Explaining Rwanda's 1994 Genocide
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Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community
Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community A Study by Bronwen Manby for UNHCR September 2018 Commissioned by UNHCR Regional Service Centre, Nairobi, Kenya [email protected] STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY 2 September 2018 STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY Table of Contents List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... i List of Boxes ................................................................................................................................ i Methodology and acknowledgements ...................................................................................... ii A note on terminology: “nationality”, “citizenship” and “stateless person” ........................... iii Acronyms .................................................................................................................................. iv Key findings and recommendations ....................................................................... 1 1. Summary ........................................................................................................... 3 Overview of the report .............................................................................................................. 4 Key recommendations .............................................................................................................. 5 Steps already taken .................................................................................................................. -
The Worst Place in the World to Be a Woman?: Women's Conflict
DePauw University Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University Student research Student Work 2016 The orsW t Place in the World to be a Woman?: Women's Conflict Experiences in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Megan Bailey DePauw University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.depauw.edu/studentresearch Part of the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bailey, Megan, "The orW st Place in the World to be a Woman?: Women's Conflict Experiences in the Democratic Republic of the Congo" (2016). Student research. Paper 43. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student research by an authorized administrator of Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Worst Place in the World to be a Woman?: Women’s Conflict Experiences in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Megan Bailey Spring 2016 Prof. Brett O’Bannon (sponsor) Prof. Tamara Beauboeuf Tiamo Katsonga-Phiri 3 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee members for the constant support they have given me during the past two semesters. You’ve taken so much time out of your busy schedules to help me, and I couldn’t be more appreciative. A special thank you to Prof. Brett O’Bannon, for telling me that it’s okay to have feelings about difficult topics and that this work is most definitely important. To Prof. Tamara Beauboeuf, for always asking the hard questions and pushing this project to be the best it can be. -
Inequality of Child Mortality Among Ethnic Groups in Sub-Saharan Africa M
Special Theme ±Inequalities in Health Inequality of child mortality among ethnic groups in sub-Saharan Africa M. Brockerhoff1 & P. Hewett2 Accounts by journalists of wars in several countries of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s have raised concern that ethnic cleavages and overlapping religious and racial affiliations may widen the inequalities in health and survival among ethnic groups throughout the region, particularly among children. Paradoxically, there has been no systematic examination of ethnic inequality in child survival chances across countries in the region. This paper uses survey data collected in the 1990s in 11 countries (Central African Republic, Coà te d'Ivoire, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Namibia, Niger, Rwanda, Senegal, Uganda, and Zambia) to examine whether ethnic inequality in child mortality has been present and spreading in sub-Saharan Africa since the 1980s. The focus was on one or two groups in each country which may have experienced distinct child health and survival chances, compared to the rest of the national population, as a result of their geographical location. The factors examined to explain potential child survival inequalities among ethnic groups included residence in the largest city, household economic conditions, educational attainment and nutritional status of the mothers, use of modern maternal and child health services including immunization, and patterns of fertility and migration. The results show remarkable consistency. In all 11 countries there were significant differentials between ethnic groups in the odds of dying during infancy or before the age of 5 years. Multivariate analysis shows that ethnic child mortality differences are closely linked with economic inequality in many countries, and perhaps with differential use of child health services in countries of the Sahel region. -
Ituri:Stakes, Actors, Dynamics
ITURI STAKES, ACTORS, DYNAMICS FEWER/AIP/APFO/CSVR would like to stress that this report is based on the situation observed and information collected between March and August 2003, mainly in Ituri and Kinshasa. The 'current' situation therefore refers to the circumstances that prevailed as of August 2003, when the mission last visited the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the Swedish International Development Agency. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Swedish Government and its agencies. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the Department for Development Policy, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Finnish Government and its agencies. Copyright 2003 © Africa Initiative Program (AIP) Africa Peace Forum (APFO) Centre for Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) Forum on Early Warning and Early Response (FEWER) The views expressed by participants in the workshop are not necessarily those held by the workshop organisers and can in no way be take to reflect the views of AIP, APFO, CSVR and FEWER as organisations. 2 List of Acronyms............................................................................................................................... 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY...................................................................................................................................... -
The History of Modern Rwanda Through Photos
The History of Modern Rwanda through Photos PHOTO LINKS WITH HISTORICAL DESCRIPTIONS DIRECTIONS: The photo URLs and accompanying historical descriptions listed below are the basis for the photo/ time line activity in The History of Modern Rwanda through Photos lesson plan. See Procedure 1 in the lesson plan for procedural options for student use of the photos/descriptions. 1. Ethnic Differentiation between Hutus and Tutsis, 1920’s http://modernhistoryproject2012.wordpress.com/history-of-hutu-tutsi-relations/ (First illustration, right side) The racist eugenics movement was popular in the United States and Europe in the 1920’s and 1930’s. It is this racism by European powers that influenced the interactions with Africans. Racism was the filter by which Bel- gian scientists, interested in understanding the nature of the relationship between the Hutu (75% majority) and the Tutsi (15-20% minority), measured heads, noses, skin color, height and body shape in an attempt to explain “scientifically” why the Tutsis were a “superior” tribe. The Belgian scientists concluded after their “re- search” that the Tutsis had European features, and this explained why they held the power despite being in the minority. This process brought institutional racism into Rwanda. 2. Tutsis Fled Ethnic Violence After Independence, 1959-1962 http://bengal.missouri.edu/~smwgz8/history.htm (Second image, first photo on page) Tutsis fled Rwanda after the Hutus rose to power and the resulting violence between the two groups when the Tutsi-led monarchy was overthrown. Over 150,000 Tutsis fled the country to Uganda and Burun- di, and those remaining in Rwanda were barred from political office after the 1962 constitution. -
Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: a Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism
MAHMOOD MAMDANI Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: A Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism ABSTRACT The link between Islam and terrorism became a central media concern following September 11, resulting in new rounds of "culture talk. This talk has turned religious experience into a political category, differentiating 'good Muslims" from "bad Mus- lims, rather than terrorists from civilians. The implication is undisguised: Whether in Afghanistan, Palestine, or Pakistan, Islam must be quarantined and the devil must be exorcized from it by a civil war between good Muslims and bad Muslims. This article suggests that we lift the quarantine and turn the cultural theory of politics on its head. Beyond the simple but radical suggestion that if there are good Muslims and bad Muslims, there must also be good Westerners and bad Westerners, I question the very tendency to read Islamist poli- tics as an effect of Islamic civilization—whether good or bad—and Western power as an effect of Western civilization. Both those poli- tics and that power are born of an encounter, and neither can be understood outside of the history of that encounter. Cultural explanations of political outcomes tend to avoid history and issues. Thinking of individuals from "traditional" cultures in authentic and original terms, culture talk dehistoricizes the construction of political identities. This article places the terror of September 11 in a his- torical and political context. Rather than a residue of a premodern culture in modern politics, terrorism is best understood as a modern construction. Even when it harnesses one or another aspect of tradition and culture, the result is a modern ensemble at the service of a modern project. -
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide:Lessom from the Rwanda Experience
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience March 1996 Published by: Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Editor: David Millwood Cover illustrations: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic design: Designgrafik, Copenhagen Prepress: Dansk Klich‚, Copenhagen Printing: Strandberg Grafisk, Odense ISBN: 87-7265-335-3 (Synthesis Report) ISBN: 87-7265-331-0 (1. Historical Perspective: Some Explanatory Factors) ISBN: 87-7265-332-9 (2. Early Warning and Conflict Management) ISBN: 87-7265-333-7 (3. Humanitarian Aid and Effects) ISBN: 87-7265-334-5 (4. Rebuilding Post-War Rwanda) This publication may be reproduced for free distribution and may be quoted provided the source - Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda - is mentioned. The report is printed on G-print Matt, a wood-free, medium-coated paper. G-print is manufactured without the use of chlorine and marked with the Nordic Swan, licence-no. 304 022. 2 The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience Study 2 Early Warning and Conflict Management by Howard Adelman York University Toronto, Canada Astri Suhrke Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway with contributions by Bruce Jones London School of Economics, U.K. Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda 3 Contents Preface 5 Executive Summary 8 Acknowledgements 11 Introduction 12 Chapter 1: The Festering Refugee Problem 17 Chapter 2: Civil War, Civil Violence and International Response 20 (1 October 1990 - 4 August -
RAPPORT DE LA COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE D'enquete SUR LES VIOLATIONS DES DROITS DE L'homme AU RWANDA DEPUIS LE 1Er OCTOBRE 1990 (7 - 21 Janvier 1993)
EMBARGO -. 8 MARS 1993 11:00 RAPPORT DE LA COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE D'ENQUETE SUR LES VIOLATIONS DES DROITS DE L'HOMME AU RWANDA DEPUIS LE 1er OCTOBRE 1990 (7 - 21 janvier 1993). RAPPORT FINAL FEDERATION INTERNATIONALE DES AFRICA WATCH (New York, DROITS DE L'HOMME – FIDH Washington, London) (Paris) UNION INTER-AFRICAINE DES DROITS CENTRE INTERNATIONAL DES DROITS DE L'HOMME ET DES PEUPLES - DE LA PERSONNE ET DU UIDH (Ouagadougou) DEVELOPPEMENT DEMOCRATIQUE - CIDPDD / ICHRDD (Montréal) 1 Mars 1993 La mission d'enquête internationale qui fait l'objet du présent rapport a été organisée à la demande de la société civile rwandaise, s'exprimant notamment par la voix des associations rwandaises de défense des droits de l'homme (Association pour la Défense des Droits de la Personne et des Libertés Publiques - ADL, Association Rwandaise pour la Défense des Droits de l'Homme - ARDHO, Association des Volontaires de la Paix - AVP, et Ligue Chrétienne de Défense des Droits de 'Homme - LICHREDOR, regroupées dans le Comité de Liaison des Associations de Défense des Droits de l'Homme - CLADHO ; ainsi que KANYARWANDA -Association pour la promotion de l'Union par la justice sociale). Elle a été réalisée avec le concours des institutions et organisations suivantes : Agir ensemble pour les Droits de l'Homme, Centre de Promotion des Droits de l'Homme (CPDH), Centre National de Coopération au Développement (CNCD), Comité pour le Respect des Droits de l'Homme et la Démocratie au Rwanda (CRDDR), Commission des Communautés Européennes (CCE), European Human Rights Foundation, Ligue des Droits et Libertés du Québec, Nationaal Centrum voor Ontwikkelings-Samenwerking (NCOS), NOVIB. -
AC Vol 42 No 25
www.africa-confidential.com 21 December 2001 Vol 42 No 25 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL RWANDA 2 RWANDA Donor diplomacy Finance Minister Donald Kaberuka Everything is risky wins high marks from donors for President Kagame prepares for national elections while his exiled his anti-poverty plan but there is military opponents regroup in Congo-Kinshasa still much carping about the Kigali government’s forays into Congo. ‘In our situation everything we do is risky...’ General Paul Kagame told Africa Confidential on 9 December in Kigali as he explained plans to open up the country’s politics ahead of national multi-party elections due in 2003. ‘We inherited a very complex situation, we cannot hope for soft solutions.’ GHANA 3 Kagame’s hard solution is to pack dozens of political and social reforms into two hectic years. His proclaimed reforms point to a national unity approach of the kind adopted by South Africa’s African No shine on gold National Congress and outgoing National Party in 1990: a power-sharing government liberalising President Kufuor’s election pledge Rwanda’s authoritarian politics and writing a new constitution in the run-up to free elections. It is no of a ‘golden age for business’ is coincidence that South Africa is the Kigali government’s strongest African supporter. now being tested. Dire public Reality on the ground is different. Political currents are now a mélange of the options suggested by finances give him little scope for improvements in health and the Ugandan political scientist Mahmood Mamdani.* 1. Israeli strategy: to create a separate political education. He is also being pushed community of Tutsi (some 14 per cent of Rwandans) beside another of Hutu. -
Body Politics and the Rwandan Crisis
Third World Quarterly, Vol 24, No 3, pp 479–493, 2003 Body politics and the Rwandan crisis ERIN K BAINES ABSTRACT Since the Rwandan genocide of 1994, scholars and policy think- tanks have produced an impressive number of macro-level studies and theories to explain the seemingly inexplicable: how and why did this happen? Yet these studies, most often based on ethnic and/or global level analyses, tend to simplify complex social relations at the local level which likewise contributed to the genocide. This article examines ‘micro-level’ testimonial evidence collected in human rights reports to shed light on one particularly under-theorised realm and approach, that of gender and the politics of the body. I suggest that the 1994 genocide was an extreme attempt not only to purge the ‘Hutu nation’ of the Tutsi, but also to actively engender a vision of the ‘Hutu nation’ in the minds of an otherwise diverse and fragmented local populace. Women’s bodies, gender and sexuality became highly contested terrains for scripting this vision of an imagined nation. It is the human body that serves as the ultimate tablet upon which the dictates of the state are inscribed.1 Since the Rwandan genocide of 1994, academics and policy think-tanks have produced an impressive number of macro-level studies and theories to explain the seemingly inexplicable: how and why did this happen?2 Up to 800 000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu murdered in just three months. Parallel to this literature, journalists and human rights groups have documented in meticulous detail the specifics of the genocide: who was involved, what was their plan and how this plan was implemented.3 These literatures are less than theoretical, but they are rich in ‘micro-level’ empirical evidence. -
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes And
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes and Understanding the Origins Nicola Skakel Senior Honors Thesis Department of History April 9th 2018 Defense Committee: Dr. Susan K. Kent, Department of History, Primary Advisor Dr. Matthew Gerber, Department of History, Honors Council Representative Dr. Paul Shankman, Department of Anthropology, Advisor 1 Introduction On the 7th of April 1994, the small east African country of Rwanda erupted into one of the most deadly and intimate genocides the modern world had ever witnessed. Whilst the western world stood by and watched in just 100 days over 800,000 Rwandans out of a total population of 7 million, were systematically murdered in the most brutal and violent of ways. Those who were targeted made up the country’s minority ethnic group the Tutsis, and moderates from the majority group, the Hutus. For many, the legacy of Rwanda is a monstrous example of extreme pent up ethnic tensions that has its roots in European colonialism. In contrast, I will argue that the events not just of 1994 but also the unrest that proceeded it, arose from a highly complex culmination of long-standing historical tensions between ethnic groups that long pre-dated colonialism. In conjunction, a set of short-term triggers including foreign intervention, civil war, famine, state terrorism and ultimately the assassination of President Habyarimana also contributed to the outburst of genocide in 1994. Whilst it would be easy to place sole responsibility on European colonists for implementing a policy of divide and rule and therefore exacerbating ethnic tensions, it seems to me that genocide is never that cut and dried: it can never be explained by one factor. -
Historical Context
Historical Context: On April 6, 1994, Hutus began slaughtering the Tutsis in Rwanda, Africa. As the brutal Genocide took place, the world stood idle and watched the massacre take place. The Rwandan Genocide, also known as the genocide against the Tutsi, lasted 100 days and the brutal, barbaric mass killings left approximately 800,000 Rwandans dead. Who Are the Hutu and Tutsi? Key Facts, Thoughts The Hutu and Tutsi are two peoples in Africa who share a common past (i.e., & Questions language, religion, beliefs, etc.). When Rwanda was first settled, the people who lived in the region raised livestock; the people who owned the most cattle were called "Tutsi" and everyone else was called "Hutu." The Tutsi were the minority upper class and the Hutu majority, were generally considered to be lower class; however, social mobility was possible. If a Hutu acquired more than 10 cattle or received a dowry of cattle through marriage, they could easily change categories and become a Tutsi. What Impact Did Colonialism Have on the Hutu and Tutsi? German’s colonized Rwanda in 1894. Upon their arrival, they began to make ethnic distinctions between the three groups: The Hutu, the Tutsi and the Twa (a small group of hunter-gatherers who also live in Rwanda). The German’s favored the Tutsi because they felt that they embodied more European features and characteristics such as lighter skin, lighter eyes, longer noses and a thinner and taller physique. Because of this, German rulers gave special status to Tutsis. They put Tutsis in roles of responsibility and authority because they deemed them superior to Hutus.