Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza; Hassan Ngeze
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
) 1 W~ Mathias Marcuss~
;) 1 W~ MATHIAS MARCUSS~ INTERNATIOI\AL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RvVANDA ;.'- CASE NC J.:TR 19"; THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIB UNAL l~.·~'--'~l~C:-T ~~ AGAINST RECEIVED HASSAN NGEZE ,'; ;-, ~", 1" ~ 7 _, .....',~! V v ACTION :e..e",=,~~ COpy ~ ~ Il\DICTMENT I. The do;;eCcor ufthe International Criminal Tribun,j for Rwanda, pursuant to the authority stipulated in Article 17 of the Statute of the TribllfJaI 01' the L'lternational Crim: al Tribunal for Rwanda (the Statute oEthe Tribunal) charges Hi SSAN {GEZE with GENOCIDE, DIRECT ANi) PUBLIC INCITEMENT TO COMMIT CENOCll ~, and CRIM.!!:S AGAINST HUMANITY, all offenses stip:llated in Articles 2.ud 3 0 the Statut.: of the fribunal as set forth belo N: 2, THE ACCUSED HASSAN NGEZE was born in 1961 in the Commune of Rubavu, Prefecture of Gisenyi, ,he Republic of 'Zwand At the tim.: of the eV~:lts referred to in this indictment, HASSAN NGEZE was Editor-in-Chief of the .i' 'lirna: knewn :.IS, and published under tbe name ot~ KANGURA. PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/085c26/ 3. CONCISE STATENIENT OF THE ACTS 3.1. The crimes inthislnd';tmentr)l\! plse in Rwsnda, between January 1 and December :3 1 of 1994. 3.2. During the events n:rerred to III this indictment, Tutsis and Hutus were identified as ethnic or racial group<;. 3.3. DLL inlS the events referre, in thi' indi . (ment, there were in Rwanda \\idespre.d or sy ~ematic ,ttacL '1gain-t a civilian population, including Tutsis and certa:n 1{utus, Oil poliucal, etl lie or l'acial grounds. -
Human Rights and Duties International Criminal Justice
P 10 - International Criminal Justice M 25 - Landmark Decisions of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda 1 International Criminal Justice Human Rights and Landmark Decisions of the United Nations International Criminal Duties Tribunal for Rwanda Description of Module Subject Name Human Rights and Duties Paper Name International Criminal Justice Module Landmark Decisions of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Name/Title Rwanda Dr. Vijaya Khader Module Id Former25 Dean, Acharya N G Ranga Agricultural University Pre-requisites Objectives Keywords 2 International Criminal Justice Human Rights and Landmark Decisions of the United Nations International Criminal Duties Tribunal for Rwanda Landmark Decisions of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Learning Outcomes 1. In the present document, you shall be acquainted with the various Landmark decisions of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. 2. The present document also gives you an insight into the functioning of the tribunal and its efforts in order to achieve its purpose. 3. It also comprises a section for self-assessment that tests your understanding regarding various topics. Outline a. Introduction b. Landmark Decisions of UN ICTR i) The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu ii) Édouard Karemera Matthieu Ngirumpatse v The Prosecutor iii) Jean Kambanda v The Prosecutor iv) Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngze v The Prosecutor v) Simon Bikindi v The Prosecutor vi) Sylvestre Gacumbitsi v The Prosecutor vii) The Prosecutor v Clément Kayishema and Obed Ruzidana viii) Alfred Musema v The Prosecutor ix) Pauline Nyirmasuhuko et al x) Siméon Nchamihigo v The Prosecutor 3 International Criminal Justice Human Rights and Landmark Decisions of the United Nations International Criminal Duties Tribunal for Rwanda c. -
We Are All Rwandans”
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles “We are all Rwandans”: Imagining the Post-Genocidal Nation Across Media A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Television by Andrew Phillip Young 2016 ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION “We are all Rwandans”: Imagining the Post-Genocidal Nation Across Media by Andrew Phillip Young Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Television University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Chon A. Noriega, Chair There is little doubt of the fundamental impact of the 1994 Rwanda genocide on the country's social structure and cultural production, but the form that these changes have taken remains ignored by contemporary media scholars. Since this time, the need to identify the the particular industrial structure, political economy, and discursive slant of Rwandan “post- genocidal” media has become vital. The Rwandan government has gone to great lengths to construct and promote reconciliatory discourse to maintain order over a country divided along ethnic lines. Such a task, though, relies on far more than the simple state control of media message systems (particularly in the current period of media deregulation). Instead, it requires a more complex engagement with issues of self-censorship, speech law, public/private industrial regulation, national/transnational production/consumption paradigms, and post-traumatic media theory. This project examines the interrelationships between radio, television, newspapers, the ii Internet, and film in the contemporary Rwandan mediascape (which all merge through their relationships with governmental, regulatory, and funding agencies, such as the Rwanda Media High Council - RMHC) to investigate how they endorse national reconciliatory discourse. -
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes And
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes and Understanding the Origins Nicola Skakel Senior Honors Thesis Department of History April 9th 2018 Defense Committee: Dr. Susan K. Kent, Department of History, Primary Advisor Dr. Matthew Gerber, Department of History, Honors Council Representative Dr. Paul Shankman, Department of Anthropology, Advisor 1 Introduction On the 7th of April 1994, the small east African country of Rwanda erupted into one of the most deadly and intimate genocides the modern world had ever witnessed. Whilst the western world stood by and watched in just 100 days over 800,000 Rwandans out of a total population of 7 million, were systematically murdered in the most brutal and violent of ways. Those who were targeted made up the country’s minority ethnic group the Tutsis, and moderates from the majority group, the Hutus. For many, the legacy of Rwanda is a monstrous example of extreme pent up ethnic tensions that has its roots in European colonialism. In contrast, I will argue that the events not just of 1994 but also the unrest that proceeded it, arose from a highly complex culmination of long-standing historical tensions between ethnic groups that long pre-dated colonialism. In conjunction, a set of short-term triggers including foreign intervention, civil war, famine, state terrorism and ultimately the assassination of President Habyarimana also contributed to the outburst of genocide in 1994. Whilst it would be easy to place sole responsibility on European colonists for implementing a policy of divide and rule and therefore exacerbating ethnic tensions, it seems to me that genocide is never that cut and dried: it can never be explained by one factor. -
Bikindi Is Found Not Guilty Songs That Kill
20 18 MODEL INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT (MICC) | NOVEMBER 2018 | WWW.MODEL-ICC.ORG Bikindi is Songs that Kill. Found Not By Preet Singh History of Rwanda were set up around the capital Kigali by By Preet Singh When Rwanda, a country in the Great the Rwandan Army Forces to prevent an- Guilty Lakes Region of Africa, gained its inde- yone from fleeing. For the next about 100 pendence from Belgian in 1959, the po- days, approximately 800,000 to 1,000,000 After a long and engaging trial, the court litical and governmental conventions had Rwandans were killed, constituting 70% of unanimously found Mr. Simon Bikindi not greatly changed. Formally during German the Tutsi population and 20% of Rwanda’s guilty of aiding and abetting to the accused and Belgian rule, the country was led by total population .The killing ended when crime and was compensated for his time a Tutsi monarchy, but the Hutu majori- the RPF defeated the army and the MRND already spent in prison. The judges agreed ty elected their own president after the militias and took control of the Kigali. with the prosecution that the situation in Rwandan independence. This dramatic Rwanda was indeed a genocide. Although shift in executive power was followed by Bikindi, Artist or Killer ethnically, the Hutus and Tutsis were often a lot of violence. As a result, many Tutsi Mr. Simon Bikindi was a well-known com- indistinguishable, the court asserted that fled the country. The predominate Hutu poser and singer of popular music and he within Rwanda, there was a strong dis- party was the MRND (Republican nation- was a shareholder in the RTLM radio sta- tinction between the group. -
“The Law of Incitement” (PDF)
THE LAW OF INCITEMENT United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Symposium "Speech, Power and Violence" ∗ by Gregory S. Gordon I. INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the origins and development of the crime of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. It will begin with an historical analysis of the epochal Nuremberg decisions regarding Nazi hate-mongers Julius Streicher, Hans Fritzsche and Otto Dietrich. Although these decisions did not deal explicitly with incitement as a separate crime, they laid the groundwork for future development of incitement as a crime in its own right. The essay will then examine the official birth of the incitement crime with the adoption of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide ("Genocide Convention"). From that point through the next forty-five years, the crime was not actually applied. But that changed with the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which vigorously prosecuted incitement to genocide. Through a series of cases that progressively fleshed out elements of the crime, the ICTR jurisprudence set out the materials necessary to construct a legal framework necessary to analyze incitement. That framework was put to good use in the Canadian immigration context in the case of Rwandan politician Leon Mugesera, who delivered an infamous pre-1994 speech calling for genocide through a series of violent and macabre metaphors. The essay will conclude with an analysis of the most recent ICTR case to apply and develop the incitement framework -- Prosecutor v. Simon Bikindi. Bikindi, a popular songwriter, composed music and lyrics that provoked ethnic hatred toward Tutsis. -
Rwandan Journalists Who Were Living in Uganda Went Back Home and Resumed Working
Because of this history, the media are no longer trusted by the public and government, and most people are suspicious of the journalism profession generally. Under the new government, a few journalists who had survived the genocide and other Rwandan journalists who were living in Uganda went back home and resumed working. RWANDA 268 MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2006–2007 INTRODUCTION OVERALL SCORE: 2.29 RWANDA Rwanda lost almost all its journalists during the 1994 genocide; they were among the roughly one million Tutsi and moderate Hutu Rwandans who were killed by extremist armed militia known by the name Interehemwa. The genocide came after the death of then-President Juvenile Habyarimana in a plane crash Rsuspected to have been caused by rebels hiding out in Uganda. During this genocide, which lasted for a period of about 100 days, the media stood accused of acting as a tool of hate. Some local radio stations and print media encouraged neighbors to turn against each other. Hutu extremists used the radio to mobilize the Hutu majority, coordinate killings, and try to ensure that the Tutsi were systematically eliminated. Rwandans are still bitter that it occurred with little intervention from Western governments, and it finally ended when the rebel group Rwanda Patriotic Front and the Ugandan Army wrested power away from the perpetrators and stopped the massacres. Some journalists who are believed to have actively participated in the genocide were investigated by international human-rights groups and were arrested and charged by the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Other journalists chose to go into exile. -
Report on the Rwanda Media Experience After The
IMS assessment mission: The Rwanda media experience from the genocide International Media Support • Report • March 2003 Monique Alexis, IMS Consultant Ines Mpambara, Co-director of Rwanda’s School of Journalism Contents 1 Introduction ............................................................................. 3 1.1 Background for the mission .............................................................................3 1.2 Mission Objectives..........................................................................................3 1.3 Method and Scope of work ..............................................................................3 1.4 Structure of the report....................................................................................4 2 The Rwandan Context............................................................... 5 2.1 Political background .......................................................................................5 3 The media and the genocide ................................................... 10 3.1 Historical development of the Rwandan media before the genocide .................... 10 3.2 The media during the genocide: the hate media............................................... 14 4 The media after the genocide ................................................. 19 4.1 Reconstruction of a destroyed media sector (1994 - 2003)................................ 19 4.2 Today: Absence of pluralism and constant threats and pressures ....................... 20 4.3 The new Press Law and the High Press Council -
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Studia Historica Upsaliensia 264
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Studia Historica Upsaliensia 264 Utgivna av Historiska institutionen vid Uppsala universitet genom Margaret Hunt och Maria Ågren Cover Photo: Nyamata Church, Rwanda Photographer: Ben Curtis, Associated Press Cover Layout: Kerri Sandell Olov Simonsson God Rests in Rwanda The Role of Religion in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Geijersalen, Thunbergsvägen 3P, Uppsala, Friday, 14 June 2019 at 09:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Faculty examiner: Professor R. Scott Appleby. Abstract Simonsson, O. 2019. God Rests in Rwanda. The Role of Religion in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda. Studia Historica Upsaliensia 264. 312 pp. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. ISBN 978-91-513-0655-1. This study analyses the role of religion in the Rwandan genocide, providing new explanations to the complex dynamics of devaluation and victimisation processes in genocidal violence. The thesis explains how religion was used in different contexts prior to, during, and after the 1994 genocide. The following questions guide this study: What kinds of religious concepts and arguments were used in the context of the Rwandan genocide, and how? Why were they used and what did these concepts and arguments mean? Finally, did the meanings of the religious arguments change over time and between different contexts, and if so why? Texts from three sources were analysed: the Hutu extremist propaganda in Kangura magazine and in RTLM broadcasts, and testimonies from the ICTR trials. The analysis was guided by Roger Dale Petersen’s theory on Fear, Hatred, and Resentment, as well as theories on devaluation, social identity, self-victimisation, and competitive victimhood. -
ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse, presiding Judge Jai Ram Reddy Judge Sergei Alekseevich Egorov Registrar: Adama Dieng Date: 18 December 2008 THE PROSECUTOR v. Théoneste BAGOSORA Gratien KABILIGI Aloys NTABAKUZE Anatole NSENGIYUMVA Case No. ICTR-98-41-T JUDGEMENT AND SENTENCE Office of the Prosecutor: Counsel for the Defence: Barbara Mulvaney Raphaël Constant Christine Graham Allison Turner Kartik Murukutla Paul Skolnik Rashid Rashid Frédéric Hivon Gregory Townsend Peter Erlinder Drew White Kennedy Ogetto Gershom Otachi Bw’Omanwa The Prosecutor v. Théoneste Bagosora et al., Case No. ICTR-98-41-T TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION........................................................................................ 1 1. Overview ................................................................................................................... 1 2. The Accused ............................................................................................................. 8 2.1 Théoneste Bagosora ................................................................................................... 8 2.2 Gratien Kabiligi ....................................................................................................... 10 2.3 Aloys Ntabakuze ...................................................................................................... 10 2.4 Anatole Nsengiyumva ............................................................................................. -
Radio, Music and the Rwandan Genocide
MAKING VIOLENCE ORDINARY: RADIO, MUSIC AND THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE by JASON McCOY Introduction During the 1994 Rwandan genocide an estimated 800 000 people, or roughly 12 per cent of Rwanda's population, perished at the hands of both Hutu militias and ordinary citizens. The majority of victims were members of the rival Tutsi "ethnic" group,1 though a large number of Hutu and Twa2 who refused to participate in the genocide were also slain. The pro-genocide radio station, RTLM, or Radio-Television Libre des Milles Collmes (Free Radio-Television of a Thousand Hills3), played a critical role in cultivating anti-Tutsi ideology and spurring mobs of Hutu militants to commit acts of violence in the name of justice, solidarity, and self-preservation. RTLM employed an informal call-in talk show format that may have been appropriated from American talk radio (Kirschke 1996:49). In addition, it played not only local popular music, particularly songs composed by beloved Rwandan musician, Simon Bikindi, but much popular music from other parts of the world, including the United States. The following paper draws upon extant material from broadcast samples, eyewitness records, and song lyrics to explore a few of the strategies by which RTLM used music to enact a genocidal agenda. In conclusion, I argue that one way RTLM was effective in conditioning the psychosocial climate necessary for genocide was by contextualizing itself against a symbolically "Western" cultural backdrop, merging the local with the global, so that committing mass violence was viewed not as sociopathic and extremist, but rather normative and socially acceptable. -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 09/26/2021 04:37:55AM Via Free Access
9 The Tutsi body in the 1994 genocide: ideology, physical destruction, and memory Rémi Korman Since 1994, bodies have been at the centre of the memorialization of the Tutsi genocide. For, in addition to constituting evidence in the context of forensic investigations, they are publicly exhibited in memorials to the genocide. The display of bodies aims principally to remind visitors of the historical facts of the genocide: not only the sites of massacres, but also the form these took. Far from being an incidental detail, the methods employed by the killers are an important source of information on the ideology of genocide which developed at the beginning of the 1990s. Spurred on by ‘hate media’, this ideology targeted the country’s Tutsi minority, more than 80 per cent of whom were exterminated between 7 April and 4 July 1994. This process of extermination was accompanied by practices of cruelty involving the infliction of specific forms of violence upon Tutsi bodies, in particular using edged weapons. In order to understand these practices, it is crucial to examine the history of bodily representations since the colonial era, and in particular the Hamitic myth which was elaborated in this period.1 While the terms ‘Hutu’, ‘Tutsi’, and ‘Twa’ used today did exist before colonization, they were reinforced by the arrival in the area of the first European colonizers, who exercised social control through the implementation of an ideology of racial inequality. According to Hamitic ideology, the Hutus were the country’s true indigenous inhabitants, of ‘Bantu’ stock, while the Tutsis were foreign invaders, of ‘Nilotic’ or ‘Hamitic’ origin.