Russia and the Arms Trade

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Russia and the Arms Trade 4. Economic dimensions of Soviet and Russian arms exports Ian Anthony I. Introduction This chapter examines the economic dimensions of Soviet (and now Russian) arms transfers. From the discussion in chapter 3, it is clear that the primary determinants of Soviet arms transfer decisions were political and strategic rather than economic considerations. However, it is also clear from chapter 3 that the Soviet Union was not indifferent to economic returns from the arms trade. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union the defence industry has been plunged into a deep, at times seemingly existential, crisis which is described in more detail in chapter 8. Under these conditions it is widely believed that economic motivations have become more important as a causal explanation of Russian arms export behaviour. However, many questions remain unanswered about the economic dimensions of Soviet and now Russian arms transfers. Differences of view about the historical importance of economic factors in Soviet arms export behaviour are reflected among the Russian authors who have contributed to this book. For example, in chapter 5 Sergey Kortunov writes: ‘for decades the Soviet military–industrial complex received guaranteed payments from the government for arms manufactured for export. A significant portion of this military equipment was either sold at concessional rates to foreign countries or, on occasion, given away’. This would suggest that Soviet arms transfers may have represented a net loss to the economy. In chapter 3 Yuriy Kirshin writes that ‘the prices for transfers which could bring political benefit to the Soviet Union were reduced. However, this was compensated for by prices charged to partners which were not considered so important’. Kirshin suggests that the overall economic impact of Soviet arms exports was either neutral or made a net contribution to Soviet finances. At the level of manufacturing enterprises it is also unclear how far Soviet and now Russian exports were and are beneficial to producers and how far revenues were or are retained by the state, either within the state trading companies or within the responsible ministries. In chapter 8 Elena Denezhkina writes that given a choice some enterprises in St Petersburg prefer foreign sales over sales to the Russian Government, which has become known as an unreliable customer. In chapter 11 Alexander Sergounin reports on the disappointment of enterprise managers in Nizhniy Novgorod that success in winning orders in China has produced such limited financial benefits for their enterprises. 72 RUSSIA AND THE ARMS TRADE Table 4.1. Official estimates of the value of arms exports, 1988–94 Figures are in current US $b. 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 State Committee 12.00 . 6.05 . 4.00 2.15 2.80 on Defence Industries . 4.00 . Ministry of Foreign . 7.10 3.00 0.61 0.54 . Economic Relations Oleg Davydov . 2.30 1.20 . Source: Després, L., ‘Financing the conversion of the military industrial complex in Russia: problems of data’, Communist Economies and Economic Transformation, vol. 7, no. 3 (1995), pp. 335–51. These different perspectives give rise to two general questions. Were arms exports profitable to the Soviet (and now Russian) economy? Did arms exports yield hard currency and, if so, how much? There is no single or simple answer to either question. However, this chapter attempts to shed some light on this aspect of arms transfers. II. Aggregate data on the value of arms exports Several sets of data try to capture the volume, value and pattern of Soviet and now Russian arms exports. However, none of them is truly satisfactory. During the final years of the Soviet Union officials began to make occasional statements about the value of Soviet arms exports. In 1991 I. S. Belousov, Chair of the Soviet Military–Industrial Commission (Voyenno-promyshlennaya komissiya, VPK), stated that the average annual value of the Soviet foreign trade in weapons was 11.7 billion transferable roubles in the period 1986–90.1 Between 1992 and 1994 Russian spokesmen made various statements, many of them contradictory, about the value of Soviet and Russian arms exports. This reflected the general confusion within industry and within the state app- aratus during these years. As explained in chapters 3 and 5, responsibility for the management of arms transfers was not centralized in one agency during this period, and cooperation and coordination between existing agencies were far from ideal. Between 1992 and 1994, according to correspondence between the author and the deputy chairman of the then State Committee on Defence Indus- tries (Goskomoboronprom), central industrial organizations found it impossible to collect information either from individual enterprises or from regional indus- trial associations.2 1 Quoted in Albrecht, U., The Soviet Armaments Industry (Harwood Academic Publishers: Chur, 1993), p. 290. 2 Author’s correspondence with G. G. Yanpolskiy, 2 Mar. 1994. Yanpolskiy cited both technical problems associated with economic changes (such as the high rate of inflation and finding a representative currency exchange rate) and the general difficulties of effecting plant-level transformation in the industrial sector as reasons for the difficulty in collecting usable statistics from enterprises and regional offices. ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS: USSR AND RUSSIA 73 Table 4.2. Export of military and civilian products from enterprises under the State Committee on Defence Industries, 1988–93 Figures are in current US $b. 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Exports of military output 12.00 . 6.05 . 4.00 2.15 Exports of civilian output . 2.00 . 0.61 0.54 Source: Després, L., ‘Financing the conversion of the military industrial complex in Russia: problems of data’, Communist Economies and Economic Transformation, vol. 7, no. 3 (1995), pp. 335–51. Table 4.1 illustrates the range of official data for the late Soviet and early Russian period. In some years widely differing estimates were produced by the same agency. In 1990 the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations (MFER) released both $7.1 billion and $1.55 billion as values for arms exports, while in 1994 the State Committee on Defence Industries offered both $2.8 billion and $4 billion.3 To add to the confusion, the Minister for Foreign Economic Rela- tions, Oleg Davydov, released additional estimates in 1994 for the years 1992 and 1993.4 In 1994 the State Committee on Defence Industries released data on the value of exports from enterprises falling under its umbrella (see table 4.2). For some years these data were divided into the value of military items and the value of sales of civilian items and were published in US dollars. In 1996 aggregated data on the value of arms exports covering the period 1985–96 were presented for the first time in public by the state trading company Rosvooruzhenie. These data are presented in figure 4.1 and suggest that the annual value of Soviet arms exports was in the region of $20 billion during the second half of the 1980s—close to the values estimated by Western government agencies such as the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA). For comparative purposes, figure 4.2 shows the value of Soviet arms exports as estimated by ACDA for a similar period. The similarity between the time series is surprising given all that has been published about the inadequacies of Soviet statistics. In the context of foreign trade, dollar-denominated Soviet statistics are said to be of limited value because agreements were denominated in foreign trade or ‘convertible’ roubles which were converted into dollars at an official exchange rate which was meaningless.5 The process by which ACDA estimated the constant dollar value of arms exports from the Soviet Union remains somewhat obscure. It publishes esti- mates of the value of goods delivered in a calendar year which it receives from 3 The most likely explanation of the differences is that MFER data are based on the value of licences issued while the State Committee data are based on reporting by enterprises. 4 International Defense Review, May 1994, p. 54. 5 Information provided in author’s correspondence with Prof. Laure Després, University of Nantes, 27 Feb. 1997. See also Tabata, S., ‘The anatomy of Russian foreign trade statistics’, Post-Soviet Geography, vol. 35, no. 8 (1994). 74 RUSSIA AND THE ARMS TRADE 25 20 15 10 US$ billion 5 0 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 Figure 4.1. Trends in Soviet/Russian arms exports according to Rosvooruzhenie, 1985–96 Source: Tarasova, O., [Rosvooruzhenie calls for unity], Segodnya, 1 Nov. 1996 (in Russian). other US government agencies. These estimates are already denominated in US dollars when ACDA receives them and are then deflated using a gross national product (GNP) index. During the cold war most dollar estimates of Soviet arms exports were gener- ated in Western government agencies and research institutes using volume indexes rather than estimates of the value of arms sales. However, there were also efforts to identify arms exports in Soviet foreign trade statistics. These estimates produced dollar values very different from those contained in the data released by Rosvooruzhenie. These data were estimated by eliminating from Soviet foreign trade statistics all categories which were clearly non-military and assuming that most of the remaining exports were for military end-users. The resulting data were con- verted from roubles into dollars using the prevailing official exchange rate. Comparing the value for 1980 contained in table 4.3 ($5.6 current billion) with the value for 1980 given by ACDA ($8.8 billion), and allowing for the fact that the data in table 4.3 exclude trade within the WTO, there appears to be rough comparability. According to residual foreign trade data the average annual value of Soviet arms exports to developing countries was $3.2 billion (in current dollars) between 1971 and 1980.
Recommended publications
  • Great Power Competition: the Changing Landscape of Global
    Chapter 1 Russia’s Soft Power Projection in the Middle East Anna L. Borshchevskaya Political scientist Joseph S. Nye Jr. defined soft power as “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. It arises from the attraction of the country’s culture, political ideals, and policies. When our policies are seen as legitimate in the eyes of others, our soft power is enhanced.”1 For a state to be successful, according to Nye, hard power is necessary; but it is also important to shape long-term preferences of others and project values. Soft power projection helps at- tract partners and allies.2 Historically, the Kremlin always emphasized hard power. During the Soviet era, the following phrase encapsulated so many aspects of Soviet life it became a trope: “If you don’t know, we will teach you; if you don’t want to, we will force you.”3 In more recent history, Moscow has focused on hard power projection; the brutal suppression of Chechnya’s struggle for independence, the 2008 war with Georgia, the 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, and the 2015 military intervention in Syria to save Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad all highlight Moscow’s preference for hard power. Indeed, in private conversations, Western policymakers often argue that Russia has no power to attract. The Kremlin has yet to treat its own citizens well—let alone those of other countries. An oft-cited exam- ple of Moscow’s inability to attract is that generally people do not dream of immigrating to Russia; rather, they tend to dream of immigrating from Russia to developed democracies, contributing to Russia’s brain drain.
    [Show full text]
  • Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
    PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia: CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 to FEBRUARY 1995
    Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper RUSSIA CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 TO FEBRUARY 1995 July 1995 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures Political Leaders 1. INTRODUCTION 2. CHRONOLOGY 1993 1994 1995 3. APPENDICES TABLE 1: SEAT DISTRIBUTION IN THE STATE DUMA TABLE 2: REPUBLICS AND REGIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MAP 1: RUSSIA 1 of 58 9/17/2013 9:13 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... MAP 2: THE NORTH CAUCASUS NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES REFERENCES GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures [This glossary is included for easy reference to organizations which either appear more than once in the text of the chronology or which are known to have been formed in the period covered by the chronology. The list is not exhaustive.] All-Russia Democratic Alternative Party. Established in February 1995 by Grigorii Yavlinsky.( OMRI 15 Feb.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's 'Golden Bridge' Is Crumbling
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Russi an Series 06/39 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom Russia’s ‘Golden Bridge’ is Crumbling: Demographic Crisis in the Russian Federation Dr Steven J Main Key Points * Russia’s current demographic crisis – with an annual loss of hundreds of thousands of people – is the most severe ever recorded in its peacetime history. If left unchecked, it could have disastrous results for the long-term viability of the state. Whilst there may be no imminent danger of a “yellow peril” in the Russian Far East or Siberia, there is a threat from a growing and locally influential non-Russian ethnic population. * The reasons for the current crisis are many and varied – some are traditional Russian vices like smoking and drinking. * Poverty is a distinct element in both contracting disease and ability to ameliorate its consequences. * Russia is on the verge of an AIDS catastrophe. * There are no “quick-fix” solutions: money may be of some help – for instance, in improving the country’s ailing health system – but is unlikely to stimulate people to have more children. * However, it is also possible that part of the reasons for the current crisis are more deeply rooted than simply in the events of the past 15 years, and reversing the decline may need to involve a significant change in the political and cultural environment. 06/39 Russia’s ‘Golden Bridge’ is Crumbling: Demographic Crisis in the Russian Federation Dr Steven J Main In April 2005, the Chairman of the Federation Council, Sergei Mironov, was interviewed by the newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta about the current demographic crisis facing the Russian Federation.
    [Show full text]
  • Left-Of-Center Govem- Public Does Not Want to Go Back to the of a Startling Buildup of Consumer Ment
    Public Disclosure Authorized ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Vlm;.;, Nu;.- ;- M,c -. - .. ;.... i. TransitionEconomicsDivision * PolicyResearchDepartment * TheWorldBank Postcommunist Parties and the Politics of Entitlements by Jeffrey Sachs Public Disclosure Authorized I nnationalelectionsthispastMarch, Theseexplanationslargelymissthepoint. of the shortages prevalent in the old Estonia's reform govenmmentwas * Opinion surveys in Central and East- regime). Indeed, in many countries in- unceremoniously toppled from em Europe repeatedly show that the cludingEstonia,thepublicisinthe midst power by a new left-of-center govem- public does not want to go back to the of a startling buildup of consumer ment. This would seem a rather un- old regime, nor does it view the left- durables-cars, refrigerators,videocas- grateful act of the Estonian voters in wing parties as instrumentsto undo the sette recorders, and the like-that were light of the accomplishments of the new market economy. long unavailable under the old regime. former government.By the enclof 1994 * The living standards ofthe population inflation was down to an annual rate of did not really drop, if one examines ac- In most countries of Eastem Europe, around 20 percent, the lowest among tual household consumption behavior social spending has not only remained countries of the former Soviet Union (rather than changesin crude indexes of an unusually high proportion of GNP, it (FSU). Economic growth was around 5 real wages, which do not give a picture has actuallysoared.Thepostcommunist Public Disclosure Authorized percent in 1994, the highest in the FSU, t *i. with forecasts of even higher growth in What's nside 1995. Privatizing Profits of Bulgaria's State somneiniprovementsintheCubaneconomy, Enterprises In Bulgaria,private wealth but a significantturnaround would re- Why then was the Estonian government has been createdvia syphoningoff prof- quire broad politicaland economicre- toppled? Why, indeed, have left-wing its from state enterprises,rather than forms,suggests J.F.Perez-Lopez.
    [Show full text]
  • The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia's Modern
    DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE PROJECTS The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia’s Modern Approaches to Warfare Stephen R. Covington Foreword by Kevin Ryan PAPER OCTOBER 2016 Defense and Intelligence Projects Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.belfercenter.org/DefenseIntelligence The views in this article are the personal views of the author and do not represent the official views of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe. Design & Layout by Andrew Facini Cover photo: Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, listens to Chief of Russia’s military’s General Staff Valery Gerasimov, right, as he observes military exercises near the Baikal Lake in Russia on Wednesday, July 17, 2013. (AP Photo/RIA Novosti, Alexei Nikolsky, Presidential Press Service) Copyright 2016, President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE PROJECTS The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia’s Modern Approaches to Warfare Stephen R. Covington Foreword by Kevin Ryan PAPER OCTOBER 2016 About the Author Stephen R. Covington is a Strategic Fellow with the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and has advised 10 Supreme Allied Commanders, Europe on international affairs over a 27-year period. The views in this article are the personal views of the author and do not represent the official views of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe. Table of Contents
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukraine Crisis in the Northeast-Asian Comparative Perspective (Report Under the Taiwan Fellowship-2019 for Scholars)
    Dr. Igor PILIAIEV (Kyiv, Ukraine) The Ukraine Crisis in the Northeast-Asian Comparative Perspective (Report under the Taiwan Fellowship-2019 for Scholars) There is no East, and there is no West. There is no end to the sky. There is no East, and there is no West, Father has two sons. There is no East, and there is no West, There are sunrise and sunset, There is a big word — EARTH! Olzhaz Suleymenov1 From “The Sunny Nights” collection (1962)2 INTRODUCTION In one of his latest appearances in media in the early 2017 one of America's main foreign policy strategists, Zbigniew Brzezinski, pointed out with much anxiety that "strategic insecurity is now a fact of life on a scale heretofore not experienced by the now increasingly vulnerable humanity"3. Structural shocks in the geopolitical, institutional, socio-cultural and security architectonics of the Eastern European and post-Soviet space which have occurred with epicenter in Ukraine, have sharply delimited and polarized the regional transformation and integration processes. The extreme aggravation of the Ukraine- Russia relations as a result of Euromaidan’s victory in Kyiv, followed by Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the hybrid armed conflict in Donbas4, has exposed deep 1 Olzhaz Suleymenov is National Writer of Kazakhstan, Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan to UNESCO in 2002-2018. 2 English translation made by Igor Piliaiev from the Russian original. 3 Brzezinski, Z. How To Address Strategic Insecurity In A Turbulent Age. HuffPost. January 3, 2017. Retrieved from: https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/us-china-russia- relations_us_586955dbe4b0de3a08f8e3e0?section=us_world (Last accessed: 10.10.2018).
    [Show full text]
  • Reform Issues in the Former Soviet Union No 49 1993
    European Economy appears four times a year. It contains important reports and communications from the Commission to the Council and to the Parliament on the economic situation and developments. In addition, European Economy presents reports and studies on problems concerning economic policy. Two supplements accompany the main periodical: Series A-'Economic tren<ls' appears monthly except in August and describes with the aid of tables and graphs the most recent trends of industrial production, consumer prices, unemployment, the balance of trade, exchange rates, and other indicators. This supplement also presents the Commission staff's macroeconomic forecasts and Commission communications to the Council on economic policy. Series B-'Business and consumer survey results' gives the main results of opinion surveys of industrial chief executives (orders, stocks, production outlook, etc.) and of consumers (economic and financial situation and outlook, etc.) in the Community, and other business cycle indicators. It also appears monthly, with the exception of August. Subscription terms are shown on the back and the addresses of the sales offices are shown on page 3 of the cover. Unless otherwise indicated the texts are published under the responsibility of the Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs of the Commission of the European Communities, rue de la Loi 200, 1049 Brussels, to which enquiries other than those related to sales and subscrip­ tions should be addressed. Commission of the European Communities EUROPEAN ECONOMY Directorate-General
    [Show full text]
  • Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation
    Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 25 Number 1 Fall Article 7 May 2020 Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation Paul G. Thompson Rashid R. Sharipov Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Paul G. Thompson & Rashid R. Sharipov, Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation, 25 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 95 (1996). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. CAPITAL MARKETS Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation* PAUL G. THOMPSON** RASHID R. SHARIPoV*** I. INTRODUCTION Immediately prior to and since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), the Russian Federation, the largest of the former Soviet republics, has moved towards establishing a free-market economy. As a central part of this shift, the Russian government pri- vatized state-owned enterprises resulting in the circulation of privat- ization vouchers and stimulating the development of financial markets in Russia. Since the beginning of privatization, securities trading has expanded but understanding of securities trading is slow to develop. In the past few years, the government has taken steps to intro- duce comprehensive regulation of securities transactions. The most im- portant of these steps are the establishment of regulatory authorities for the securities markets and the enactment of the basics of a codified legal system, including the Civil Code,1 which contains fundamental * Copyright ©1996 by Thomson Legal Publishing, (1-800-323-1336).
    [Show full text]
  • The State Hermitage Museum Annual Report 2010 the State Hermitage Museum Annual Report 2010 Contents
    The STaTe hermiTage muSeum annual reporT 2010 The STaTe hermiTage muSeum annual reporT 2010 conTenTS General Editor a year of two staircases ............................................................. 4 Mikhail Piotrovsky, Director of the state Hermitage Museum, The State Hermitage Museum. General Information ............... 6 Corresponding Member of the Russian academy of sciences, Full Member of the Russian academy of arts, Awards .......................................................................................... 12 Professor of st. Petersburg state University, Doctor of sciences (History) Composition of the Hermitage Collections as of 1 January 2011 .................................................................... 14 ediTorial Board: Permanent Exhibitions ............................................................... 27 Mikhail Piotrovsky, temporary Exhibitions ............................................................... 30 Director of the state Hermitage Museum Georgy Vilinbakhov, Restoration and Conservation .................................................... 70 Deputy Director for Research Publications ................................................................................. 85 Svetlana Adaksina, Conferences ................................................................................. 96 Deputy Director, Chief Curator Marina Antipova, Dissertations ................................................................................ 99 Deputy Director for Finance and Planning Archaeological Expeditions ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • USCIRF Inventing Extremists
    INVENTING EXTREMISTS The Impact of Russian Anti-Extremism Policies on Freedom of Religion or Belief UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM Headquarters of St Petersburg and Leningrad Region Branch of Russian Federal Security Service ST PETERSBURG, RUSSIA - DECEMBER 16, 2017: Bolshoy Dom [Big House] in Liteyny Avenue, the headquarters of the St Petersburg and Leningrad Region Branch of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB). Alexander Demian- chuk/TASS (Photo by Alexander Demianchuk\TASS via Getty Images) INVENTING EXTREMISTS The Impact of Russian Anti-Extremism Policies on Freedom of Religion or Belief By Maria Kravchenko JANUARY 2018 COMMISSIONERS Daniel Mark Chairman Sandra Jolley Vice Chairwoman Kristina Arriaga Thomas J. Reese S.J. Tenzin Dorjee John Ruskay Jackie Wolcott Clifford D. May Erin D. Singshinsuk Executive Director UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WHO WE ARE WHAT IS RELIGIOUS FREEDOM The U.S. Commission on International Religious Free- Inherent in religious freedom is the right to believe or dom (USCIRF) is an independent, bipartisan U.S. federal not believe as one’s conscience leads, and live out one’s government commission created by the 1998 Interna- beliefs openly, peacefully, and without fear. Freedom of tional Religious Freedom Act (IRFA) that monitors the religion or belief is an expansive right that includes the universal right to freedom of religion or belief abroad. freedoms of thought, conscience, expression, associa- USCIRF uses international standards to monitor viola- tion, and assembly. While religious freedom is Ameri- tions of religious freedom or belief abroad and makes ca’s first freedom, it also is a core human right interna- policy recommendations to the President, the Secretary tional law and treaty recognize; a necessary component of State, and Congress.
    [Show full text]
  • Esi Manual, the Russian Debate on the South Caucasus: Who Is Who?
    ESI MANUAL THE RUSSIAN DEBATE ON THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: WHO IS WHO? Part 1: Russian Print Media Berlin – Istanbul, December 2009 2 Russia’s Foreign Policy and the Caucasus ~ Contents ~ NEWSPAPERS ..................................................................................................................................................... 3 DAILIES .............................................................................................................................................................. 4 WEEKLIES ......................................................................................................................................................... 12 NEWS AGENCIES............................................................................................................................................. 14 WEB-MEDIA ...................................................................................................................................................... 17 ENGLISH LANGUAGE MEDIA ..................................................................................................................... 26 Russia’s Foreign Policy and the Caucasus 3 NEWSPAPERS Most widely read Russian newspapers by circulation and Average Issue Readership (AIR). Paper Owner Circulation Average Issue Readership (AIR) DAILY NEWSPAPERS Moskovsky Komsomolets Pavel Gusev 2.040,000 ---- Komsomolskaya Pravda YeSN 640,900 2.171,500 Rossiyskaya Gazeta Russian government 218,905 1.160,900 Izvestiya SOGAZ 177,000 420,200 Novaya Gazeta* Staff
    [Show full text]