DOCSLIB.ORG

India-Russia Strategic Partnership Common Perspectives India-Russia Strategic Partnership Common Perspectives

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
India-Russia Strategic Partnership Common Perspectives India-Russia Strategic Partnership Common Perspectives India-Russia Strategic Partnership Common Perspectives India-Russia Strategic Partnership Common Perspectives Edited by P. Stobdan Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses New Delhi India-Russia Strategic Partnership: Common Perspectives / P. Stobdan (Ed) ISBN 81-86019-81-2 Disclaimer: The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses or the Government of India. First Published in 2010 Copyright © Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without first obtaining written permission of the copyright owner. Published by INSTITUTE FOR DEFENCE STUDIES AND ANALYSES No. 1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg, Delhi Cantt., New Delhi- 110 010 Tel. (91-11) 2671-7983 Fax. (91-11) 26154191 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.idsa.in Produced by PENTAGON PRESS 206, Peacock Lane, Shahpur Jat, New Delhi-110049 Phones: 011-64706243, 26491568 Telefax: 011-26490600 email: [email protected] website: www.pentagonpress.in Typeset in Garmond 11pt by The Laser Printers Printed at Chaman Offset Printers, Delhi. Contents Foreword vii About the Contributors xi 1. Introduction 1 2. Russia and the West 10 K. Khudoley 3. US and Russia: Passing of Cold War or Renewal of Equitable Partnership 32 Andrey Volodin 4. Nuclear Non-proliferation: Challenges Ahead 41 Vladimir T. Novikov 5. Nuclear Non-proliferation/Nuclear Disarmament: An Indian Perspective 48 Rajiv Nayan 6. Instability in Afghanistan and Pakistan 69 Bakhtiyar Mirkasymov 7. Emerging Trends in Afghanistan and Pakistan: Implications for Regional Security 78 Arvind Gupta 8. The Iranian Nuclear Issue 90 Vladimir E. Novikov vi India-Russia Strategic Partnership 9. Soviet/Post-Soviet Security Perspectives towards South Asia: An Historical, Analytic Overview 96 Nisha Sahai Achuthan 10. India and Russia: Allies in the International Political System 131 Anuradha M. Chenoy 11. Russian-Indian Bilateral Cooperation 149 Tatiana Shaumyan 12. Indo-Russian Trade and Economic Cooperation: The Way Ahead 165 Arun Mohanty 13. Conditions and Prospects of Intellectual Property Market Organisation in the Context of Innovative Anti-recessionary Development of Indo-Russian Partnership in the 21st Century 178 Vladimir N. Lopatin Index 189 Conditions & Prospects of Intellectual Property Market Organisation vii Foreword ndia’s relationship with the erstwhile Soviet Union and the Russian IFederation is founded on trust and mutual interests. In the early years of this relationship, India greatly gained from the Soviet Union in developing its core industries and laying the foundation for future growth. During the Cold War years, India depended on the Soviet Union for its unflinching support in protecting its vital interests in a number of fields including Jammu & Kashmir. Many of India’s scientific and technological accomplishments particularly in the field of space and nuclear energy became possible because of strong support extended by the Soviet Union. The Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty of 1971 provided a framework for deepening this cooperation. India’s defence forces owe much to the technology, equipment, training and product support available from the Soviet Union and its successor states. The military-technical cooperation between India and Russia has been the centerpiece of the bilateral relationship and will continue to remain important in years to come. The decade of the Nineties was marked by developments which had profound implications for geopolitics and also impacted India- Russia relations. In the wake of the Soviet Union’s disintegration, Russia remained focussed on coping with its own internal turbulence. The Soviet military – industrial complex disintegrated. Russia passed through a difficult transition to market economy. This was disruptive for defence supplies to India, which was itself introducing economic viii India-Russia Strategic Partnership reforms and diversifying its international interactions. Combined with availability of new sources of defence supplies particularly in the west and Israel, India-Russia defence relationship began to undergo changes. The Russian state itself began to look westwards and the two countries seemed to drift from each other for a while. However, India has always recognized the importance of Russia and repeatedly emphasized that its relationship with one great power is not at the cost of its relations with its erstwhile friends and partners. This approach underpins India’s policy of forging strategic partnerships with all the great powers i.e. the United States, the Russian Federation, Peoples Republic of China, the European Union and Japan. Simultaneously, India continues its efforts to deepen cooperation with member countries of SAARC, ASEAN and IBSA. India’s policy is based on developing constructive and mutually beneficial cooperation with all countries in its region and other parts of the world. The relationship between India and Russia needs to be nurtured in the changing global environment. Traditionally, both countries have favoured a rule based international order with both subscribing to the notion of a multi-polar world. Despite new sources for defence supplies, Russia remains a crucial partner for India. With its rapid economic growth, India’s energy needs will continue to multiply. India will be a growing market for hydrocarbons as well nuclear energy and thus, energy offers considerable potential for mutually beneficial cooperation. India’s globalizing service industries and corporates can help diversify the Russian economy and develop bilateral trade. It was in this background that the IDSA organized a dialogue between scholars from Russia and India to deliberate on a range of issues concerning the two countries. These included among others, Russia’s approach to the West, the Iranian nuclear issues, the situation in Afghanistan-Pakistan, the issues of Intellectual Property Rights, future of Russia-India bilateral cooperation. The dialogue was in a way a stocktaking of developments on these issues and an exploration of the emerging opportunities to deepen this strategic partnership. The initiative of organizing this timely conference was taken by Foreword ix Prof P. Stobdan. He has painstakingly worked with the participants to secure their well researched articles. It is hoped that this valuable collection of essays will enrich the discourse on India-Russia relations and contribute to thinking about ways of adding greater substance to this partnership. N. S. Sisodia Director General, IDSA About the Contributors Dr. Andrey Volodin Institute for World Economy and International Relations Russian Academy of Sciences. Dr. Anuradha M. Chenoy Professor, Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Dr Arun Mohanty Associate Professor, School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi, India. Dr. Arvind Gupta Holds the Lal Bahadur Shastri Chair at IDSA, New Delhi. The views expressed are his own. Dr. Bakhtiyar Mirkasymov Head of the Asia Pacific Department of, Russian Institute for Strategic Studies (RISS), which is a government organization tasked with preparing analytical documents to the executive and legislation state bodies. xii India-Russia Strategic Partnership Prof. Konstantin Khudoley Dean, School of International Relations, Saint Petersburg State University. Shri N.S. Sisodia Director General, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). Dr. Nisha Sahai Achuthan Senior Visiting Scholar, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) is from the 1968 batch of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) and she is a New York based Consultant on Security issues and Sustainable Development. Prof. P. Stobdan Senior Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). Dr. Rajiv Nayan Senior Research Associate, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). Dr. Tatiana Shaumyan Head, Centre for Indian Studies, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences. Dr. Vladimir N. Lopatin Doctor of Law (2000), Professor, Class III State Advisor; Director, National Scientific Research Institute of Intellectual Property (NSRIIP) Moscow. Dr. Vladimir E. Novikov Leading researcher at the Department of Defence, Russian Institute for Strategic Studies (RISS), Moscow. CHAPTER 1 Introduction P. Stobdan ussia has staged a remarkable comeback after a decade of political Rand economic instability that followed the Soviet collapse in 1991. Its resurgence has become more distinct since 2004 when Vladimir Putin, through his tough domestic policy measures, put an end to several ambiguities and misgivings about Russia’s ability to stage a comeback as a power of consequence. Putin’s military successes in Chechnya provided Russia the latitude and sense of self confidence for restoring the country’s lost strength and international prestige. In the recent past, the Russian economy has staged a significance recovery mainly due to the windfall from oil revenues. The country has emerged as the world’s biggest energy producer, pumping more oil than Saudi Arabia and making Europe dependent on the export of its natural gas. The growing commodity exports have swelled Kremlin’s coffers, which in 2008 possessed the third largest foreign currency reserves in the world. It has a significant
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
    PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Left-Of-Center Govem- Public Does Not Want to Go Back to the of a Startling Buildup of Consumer Ment
    Public Disclosure Authorized ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Vlm;.;, Nu;.- ;- M,c -. - .. ;.... i. TransitionEconomicsDivision * PolicyResearchDepartment * TheWorldBank Postcommunist Parties and the Politics of Entitlements by Jeffrey Sachs Public Disclosure Authorized I nnationalelectionsthispastMarch, Theseexplanationslargelymissthepoint. of the shortages prevalent in the old Estonia's reform govenmmentwas * Opinion surveys in Central and East- regime). Indeed, in many countries in- unceremoniously toppled from em Europe repeatedly show that the cludingEstonia,thepublicisinthe midst power by a new left-of-center govem- public does not want to go back to the of a startling buildup of consumer ment. This would seem a rather un- old regime, nor does it view the left- durables-cars, refrigerators,videocas- grateful act of the Estonian voters in wing parties as instrumentsto undo the sette recorders, and the like-that were light of the accomplishments of the new market economy. long unavailable under the old regime. former government.By the enclof 1994 * The living standards ofthe population inflation was down to an annual rate of did not really drop, if one examines ac- In most countries of Eastem Europe, around 20 percent, the lowest among tual household consumption behavior social spending has not only remained countries of the former Soviet Union (rather than changesin crude indexes of an unusually high proportion of GNP, it (FSU). Economic growth was around 5 real wages, which do not give a picture has actuallysoared.Thepostcommunist Public Disclosure Authorized percent in 1994, the highest in the FSU, t *i. with forecasts of even higher growth in What's nside 1995. Privatizing Profits of Bulgaria's State somneiniprovementsintheCubaneconomy, Enterprises In Bulgaria,private wealth but a significantturnaround would re- Why then was the Estonian government has been createdvia syphoningoff prof- quire broad politicaland economicre- toppled? Why, indeed, have left-wing its from state enterprises,rather than forms,suggests J.F.Perez-Lopez.
    [Show full text]
  • NPR 1.3: Ballistic, Cruise Missile, and Missile Defense Systems: Trade
    Missile Developments BALLISTIC, CRUISE MISSILE, AND MISSILE DEFENSE SYSTEMS: TRADE AND SIGNIFICANT DEVELOPMENTS, SEPTEMBER 1993-JANUARY 1994 AFGHANISTAN WITH TAJIKISTAN 9/25/93 It is reported that Argentina's Condor- 1/9/94 2 missile installations might be used in AFGHANISTAN At 10:35 a.m., seven missiles are fired on a project to construct "Latin America's the 13th post of the Moskovskiy Border first satellite." Guard. Ann Schnittker, Proliferation Watch, 9/93, p. 3 (3600). Galina Gridneva, Itar-Tass (Moscow), 1/12/94; in INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS FBIS-SOV-94-008, 1/12/94, p. 76 (3634). 11/29/93 9/30/93 1/11/94 The Argentine Foreign Ministry reveals that Argentina has become a member The rival Islamic factions of the Sunni Mus- The 12th post of the Russian Moskovskiy of the MTCR. The decision is partly a lim Ittehad-i-Islami Party of Rasul Sayyaf detachment guarding the Tajik border takes result of Argentine President Menem's and the Iranian-backed Shi'ite Hezb-i- missile fire from inside Afghanistan. cancellation of the Condor missile Wahdat fire about 200 rockets and mortar Galina Gridneva, Itar-Tass (Moscow), 1/12/94; in FBIS-SOV-94-008, 1/12/94, p. 76 (3634). project in early 1993. shells at each other in Kabul. Three people Buenos Aires Herald, 11/30/93, p. 1; in JPRS- are killed and seventeen are injured. TND-93-001, 1/6/94, p. 11 (3783). Washington Times, 10/1/93, p. A14 (3909). ARGENTINA ARGENTINA WITH EGYPT 11/93 The Argentine Defense Ministry con- INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS firms that factories in Iraq and Egypt The numbers listed in parenthesis following the were "twin sisters" of the Falda del biblographic references refer to the identification num- 1992 Carmen plant where the Condor-2 mis- ber of the document in the International Missile Pro- Argentina continues development of the sile was developed.
    [Show full text]
  • Russiaâ•Žs Unsteady Entry Into the Global Economy
    TITLE : RUSSIA'S UNSTEADY ENTRY INTO THE GLOBAL ECONOM Y AUTHOR : PETER RUTLAND, Wesleyan Universit y THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : Wesleyan Universit y PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Peter Rutlan d COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 808-27 DATE : September 17, 199 6 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded b y Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within th e Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials fo r their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, o r make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U .S. Government without th e written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f Information Act 5 U.S.C. 552, or other applicable law . The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Counci l for Soviet and East European Research, made available by the U . S. Department of State under Title VII/ (th e Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended) . The analysis and interpretation s contained in the report are those of the author(s) . CONTENT S Abstract 1 Success and Failures 1 Patterns of Foreign Trade 5 Assessing Russia's Export Boom 7 Recent Developments 1 0 Investors Stay Wary 1 1 International Aid and the Debt Problem 1 2 Trade Access 14 RUSSIA ' S UNSTEADY ENTRY INTO THE GLOBAL ECONOMY ' PETER RUTLAN D Russia has come a long way since 1991 in terms of opening up its economy to th e outside world.
    [Show full text]
  • Elite Groups in Russia
    Elite Groups in Russia VIRGINIE COULLOUDON ince 1992, Russia has been inventing its own version of democracy. The Con- Sstitutional Court acts as a supreme judicial authority; a freely elected presi- dent acts as the head of state; a democratically elected parliament is elaborating laws; and a free press exposes the abuses of Russian politicians. Despite the exis- tence of new democratic institutions, Russian officials sometimes seem to let themselves be guided by arbitrariness.1 The notion that the rule of law should pre- vail over private interests is new in Russia and is shared by only a few politicians.2 The debate on the exact role of the institutions in the decisionmaking process prevails in contemporary research on the Russian elite. There are two opposite approaches: The first emphasizes that the Communist regime collapsed only recently and explains the lack of influence of institutions such as the Constitu- tional Court or the bicameral parliament by the absence of democratic tradition in Russia. Referring to the actual transitional period, such an approach implies that Russian democratic institutions have an important role of education in the actual state building. It considers of secondary importance the fact that those insti- tutions lack influence on the decisionmaking process. The second point of view emphasizes the supremacy of the Russian presiden- tial decrees over laws and legislative documents. It points out that the 1993 con- stitution offers more powers to the president than to the parliament and gives him the last word in all circumstances.3 This approach emphasizes the strategic role not only of the executive power but also of interest groups likely to act as advis- ers to this same executive power.
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis and New Political Agenda for the Korean Peninsula and the Regional Powers/ V
    PRIMAKOV NATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF WORLD ECONOMY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES CRISIS AND NEW POLITICAL AGENDA FOR THE KOREAN PENINSULA AND REGIONAL POWERS Ed. by V. Mikheev, A. Fedorovsky Moscow IMEMO 2018 УДК 327.56(519) ББК 66.4(5Коо)(5Кор) Cri 89 Series “Library of the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations” Reviewer: A.V. Lomanov, Doctor of Sciences (History) Editors: V.V. Mikheev, A.N. Fedorovsky Cri 89 Crisis and New Political Agenda for the Korean Peninsula and the Regional Powers/ V. Mikheev, A. Fedorovsky, eds. – Moscow, IMEMO, 2018. – 32 p. ISBN 978-5-9535-0528-4 DOI:10.20542/978-5-9535-0528-4 The report reviews fundamental reasons, main features and consequences of the political crisis with regard to the Korean peninsula in the context of North Korean missile and nuclear programs. It presents an assessment of domestic political and economic processes in DPRK after Kim Chen Un’s coming to power. Analysis covers Pyongyang’s key foreign policy priorities, commonalities and differences between the Republic of Korea and regional powers (China, Russia, USA and Japan) regarding key issues of missile and nuclear crisis, prospects for multinational cooperation to maintain peace and security on the Korean peninsula. To view IMEMO publications, please visit our website at https://www.imemo.ru ISBN 978-5-9535-0528-4 © IMEMO, 2018 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ...................................................................... ……4 I. DOMESTIC POLITICS SITUATION IN NORTH KOREA AFTER KIM JONG-UN CAME TO POWER AND THE NUCLEAR PROBLEM…….………………………………..…..….5 II. HIERARCHY OF NORTH KOREA'S FOREIGN POLICY GOALS……………………………………………………….……12 III.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Mongolia and Mongol-Russian Relations
    The Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Number 5, 1998 OPEN MONGOLIA AND MONGOL-RUSSIAN RELATIONS Ts.Batbayar Evolution of Mongolia’s role between Russia and China The 1990s brought significant changes to Mongolia itself, and to its rela- tions with the outside world. The Mongolian People’s Republic, which was rightfully regarded as the Soviet closest ally in Asia during Cold War era, termi- nated its existence after almost 70 years of its history (1924-1992). The new, democratic and open Mongolia was born in January 1992. Up to 1946, the Mongolian People’s Republic was acknowledged only by its protector the Soviet Union. Its international recognition came with the end of World War 2 when great powers arranged so-called Yalta post war system. The Soviet leader Stalin insisted in the preservation of its status-quo and in its eventual recognition by China as a part of Yalta arrangement which made pos- sible Soviet entrance into war against Japan. After face-saving plebiscite con- ducted in the MPR in October 1945 the Kuomintang China had to recognize grudgingly the Mongolian People’s Republic in January 1946. The birth of the communist China (October, 1949) was the most profound event for Mongolian People’s Republic, in the 1950s. Ulaanbaatar recognized Beijing on October 6, 1949, immediately after the founding of the People’s Re- public of China. The independent status of the MPR was secured when a Sino- Soviet joint communiqué was issued in Moscow in early 1950 following Mao Zedong trip to the Soviet Union. For a brief period, the MPR enjoyed its role as an important bridge in a larger Soviet-Chinese cooperative alliance.
    [Show full text]
  • Npr 3.1: 15 Newly-Independent States
    Nuclear Developments 15 NEWLY-INDEPENDENT STATES ARMENIA WITH MULTI-COUNTRY State Oil Company, but lacked proper im- GROUP port documentation. The nuclear material ARMENIA had arrived on board a plane at Baku’s Bina 4/21/95 Airport without the knowledge of Nuclear scientists and experts from the E.U. Azerbaijani customs agents and without a and the former Soviet Union recently held permit for the shipment of the material. A a conference in St. Petersburg to discuss short time later a second container that INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS accountability and monitoring of nuclear weighed 196 kg and was labelled as radio- materials in storage and during transport. active material, arrived in Azerbaijan from 3/23/95 Officials from Armenia, Belarus, and Rus- the U.S. firm Ponder International Service. According to Oleg Saraev, Chairman of the sia attended the event, which was sponsored Since the incident Azerbaijani government World Association of Nuclear Operators’ by the European Energy Foundation. officials have taken measures to tighten ex- Moscow Center (WANO-MC), and Anatoly Nataliya Korkonosenko, Rabochaya Tribuna (Mos- port and import controls. Konstevoy, the Center’s director, Armenia’s cow), 4/21/95, p. 3; in FBIS-SOV-95-078, 4/21/95 Arif Useynov, Segodnya (Moscow), 5/5/95, p. 7 (12929). (13032). N. Medzhidova, Zerkalo (Baku), 4/1/95, nuclear power facility at Metsamor will be pp. 1, 8; in FBIS-TAC-95-003, 4/1/95 (13077). formally admitted to WANO before the organization’s biennial meeting on 4/24/95- 4/25/95. AZERBAIJAN WITH RUSSIA, TURKEY, Ann MacLachlan, Nucleonics Week, 3/23/95, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy and Politics in Russia
    RUTLAND 1 ANALYSIS Volume 8, Number 5 LOST OPPORTUNITIES: ENERGY AND POLITICS IN RUSSIA Peter Rutland THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH © 1997 by The National Bureau of Asian Research. ISSN 1052-164X Printed in the United States of America. The National Bureau of Asian Research, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, conducts advanced policy research on contemporary and future issues concerning East Asia, Russia, and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region. NBR does not advocate policy positions, but rather is dedicated to providing expert information and analysis for effective and far-sighted policy decisions. The NBR Analysis, which is published five times annually, offers timely reports on countries, events, and issues from recognized experts. The views expressed in these essays are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. This report may be reproduced for personal use. Otherwise, its articles may not be reproduced in full without the written permission of NBR. When information from this report is cited or quoted, please cite the author and The National Bureau of Asian Research. Funding for this publication was provided by the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Publishing and production services by Laing Communications Inc., Redmond, Washington. NBR is a tax-exempt, nonprofit corporation under I.R.C. Sec. 501(c)(3), qualified to receive tax-exempt contributions. This is the thirty-fifth NBR Analysis. For further information about NBR, call or write: THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 4518 University Way NE, Suite 300 Seattle, WA 98105 Tel: (206) 632-7370 Fax: (206) 632-7487 Email: [email protected] http://www.nbr.org FOREWORD The rapid expansion of global energy demand, particularly in the developing econo- mies of East Asia, has drawn the world’s attention to the vast oil and gas resources of Russia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus.
    [Show full text]
  • Npr 5.1: the Indian-Russian Light Water Reactor Deal
    Report: The Indian-Russian Light Water Reactor Deal THE INDIAN-RUSSIAN LIGHT WATER REACTOR DEAL by R. Adam Moody R. Adam Moody is a Senior Research Associate for the Monitoring Proliferation Threats Project at the Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies. His recent work has appeared in Jane’s International Defense Review, Post-Soviet Prospects, and in the edited volume Dismantling the Cold War (MIT Press, 1997). he Indian-Russian deal to construct a light water personal, organizational, and national levels. In addition, reactor (LWR) has been in the making for almost implementation of export controls in Russia remains tenu- Ttwo decades. It now finally appears close to con- ous. For example, senior decisionmakers within Minatom summation. Two Russian-supplied 1,000 megawatt (MW) enjoy wide political support for their ability to generate nuclear power stations are scheduled to be constructed revenues through exports. They are therefore less likely at Koodankulam in Tamil Nadu province, a subtropical to be challenged, or if challenged, overruled, by govern- region on India’s southern coast. mental export control bodies on the basis that a particu- 2 This transaction highlights one of the principal chal- lar transaction is suspect. lenges facing the international nonproliferation regime vis- Although the Russian government in all likelihood would à-vis the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Burdened by an not disregard international nonproliferation norms outright, economy with a large hard currency debt, Russia has domestic economic actors are more likely to rationalize expanded its military-industrial exports in general and or justify a questionable transaction in an environment its exports of nuclear-related technologies from the Rus- characterized by economic crisis and social insecurity.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and the Arms Trade
    4. Economic dimensions of Soviet and Russian arms exports Ian Anthony I. Introduction This chapter examines the economic dimensions of Soviet (and now Russian) arms transfers. From the discussion in chapter 3, it is clear that the primary determinants of Soviet arms transfer decisions were political and strategic rather than economic considerations. However, it is also clear from chapter 3 that the Soviet Union was not indifferent to economic returns from the arms trade. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union the defence industry has been plunged into a deep, at times seemingly existential, crisis which is described in more detail in chapter 8. Under these conditions it is widely believed that economic motivations have become more important as a causal explanation of Russian arms export behaviour. However, many questions remain unanswered about the economic dimensions of Soviet and now Russian arms transfers. Differences of view about the historical importance of economic factors in Soviet arms export behaviour are reflected among the Russian authors who have contributed to this book. For example, in chapter 5 Sergey Kortunov writes: ‘for decades the Soviet military–industrial complex received guaranteed payments from the government for arms manufactured for export. A significant portion of this military equipment was either sold at concessional rates to foreign countries or, on occasion, given away’. This would suggest that Soviet arms transfers may have represented a net loss to the economy. In chapter 3 Yuriy Kirshin writes that ‘the prices for transfers which could bring political benefit to the Soviet Union were reduced. However, this was compensated for by prices charged to partners which were not considered so important’.
    [Show full text]
  • The Aftermath of the 1998 Crisis
    Published in: Shale Horowitz (ed.) Political Economy of International Financial Crisis (Rowman and Littlefield, 2001), pp. 243-63. RUSSIA: ENTRENCHED ELITES RIDE OUT THE CRISIS By Peter Rutland The South East Asian crisis of 1997 had a delayed but substantial impact on Russia, triggering a devaluation and debt default in August 1998. This showed that Russia had come a long way from its Soviet past and was now an integral part of the global capitalist economy. It also confirmed that integration is a risky business, bringing increased exposure to fluctuations in world commodity and capital markets. The crisis triggered much angst amongst Western governments, who woke up to the fact that all was not well with the Russian transition. But once the dust had settled the impact of the crisis on Russia’s political and economic institutions was surprisingly muted. It caused some reshuffling within the political and financial elites, but did not change the basic trajectory of developments in the country since 1991. Post-Soviet Russia has an authoritarian political system with formal democratic institutions, very strong presidential leadership, a fragmented party system, and a weak ideological framework. The economic policy pursued since 1991 has been generally forward-looking, but usually with a very short time horizon and often driven by the venal interests of a narrow circle of decision-makers and their cronies. Surprisingly radical steps were taken in the direction of market reform in the chaotic year of 1992, but since then progress towards further liberalization has been slow and episodic. INTRODUCTION The key contours of Russian political economy were shaped long before 1998: the crisis merely served to highlight the system’s existing features.
    [Show full text]