by Hassan Ngeze:: a. incited to kill and/or cause serious bodily or mental harm to Tutsis; PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/085c26/ b. persecuted Tutsis and certain Hutus. 3.13 On the 7'11 of April '994. ;n tie Pn:fecture of Gisenyi, Hassan Ngeze ordered the arrest and the death ot a Tmel woman. 3.14 On [he 21 st Jf Al--... 1<;')4, tht: PrekdurL of Gisel,Yi. Modeste Tabaro, a member 0+' the Tutsi ethnic or racial group, was killed at the instigation of Hassan Ngezc. 3.1' iJn t:!e 13';' 0: . lay ,904, in tht: Preft:clUre ofCJisenyi, at a mass grave site in the comp11 ,Ie cummollly ,nown, at the (n'e. a; the "commu,le rouge", Hassan N~ ;~ze encomagec' n. ~mbers of the lnterahan- ve Inilitias in the killings ofTutsi. , 3.16 Between the 6'h of April and the 31 Sl of May 1994, in the Prefecture of Gisenyi, Sector Gist:nyi, district. Gacuba I, Hassan Ngeze distributed hand grenades to memoers of the Imerahamwe militias. 4. CHARGES COUNT 1: By his acts in relation to events described in paragraphs 3.7 to 3.16, Hassan Ngeze did kill and/or cause serious bodily or mental harm to members of the Tutsi population, with the intention to destroy, :n whole or in pa11, an ethnic or racial group as such, and has thereby committed GENOCIDE, stipulated in Article 2(2)(a) and/or (b) and Article 2(3)(a) of the Statute as a crime, for which he is individually responsible pursuant to t\rtic!e 6( 1), and shieh is punishable in rt:ft:renee tJ A11icles 22 an ... 23 of.ne Statute of the Tribunal; COUNT 2: By his acts in relation to evelllS described in paragraphs 3.9, 3.10 and 3.12, Hassan Ngeze, did directly and publicly incite to the killing and/or causing of sel'lOliS b,lilv, or mental harm '.n mell1h·.;rs of the Tutsi .oODulation , with the intention to destroy, in whole or ;n part, an ethnic or racial gt'OllP clS sllch, end has thereby committed DIRECT AND PUBLIC INCITEMENT TO COMMIT GENOCIDE, stipulated in Article 2(3)( c; of the Statute as a crime, for which he PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/085c26/ , , IT? is individually responsible pursuant to Article 6( I) and which IS punishable 111 r'~ference to Articles 22 and 23 of the Statute of the TribunaL COUNT 3: By his acts in relation to events described in paragraphs 3.9, 3.10, and 3.12 above, Hassan Ngeze did persecute, on political, racial, or ethnic grounds, as part of a widespread or systematic attack 19ainst a ci· ilian population. on political, ethnic or racial grounds, 2nd haschereby committed CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY, stipulated in Article 3(h) of the Statute as a crime, for 'vrich he is indiviually responsible pursuant to Article 6(1), and wllich i" pUlL~hable in reference to Articles 22 and 23 ofthe Statute of the Tl ,bunal. COUNT 4: By his acts in relation to events described in paragraphs 3.7 to 3.16, Hassan Ngezt: did murder as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population, on political, ethnic or racial grounds. and has thereby committed CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY, stipulated in Article 3(a) of the Statute as a crime, for which he is individually responsible pursuant to Article 6(1), and which is punishable in reference to Articles 22 and 23 of the Statute of the Tribunal. September, 1997 Kigali, Rwanda Bernard lVluna PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/085c26/.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes And
    The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes and Understanding the Origins Nicola Skakel Senior Honors Thesis Department of History April 9th 2018 Defense Committee: Dr. Susan K. Kent, Department of History, Primary Advisor Dr. Matthew Gerber, Department of History, Honors Council Representative Dr. Paul Shankman, Department of Anthropology, Advisor 1 Introduction On the 7th of April 1994, the small east African country of Rwanda erupted into one of the most deadly and intimate genocides the modern world had ever witnessed. Whilst the western world stood by and watched in just 100 days over 800,000 Rwandans out of a total population of 7 million, were systematically murdered in the most brutal and violent of ways. Those who were targeted made up the country’s minority ethnic group the Tutsis, and moderates from the majority group, the Hutus. For many, the legacy of Rwanda is a monstrous example of extreme pent up ethnic tensions that has its roots in European colonialism. In contrast, I will argue that the events not just of 1994 but also the unrest that proceeded it, arose from a highly complex culmination of long-standing historical tensions between ethnic groups that long pre-dated colonialism. In conjunction, a set of short-term triggers including foreign intervention, civil war, famine, state terrorism and ultimately the assassination of President Habyarimana also contributed to the outburst of genocide in 1994. Whilst it would be easy to place sole responsibility on European colonists for implementing a policy of divide and rule and therefore exacerbating ethnic tensions, it seems to me that genocide is never that cut and dried: it can never be explained by one factor.
    [Show full text]
  • “The Law of Incitement” (PDF)
    THE LAW OF INCITEMENT United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Symposium "Speech, Power and Violence" ∗ by Gregory S. Gordon I. INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the origins and development of the crime of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. It will begin with an historical analysis of the epochal Nuremberg decisions regarding Nazi hate-mongers Julius Streicher, Hans Fritzsche and Otto Dietrich. Although these decisions did not deal explicitly with incitement as a separate crime, they laid the groundwork for future development of incitement as a crime in its own right. The essay will then examine the official birth of the incitement crime with the adoption of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide ("Genocide Convention"). From that point through the next forty-five years, the crime was not actually applied. But that changed with the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which vigorously prosecuted incitement to genocide. Through a series of cases that progressively fleshed out elements of the crime, the ICTR jurisprudence set out the materials necessary to construct a legal framework necessary to analyze incitement. That framework was put to good use in the Canadian immigration context in the case of Rwandan politician Leon Mugesera, who delivered an infamous pre-1994 speech calling for genocide through a series of violent and macabre metaphors. The essay will conclude with an analysis of the most recent ICTR case to apply and develop the incitement framework -- Prosecutor v. Simon Bikindi. Bikindi, a popular songwriter, composed music and lyrics that provoked ethnic hatred toward Tutsis.
    [Show full text]
  • Rwandan Journalists Who Were Living in Uganda Went Back Home and Resumed Working
    Because of this history, the media are no longer trusted by the public and government, and most people are suspicious of the journalism profession generally. Under the new government, a few journalists who had survived the genocide and other Rwandan journalists who were living in Uganda went back home and resumed working. RWANDA 268 MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2006–2007 INTRODUCTION OVERALL SCORE: 2.29 RWANDA Rwanda lost almost all its journalists during the 1994 genocide; they were among the roughly one million Tutsi and moderate Hutu Rwandans who were killed by extremist armed militia known by the name Interehemwa. The genocide came after the death of then-President Juvenile Habyarimana in a plane crash Rsuspected to have been caused by rebels hiding out in Uganda. During this genocide, which lasted for a period of about 100 days, the media stood accused of acting as a tool of hate. Some local radio stations and print media encouraged neighbors to turn against each other. Hutu extremists used the radio to mobilize the Hutu majority, coordinate killings, and try to ensure that the Tutsi were systematically eliminated. Rwandans are still bitter that it occurred with little intervention from Western governments, and it finally ended when the rebel group Rwanda Patriotic Front and the Ugandan Army wrested power away from the perpetrators and stopped the massacres. Some journalists who are believed to have actively participated in the genocide were investigated by international human-rights groups and were arrested and charged by the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Other journalists chose to go into exile.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Rwanda Media Experience After The
    IMS assessment mission: The Rwanda media experience from the genocide International Media Support • Report • March 2003 Monique Alexis, IMS Consultant Ines Mpambara, Co-director of Rwanda’s School of Journalism Contents 1 Introduction ............................................................................. 3 1.1 Background for the mission .............................................................................3 1.2 Mission Objectives..........................................................................................3 1.3 Method and Scope of work ..............................................................................3 1.4 Structure of the report....................................................................................4 2 The Rwandan Context............................................................... 5 2.1 Political background .......................................................................................5 3 The media and the genocide ................................................... 10 3.1 Historical development of the Rwandan media before the genocide .................... 10 3.2 The media during the genocide: the hate media............................................... 14 4 The media after the genocide ................................................. 19 4.1 Reconstruction of a destroyed media sector (1994 - 2003)................................ 19 4.2 Today: Absence of pluralism and constant threats and pressures ....................... 20 4.3 The new Press Law and the High Press Council
    [Show full text]
  • The Prosecutor V Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze, ICTR-99-52-T International Criminal Tribunal for Rwan
    TheProsecutor v Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze, ICTR-99-52-T InternationalCriminal Tribunal for Rwanda Tribunalp~nal international pour le Rwanda OR: ENG TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: JudgeNavanethem Pillay, presiding JudgeErik Mose JudgeAsoka de ZoysaGunawardana Registrar: Adama Dieng Date: 9 May 2003 THE PROSECUTOR V. FERDINAND NAHIMANA JEAN-BOSCO BARAYAGWIZA HASSAN NGEZE Case No. ICTR-99-52-T DECISION ON THE PROSECUTOR’S APPLICATION FOR REBUTTAL WITNESSES Officeof the Prosecutor: Mr StephenRapp Ms SimoneMonasebian Ms CharityKagwi Mr WilliamEgbe Counselfor FerdinandNahimana: r,,,,+.,Ib Jean-MarieBiju-Duval DianaEllis, Q.C. ! Counselfor HassanNReze: -O Mr JohnFloyd, III Mr Ren6 Martel 73 r.~ Counselfor Jean-BoscoBarayagwiza: N CO Mr GiacomoBarletta-Caldarera TheProsecutor v Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze, ICTR-99-52-T THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RWANDA ("the Tribunal") SITTINGas TrialChamber I, composedof JudgeNavanethem Pillay, presiding, Judge ErikMose, and JudgeAsoka de ZoysaGunawardana ("the Chamber"); CONSIDERING: 1. The Prosecutor’sApplication for RebuttalWitnesses, filed on 24 April2003 (the "Motion")in whichthe Prosecutor requests ten witnesses in rebuttal; 2. The Prosecutor’sSupplementary Application for additionalrebuttal witnesses on HassanNgeze’s alibi defence filed on 28 April2003 (the "Supplementary Motion"), requestingone further witness in rebuttal; 3.The Replyof the Defencefor HassanNgeze, filed on 1 May 2003; 4.TheReply of the Defencefor Jean-BoscoBarayagwiza,
    [Show full text]
  • Kangura 27 Special
    Ubwanditsi hwa KANGURA buramamaza lshyaka P.D.R. (Parti Dknocratiqur pour la Reiolution). Tumaze kubona ko rubanda nyamwinshi ikrncyr ishyka ryayo riyigeza kuri Demokarasi nyayo. rikayitoza kwivugirr nn kuvudra abadafitc aho havugira. dusabye abanyarwanda bose mu madini gose. kuyoboka P.D.R. Iry shyaka ritangiranye abayoboke benshi mu Rwanda, crane cyme abushgigikiye ibitekeiezn bya Dr. KAYIBANDA Gr6goire. byo kurenpera inyungu za ruhanda nyamwinshi. n'ibitekerezo bya HABYARIMANA, ~.eushyigikiye amahoro n'amajyatnbere. Abashaka kuba mu buyobori br'iruo shywku. n'abifuza ibisobanurii ku buryo hurambuye,nimuhaze GISEYYI-IYFORMATION B.P. I9 GISEW'I. ryqwaR.P. 1312 KIGALI. Amahurnerr. te7o iryo shyaka rizagenderaho ubu arimo aratrgurwa n'akanama kahixohereymo. ITmuco wu kupry si uu'abany~rwsnda.Muzi ncza ko hari abashinlishwa no kuvuga ko zcmhi ntacyo zakozc. yaba ipa HABYARtMANA yaba nlyn KAYIBAKDA. Twehwr icy'inpni ni ugushima ibyakorwe n'abategetsi b'u Rwanda kuva twipakururn ingoma ya gihake tukarebcra hamwc ukuntu ibyiza h!akorwr bgakon~erwa. Ahaxagana iryo shyaka rero muzaze muzi ko tudashinzwr pusehanya no kuba bantamunnea. Muze tmunganire abatuhanfiri.ie muri Politiki. n'aharanpijc akar; k'ubusirikarr. N~iryoishyaka ryanyu. ahahwe kivupira nahahwirs iki! KUBERA KO BIMA7.E KI'GARAGARA KO ABATUTSIBOMU BLIGANDA - RWANDA - ZAYIRE NO MI7 BIrRl?NDI BfFIlZ.4 KZTDITTEGEKA BABINYIfJIdE MI'KI CORRIDOR-HIMA. HAGOMBA ABAHUTU BENSHI BAKWIB17MBIRA MIIRI P.D.R. PARMEHLITZT. BYABA NGOMBWA JRYO SHYAKA RIGAKORANA NA PA1,IPEHI:Tl~ YO MU BURUNDI. BITYO ABAHUTU BOSE BAKABONA AH0BAVVCJRA. NTIBAKOMEZE KWJCWA URUBOZO. IlKIMARA GUSOMA IYI KANGLIRA. HtTA UBARIZA AH0 USANZWE TTGURIRA IBIKYAMAKURU HARI KANGI-RA KO 27 SPECIAL CYANGWA NIBA UFITE SPECIAI. MZJ NTOKI ZAWE.
    [Show full text]
  • ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Studia Historica Upsaliensia 264
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Studia Historica Upsaliensia 264 Utgivna av Historiska institutionen vid Uppsala universitet genom Margaret Hunt och Maria Ågren Cover Photo: Nyamata Church, Rwanda Photographer: Ben Curtis, Associated Press Cover Layout: Kerri Sandell Olov Simonsson God Rests in Rwanda The Role of Religion in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Geijersalen, Thunbergsvägen 3P, Uppsala, Friday, 14 June 2019 at 09:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Faculty examiner: Professor R. Scott Appleby. Abstract Simonsson, O. 2019. God Rests in Rwanda. The Role of Religion in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda. Studia Historica Upsaliensia 264. 312 pp. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. ISBN 978-91-513-0655-1. This study analyses the role of religion in the Rwandan genocide, providing new explanations to the complex dynamics of devaluation and victimisation processes in genocidal violence. The thesis explains how religion was used in different contexts prior to, during, and after the 1994 genocide. The following questions guide this study: What kinds of religious concepts and arguments were used in the context of the Rwandan genocide, and how? Why were they used and what did these concepts and arguments mean? Finally, did the meanings of the religious arguments change over time and between different contexts, and if so why? Texts from three sources were analysed: the Hutu extremist propaganda in Kangura magazine and in RTLM broadcasts, and testimonies from the ICTR trials. The analysis was guided by Roger Dale Petersen’s theory on Fear, Hatred, and Resentment, as well as theories on devaluation, social identity, self-victimisation, and competitive victimhood.
    [Show full text]
  • Inter-Ethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda
    Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 2 Issue 3 Article 4 November 2007 Inter-ethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda Anuradha Chakravarty Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Chakravarty, Anuradha (2007) "Inter-ethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 2: Iss. 3: Article 4. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol2/iss3/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Interethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda Anuradha Chakravarty Department of Government, Cornell University This article focuses on the gendered dimensions of the genocide in Rwanda. It seeks to explain why Tutsi women married to Hutu men appeared to have better chances of survival than Tutsi women married to Tutsi men or even Hutu women married to Tutsi men. Based on data from a field site in southwest Rwanda, the findings and insights offered here draw on the gendered, racial, and operational dynamics of the genocide as it unfolded between April and July 1994. Introduction In September 1992, a military commission report in Rwanda officially defined the ‘‘main enemy’’ as ‘‘Tutsis from inside or outside the country’’ and the ‘‘secondary enemy’’ as ‘‘anyone providing any kind of assistance to the main enemy.’’1 Since the invasion of Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebels in 1990, extremist propaganda had focused on the immutable racial distinction between Hutu and Tutsi.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender and the Genocide in Rwanda
    Gender and the Genocide in Rwanda This book examines the mobilization, role, and trajectory of women rescuers and perpetrators during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. While much has been written about the victimization of women during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, very little has been said about women who rescued targeted victims or perpetrated crimes against humanity. This book explores and analyzes the role played by women who exercised agency as rescuers and as per- petrators during the genocide in Rwanda. As women, they took actions and deci- sions within the context of a deeply entrenched patriarchal system that limited their choices. This work examines two diverging paths of women’s agency during this period: to rescue from genocide or to perpetrate genocide. It seeks to answer three questions: First, how were certain Rwandan women mobilized to parti- cipate in genocide, and by whom? Second, what were the specific actions of women during this period of violence and upheaval? Finally, what were the tra- jectories of women rescuers and perpetrators after the genocide? Comparing and contrasting how women rescuers and perpetrators were mobilized, the actions they undertook, and their post- genocide trajectories, and concluding with a broader discussion of the long- term impact of ignoring these women, this book develops a more nuanced and holistic view of women’s agency and the genocide in Rwanda. This book will be of interest to students of gender studies, genocide studies, African politics and critical security studies. Sara E. Brown is a Fellow at the USC Shoah Foundation – The Institute for Visual History and Education, and has a PhD in Comparative Genocide Studies from Clark University, USA.
    [Show full text]
  • The Postcolonial Politics of Militarizing Rwandan Women an Analysis of the Extremist Magazine Kangura and the Gendering of a Genocidal Nation-State
    Minerva Journal of Women and War Volume 2, Number 2 / Fall 2008 / pp. 44–63 ISSN 0736-718X (Print) / ISSN 1935-9209 (Online) DOI: 10.3172/MIN.2.2.44 / © 2008 McFarland & Co. The Postcolonial Politics of Militarizing Rwandan Women An Analysis of the Extremist Magazine Kangura and the Gendering of a Genocidal Nation-state GEORGINA HOLMES Abstract: Rwanda has been used by many feminist scholars of international relations as a case study to play out understandings of gender-based violence in war and “civil war.” Few femi- nists have analyzed the mass rape of Rwandan women in the context of a carefully planned and prepared genocide. This article considers the ways in which, in the years leading up to April 1994, the Rwandan nation-state became increasingly militarized and masculinized. It exam- ines the extremist propaganda magazine Kangura’s use of cartoons to militarize Rwandan women—not just as wives, mothers and prostitutes—but as political subjects. Keywords: feminist international relations theory; genocide; genocidal rape; media; militarization; nation-state; propaganda; Rwanda Introduction Between April and July 1994, an estimated 250,000 Rwandan Tutsi and moderate Hutu women were raped, gang-raped, and mutilated during the Rwandan genocide, when nearly a million men, women and children were killed in one hundred days. Witnesses and sur- vivors have repeatedly testified to the brutality of these rapes by the government army, mili- tia groups, and men and boys from the women’s own communities. Some testimonies report other Rwandan women’s complicity in rape—by telling men where women were hiding, goading men to rape, even disabling victims so that they could not physically escape rape.
    [Show full text]
  • Criminal Responsibility of Journalists Under International Criminal Law: the ICTR Experience
    NORD 73,3_f3_306-323 12/16/04 4:41 AM Page 307 Nordic Journal of International Law 73: 307–323, 2004. 307 © 2004 Koninklijke Brill NV. Printed in the Netherlands. Criminal Responsibility of Journalists under International Criminal Law: The ICTR Experience ALEX OBOTE ODORA* 1. Introduction Within a few months after the invasion of Rwanda by the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) in October of 1990, President Habyarimana and his senior advi- sors knew that the RPF had been reduced by losses during the first months to a number less than half that of the Rwandan army.1 The Rwandan government and military leaders also knew that their own army was backed by several hun- dred highly trained and well-armed French troops.2 However, President Habyarimana and his advisors, with the support of the media, exaggerated the risk in hopes of increasing political support for themselves.3 Historical conflicts between the two major ethnic groups, the Hutu and Tutsi, formed the basis of Habyrimana’s anti-Tutsi propaganda campaign.4 Propagandists, who included journalists, echoed and magnified the anti- Tutsi hatred and suspicion perpetrated by Habyarimana and officials around him, the so-called Akazu.5 Under the cover of the freedom of expression, jour- nalists and propagandists blared forth messages and disseminated, at first more discreetly by government officials and party functionaries, and later openly inflammatory information such as many of the conclusions about the “enemy” presented in the military memorandum of 21 September 1992 by * LLD (Stockholm University-Sweden); LLM (Stockholm University-Sweden); LLB (Hons) (Makerere University – Uganda) Office of the Prosecutor, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded License
    journal of international peacekeeping 22 (2018) 40-59 JOUP brill.com/joup Rwanda’s Forgotten Years Reconsidering the Role and Crimes of Akazu 1973–1993 Andrew Wallis University of Cambridge [email protected] Abstract The narrative on the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda has become remark- able in recent years for airbrushing the responsibility of those at its heart from the tragedy. The figure of President Juvenal Habyarimana, whose 21-year rule, along with the unofficial network based around his wife and family, the Akazu, has been largely marginalised. Yet to understand April 1994 requires a far longer-term understanding. Those responsible had grown their power, influence and ambition for decades inside every part of Rwandan society after seizing power in their coup of 1973; they had estab- lished personal and highly lucrative bonds with European and North American coun- tries, financial institutions and the Vatican, all of whom variously assisted with finan- cial, political, diplomatic and military support from 1973 into 1994. This chapter seeks to outline how Akazu built its powerbase, influence and ambition in the two decades before 1994 and the failure of its international backers to respond to repeated warning signs of a tragedy foretold. Keywords genocide – Akazu – Habyarimana – Parmehutu – Network Zero The official Independence Day celebrations that got underway on Sunday 1 July 1973 came as Rwanda teetered on the edge of an expected coup. Eleven years after independence the one party regime of President Grégoire Kayiban- da was imploding. Hit by economic and political stagnation, notably the dam- aging failure to share the trappings of power with those outside his central © Andrew Wallis, 2020 | doi:10.1163/18754112-0220104004 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded License.
    [Show full text]