Npr 5.1: the Indian-Russian Light Water Reactor Deal
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Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach. -
Left-Of-Center Govem- Public Does Not Want to Go Back to the of a Startling Buildup of Consumer Ment
Public Disclosure Authorized ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Vlm;.;, Nu;.- ;- M,c -. - .. ;.... i. TransitionEconomicsDivision * PolicyResearchDepartment * TheWorldBank Postcommunist Parties and the Politics of Entitlements by Jeffrey Sachs Public Disclosure Authorized I nnationalelectionsthispastMarch, Theseexplanationslargelymissthepoint. of the shortages prevalent in the old Estonia's reform govenmmentwas * Opinion surveys in Central and East- regime). Indeed, in many countries in- unceremoniously toppled from em Europe repeatedly show that the cludingEstonia,thepublicisinthe midst power by a new left-of-center govem- public does not want to go back to the of a startling buildup of consumer ment. This would seem a rather un- old regime, nor does it view the left- durables-cars, refrigerators,videocas- grateful act of the Estonian voters in wing parties as instrumentsto undo the sette recorders, and the like-that were light of the accomplishments of the new market economy. long unavailable under the old regime. former government.By the enclof 1994 * The living standards ofthe population inflation was down to an annual rate of did not really drop, if one examines ac- In most countries of Eastem Europe, around 20 percent, the lowest among tual household consumption behavior social spending has not only remained countries of the former Soviet Union (rather than changesin crude indexes of an unusually high proportion of GNP, it (FSU). Economic growth was around 5 real wages, which do not give a picture has actuallysoared.Thepostcommunist Public Disclosure Authorized percent in 1994, the highest in the FSU, t *i. with forecasts of even higher growth in What's nside 1995. Privatizing Profits of Bulgaria's State somneiniprovementsintheCubaneconomy, Enterprises In Bulgaria,private wealth but a significantturnaround would re- Why then was the Estonian government has been createdvia syphoningoff prof- quire broad politicaland economicre- toppled? Why, indeed, have left-wing its from state enterprises,rather than forms,suggests J.F.Perez-Lopez. -
Nuclear Security: a Fortnightly Newsletter from Caps
NUCLEAR SECURITY: A FORTNIGHTLY NEWSLETTER FROM CAPS NUCLEAR SECURITY: A FORTNIGHTLY NEWSLETTER FROM CAPS Vol 11, No. 15, 01 JUNE 2017 OPINION – Manpreet Sethi Nuclear India at 19: Keep Focus Right on CONTENTS Deterrence OPINION NUCLEAR STRATEGY India completes 19 years as a nuclear armed state BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENCE this month. This period is no more than an eye blink in the life of a nation, but India has made NUCLEAR ENERGY significant progress towards operationalisation NUCLEAR COOPERATION of its deterrence capability (it was on May 11 URANIUM PRODUCTION and 13, 1998 that India conducted nuclear tests NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION at the Pokhran range in Rajasthan. India has since NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT declared a moratorium on testing). NUCLEAR SAFETY It has worked according to a plan in the form of a NUCLEAR WASTE MANAGEMENT nuclear doctrine that it gave to itself in August 1999, and which was formalised, with largely the same attributes as mentioned in the draft, by the But it seeks to deter the adversary from making government of the day in January 2003. this move by holding up for him the prospect of massive retaliation which The doctrine defined a India has eschewed the first use of would negate any benefit narrow role for India’s nuclear weapons, leaving it to the of his action. This is a nuclear weapons — only adversary to take the difficult decision purely deterrence doctrine, for deterrence against of making the first nuclear move. But and that really is the only nuclear weapons of the it seeks to deter the adversary from purpose of nuclear adversary. -
India's Pathway to Sumit Ganguly Pokhran H
India's Pathway to Sumit Ganguly Pokhran H The Prospects and Sources of New Delhi's Nuclear Weapons Program On May 11 and 13, 1998, India set off five nuclear devices at its test site in Pokhran in the northwestern Indian state of Rajasthan-its first such tests in twenty-four years. The initial test had been carried out at the same site on May 18, 1974. Not unexpectedly, as in 1974 much of the world community, including the majority of the great powers, unequivocally condemned the Indian tests.' The coalition national government, dominated by the jingoistic Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), knew that significant international pressures would be brought to bear upon India once it breached this important threshold. Yet the BJP chose to disregard the likely adverse consequences and departed from India's post- 1974 "nuclear option" policy, which had reserved for India the right to weaponize its nuclear capabilities but had not overtly declared its weapons capability. National governments of varying political persuasions had adhered to this strategy for more than two decades. A number of seemingly compelling possibilities have been offered to explain India's dramatic departure from its policy of nuclear restraint. None, however, constitutes a complete explanation. Yet each offers useful insights into the forces that led to the Indian nuclear tests. One explanation holds that the chauvinistic BJP-led government conducted the tests to demonstrate both its own virility to the Indian populace and India's military prowess to the rest of the world. A second argument suggests that the BJP conducted the tests to cement its links with contentious parliamentary allies. -
Marine Nuclear Power 1939 – 2018 Part 5 China-India-Japan & Others
Marine Nuclear Power: 1939 - 2018 Part 5: China, India, Japan & other nations Peter Lobner July 2018 1 Foreword In 2015, I compiled the first edition of this resource document to support a presentation I made in August 2015 to The Lyncean Group of San Diego (www.lynceans.org) commemorating the 60th anniversary of the world’s first “underway on nuclear power” by USS Nautilus on 17 January 1955. That presentation to the Lyncean Group, “60 years of Marine Nuclear Power: 1955 – 2015,” was my attempt to tell a complex story, starting from the early origins of the US Navy’s interest in marine nuclear propulsion in 1939, resetting the clock on 17 January 1955 with USS Nautilus’ historic first voyage, and then tracing the development and exploitation of marine nuclear power over the next 60 years in a remarkable variety of military and civilian vessels created by eight nations. In July 2018, I finished a complete update of the resource document and changed the title to, “Marine Nuclear Power: 1939 – 2018.” What you have here is Part 5: China, India, Japan and Other Nations. The other parts are: Part 1: Introduction Part 2A: United States - Submarines Part 2B: United States - Surface Ships Part 3A: Russia - Submarines Part 3B: Russia - Surface Ships & Non-propulsion Marine Nuclear Applications Part 4: Europe & Canada Part 6: Arctic Operations 2 Foreword This resource document was compiled from unclassified, open sources in the public domain. I acknowledge the great amount of work done by others who have published material in print or posted information on the internet pertaining to international marine nuclear propulsion programs, naval and civilian nuclear powered vessels, naval weapons systems, and other marine nuclear applications. -
NPR 1.3: Ballistic, Cruise Missile, and Missile Defense Systems: Trade
Missile Developments BALLISTIC, CRUISE MISSILE, AND MISSILE DEFENSE SYSTEMS: TRADE AND SIGNIFICANT DEVELOPMENTS, SEPTEMBER 1993-JANUARY 1994 AFGHANISTAN WITH TAJIKISTAN 9/25/93 It is reported that Argentina's Condor- 1/9/94 2 missile installations might be used in AFGHANISTAN At 10:35 a.m., seven missiles are fired on a project to construct "Latin America's the 13th post of the Moskovskiy Border first satellite." Guard. Ann Schnittker, Proliferation Watch, 9/93, p. 3 (3600). Galina Gridneva, Itar-Tass (Moscow), 1/12/94; in INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS FBIS-SOV-94-008, 1/12/94, p. 76 (3634). 11/29/93 9/30/93 1/11/94 The Argentine Foreign Ministry reveals that Argentina has become a member The rival Islamic factions of the Sunni Mus- The 12th post of the Russian Moskovskiy of the MTCR. The decision is partly a lim Ittehad-i-Islami Party of Rasul Sayyaf detachment guarding the Tajik border takes result of Argentine President Menem's and the Iranian-backed Shi'ite Hezb-i- missile fire from inside Afghanistan. cancellation of the Condor missile Wahdat fire about 200 rockets and mortar Galina Gridneva, Itar-Tass (Moscow), 1/12/94; in FBIS-SOV-94-008, 1/12/94, p. 76 (3634). project in early 1993. shells at each other in Kabul. Three people Buenos Aires Herald, 11/30/93, p. 1; in JPRS- are killed and seventeen are injured. TND-93-001, 1/6/94, p. 11 (3783). Washington Times, 10/1/93, p. A14 (3909). ARGENTINA ARGENTINA WITH EGYPT 11/93 The Argentine Defense Ministry con- INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS firms that factories in Iraq and Egypt The numbers listed in parenthesis following the were "twin sisters" of the Falda del biblographic references refer to the identification num- 1992 Carmen plant where the Condor-2 mis- ber of the document in the International Missile Pro- Argentina continues development of the sile was developed. -
Russia╎s Unsteady Entry Into the Global Economy
TITLE : RUSSIA'S UNSTEADY ENTRY INTO THE GLOBAL ECONOM Y AUTHOR : PETER RUTLAND, Wesleyan Universit y THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : Wesleyan Universit y PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Peter Rutlan d COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 808-27 DATE : September 17, 199 6 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded b y Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within th e Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials fo r their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, o r make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U .S. Government without th e written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f Information Act 5 U.S.C. 552, or other applicable law . The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Counci l for Soviet and East European Research, made available by the U . S. Department of State under Title VII/ (th e Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended) . The analysis and interpretation s contained in the report are those of the author(s) . CONTENT S Abstract 1 Success and Failures 1 Patterns of Foreign Trade 5 Assessing Russia's Export Boom 7 Recent Developments 1 0 Investors Stay Wary 1 1 International Aid and the Debt Problem 1 2 Trade Access 14 RUSSIA ' S UNSTEADY ENTRY INTO THE GLOBAL ECONOMY ' PETER RUTLAN D Russia has come a long way since 1991 in terms of opening up its economy to th e outside world. -
India's Rise After Pokhran II
INDIA’S RISE AFTER POKHRAN II Chinese Analyses and Assessments Jing-dong Yuan The South Asian nuclear tests of May 1998 represented a major setback for international nuclear nonproliferation efforts. New Delhi and Islamabad have so far resisted international calls for nuclear restraint and have declined to sign unconditionally the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the nuclear nonproliferation treaty (NPT). Both India and Paki- stan are in the process of formulating their respective nuclear doctrines and determining the structure of their nuclear forces; at the same time, the two countries are also moving apace with their ballistic missile programs through a series of test launches. The current standoff along the India-Pakistan line of control (LOC) risks potential escalation to open military conflict. These de- velopments have serious implications for South Asian security. The May 1998 nuclear tests and the changing South Asian security dy- namic significantly affect China’s assessments of its own security environ- ment in the face of an emerging and nuclear India, its South Asia policy in general and the relationship with Pakistan in particular, and its relations with India in the coming years. This article reviews and discusses Chinese re- sponses to the Indian nuclear tests and seeks to address three sets of issues. First, the consequences of India’s nuclear tests for international arms control and nonproliferation, South Asian security, and Sino-Indian relations will be considered. Second, India’s rise as a major power and the challenges this Jing-dong Yuan is Senior Research Associate, Center for Nonprolifer- ation Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies, Monterey, Calif. -
Elite Groups in Russia
Elite Groups in Russia VIRGINIE COULLOUDON ince 1992, Russia has been inventing its own version of democracy. The Con- Sstitutional Court acts as a supreme judicial authority; a freely elected presi- dent acts as the head of state; a democratically elected parliament is elaborating laws; and a free press exposes the abuses of Russian politicians. Despite the exis- tence of new democratic institutions, Russian officials sometimes seem to let themselves be guided by arbitrariness.1 The notion that the rule of law should pre- vail over private interests is new in Russia and is shared by only a few politicians.2 The debate on the exact role of the institutions in the decisionmaking process prevails in contemporary research on the Russian elite. There are two opposite approaches: The first emphasizes that the Communist regime collapsed only recently and explains the lack of influence of institutions such as the Constitu- tional Court or the bicameral parliament by the absence of democratic tradition in Russia. Referring to the actual transitional period, such an approach implies that Russian democratic institutions have an important role of education in the actual state building. It considers of secondary importance the fact that those insti- tutions lack influence on the decisionmaking process. The second point of view emphasizes the supremacy of the Russian presiden- tial decrees over laws and legislative documents. It points out that the 1993 con- stitution offers more powers to the president than to the parliament and gives him the last word in all circumstances.3 This approach emphasizes the strategic role not only of the executive power but also of interest groups likely to act as advis- ers to this same executive power. -
The Perils of Naval Nuclearization and Brinkmanship in the Indian Ocean
Naval War College Review Volume 65 Article 8 Number 4 Autumn 2012 Drowning Stability: The eP rils of Naval Nuclearization and Brinkmanship in the Indian Ocean Iskander Rehman Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Rehman, Iskander (2012) "Drowning Stability: The eP rils of Naval Nuclearization and Brinkmanship in the Indian Ocean," Naval War College Review: Vol. 65 : No. 4 , Article 8. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol65/iss4/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rehman: Drowning Stability: The Perils of Naval Nuclearization and Brinkm DROWNING STABILITY The Perils of Naval Nuclearization and Brinkmanship in the Indian Ocean Iskander Rehman n May 1998, the sun-scorched deserts of the Indian state of Rajasthan shook with Ia succession of nuclear explosions. Barely two weeks later, in a seemingly tit-for- tat response, Pakistan conducted its own series of detonations, in the remote western hills of Baluchistan. Both nations’ previously concealed nuclear capa- bilities had suddenly burst out into the open, giving a new and terrifying form to the enduring rivalry that had convulsed the subcontinent for decades. Caught off guard, the international community reacted with indignation and dismay. Concerns over nuclear escalation in the event of another Indo-Pakistani con- flict refocused Washington’s attention on South Asia and triggered the longest- sustained level of bilateral Indo-American engagement in history.1 This had the unexpected benefit of enabling both democracies finally to find common ground, after many years of acrimony, chronic mistrust, and squandered opportunities. -
Chapter 2 Indian Perspective Energy Economics and Electricity
Chapter 2 Indian Perspective: Energy, Economics and Electricity “The strongest of the species that survives, nor the most intelligent, but the one most responsive to change” -Charles Darwin Chapter 2 Indian Perspective: Energy, Economics and Electricity The chapter brings out the present and future analysis on Indian population, Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and per capita energy / electricity requirements. This chapter also discusses about the Indian nuclear energy programme and important milestones achieved. Details of present and proposed /planned nuclear plants including fuel waste management are also covered. National energy policy, important rules, acts, international treaties and conventions are also listed in this chapter. These form guidelines for the establishment of nuclear power plant. Environmental aspects related to nuclear energy are also coved in details. National perspective for energy, economics and electricity has been drawn mainly by available data analysis. 28 Chapter 2 Indian Perspective: Energy, Economics and Electricity 2.1 General Overview India is vast country with diverse topographies and culture. It’s social fabric and heritage has been synthesized over decades that amalgamated to be born as a nation in 1947. With 3,214 Km from North to South and 2,993 Km from West to East, it encompasses 32, 87,263 Sq Km of area in South East Asia. The country is bounded by Himalayas in the north east, Arabian Sea in the west and Bay of Bengal towards the east. India is divided in seven general physiographic zones, namely, Northern Mountains, Indo Gangetic Plains, Central Highlands, Peninsular Plateau, East Coast, West Coast Bordering Seas and Islands. Major portion of the land mainly comprises of plateau. -
Crisis and New Political Agenda for the Korean Peninsula and the Regional Powers/ V
PRIMAKOV NATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF WORLD ECONOMY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES CRISIS AND NEW POLITICAL AGENDA FOR THE KOREAN PENINSULA AND REGIONAL POWERS Ed. by V. Mikheev, A. Fedorovsky Moscow IMEMO 2018 УДК 327.56(519) ББК 66.4(5Коо)(5Кор) Cri 89 Series “Library of the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations” Reviewer: A.V. Lomanov, Doctor of Sciences (History) Editors: V.V. Mikheev, A.N. Fedorovsky Cri 89 Crisis and New Political Agenda for the Korean Peninsula and the Regional Powers/ V. Mikheev, A. Fedorovsky, eds. – Moscow, IMEMO, 2018. – 32 p. ISBN 978-5-9535-0528-4 DOI:10.20542/978-5-9535-0528-4 The report reviews fundamental reasons, main features and consequences of the political crisis with regard to the Korean peninsula in the context of North Korean missile and nuclear programs. It presents an assessment of domestic political and economic processes in DPRK after Kim Chen Un’s coming to power. Analysis covers Pyongyang’s key foreign policy priorities, commonalities and differences between the Republic of Korea and regional powers (China, Russia, USA and Japan) regarding key issues of missile and nuclear crisis, prospects for multinational cooperation to maintain peace and security on the Korean peninsula. To view IMEMO publications, please visit our website at https://www.imemo.ru ISBN 978-5-9535-0528-4 © IMEMO, 2018 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ...................................................................... ……4 I. DOMESTIC POLITICS SITUATION IN NORTH KOREA AFTER KIM JONG-UN CAME TO POWER AND THE NUCLEAR PROBLEM…….………………………………..…..….5 II. HIERARCHY OF NORTH KOREA'S FOREIGN POLICY GOALS……………………………………………………….……12 III.