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LIFE IS PRICKLY. NARRATING HISTORY, BELONGING, and COMMON PLACE in BOR, SOUTH SUDAN a Dissertation Submitted to the Temple

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LIFE IS PRICKLY. NARRATING HISTORY, BELONGING, and COMMON PLACE in BOR, SOUTH SUDAN a Dissertation Submitted to the Temple LIFE IS PRICKLY. NARRATING HISTORY, BELONGING, AND COMMON PLACE IN BOR, SOUTH SUDAN A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Brendan R. Tuttle January 2014 Examining Committee Members: Dr. Paul Garrett, Advisory Chair, Anthropology Dr. Mindie Lazarus-Black, Department of Anthropology Dr. Marilyn Silberfein, Geography and Urban Studies, Temple University Dr. Heather Sharkey, External Member, Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, University of Pennsylvania i ABSTRACT An ethnography based on research carried out between 2009 and 2010 in the vicinity of Bor Town, the capital of Jonglei State, in what was then Southern Sudan, this dissertation is primarily concerned with people’s reflections on making agreements with one another during a period when the nature of belonging was being publically discussed and redefined. It examines historical narratives and discussions about how people ought to relate to the past and to each other in the changed circumstances following the formal cessation of hostilities between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army in 2005. This dissertation departs from much of the literature on Southern Sudan by focusing on the common place, the nature of promises and ordinary talk, as opposed to state failure and armed conflict. After 21 years of multiple and overlapping conflicts in Sudan, a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed in January of 2005. The agreement stipulated national elections during a six-year Interim Period, at the end of which, the people of Southern Sudan were to hold a referendum on self-determination to decide whether to remain united with Sudan or to secede. This dissertation examines questions where were on many people’s minds during Sudan’s national elections and the run-up to the referendum, a time when questions of history, belonging, and place were very salient. The dissertation begins with a discussion of jokes and other narratives in order to sketch out some popular attitudes toward speech, responsibility and commitments. Most of the body of ii the dissertation is concerned with everyday talk about the past and with sketching out the background necessary to understand the stakes at play in discussions about citizenship and the definition of a South Sudanese citizen: Did it depend upon one’s genealogy or one’s place of birth, or one’s commitments to a particular place, or their having simply suffered there with others? iii for my parents and my brother, Barrett, and Madit iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Fieldwork in Bor (2009-2010) and archival research in Juba were made possible by financial support from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. The Department of Anthropology at Temple University and Temple University’s Center for the Humanities provided financial and other support. I owe much to the help of many friends. I thank Majur Aguto for bringing me to Bor and Madit Jol Makuei for being a friend, constant companion and source of ideas. I am more fortunate than I can acknowledge for Paul Garrett’s unfailing patience, care and encouragement, careful attention, humor, and continual prodding; I’m grateful to him for always having my best interests in mind and for his example, and for much else. I owe my greatest debts to my committee and readers, Paul Garrett, Marilyn Silberfein, Heather Sharkey, and Mindie Lazarus-Black—all read multiple drafts and helped me to formulate the ideas presented here and gave generously of their time, guidance, knowledge and insight. I thank Marilyn Silberfein for making the writing process fun and for many discussions and comparisons with other settings and for much else. My gratitude goes to Heather Sharkey not only for showing confidence in the potential of this work, but also, among all else that she did, for many excellent suggestions. I thank Mindie Lazarus-Black for keeping me going and for much critical support. v I am also grateful to John Mccall and David Sutton, who introduced me to anthropology, and Sydney White, Juris Milestone, Judith Goode, Patricia Hansell, and Muriel Kirkpatrick. I have benefited from the advice, encouragement, emails, and help of Ali B. Ali-Dinar, Anne Bartlett, Richard and Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, Douglas Johnson, Jay Spaulding, Benaiah Yongo- Bure, and all of the members of the Sudan Studies Association. And Daniel Beaumont. And Gordon Witty. And finally, although I have never met her, I feel very grateful to Bambi Schieffelin for providing “a model of what a mentor should be.” From the beginning of my interest in Southern Sudan I have received advice and assistance from Dr. Aleer M. Yol, Machuei Mabil, John Tot, Ayuen Ajok, Garang Deng, and many others. I am especially grateful to Benjamin Abeny Gai Mayen, Mandela (Gai-Manoon) A.P. Mel, Alak Jacob Gai, Ayol Gai-Manoon, and Majur Aguto for organizing for my travel to and stay in Southern Sudan. In Kampala, Diing Char Nhial, especially, and Yar Gai, Ayen Garang, and Yar Garang generously welcomed me into their home. For housing me in Bor Town, I thank Nyicak and Guala, specifically Mac Lual Mac and the late Kuol Ajak. He will be missed. For making me welcome, I thank Peter Pac Alier Agot and Ator. I am grateful to Biong for hospitality and guidance and a thousand other things. I cannot possibly list all of the many people who have generously helped me in Southern Sudan, but I must mention at least a few. I would particularly like to thank Mabior Makuei Mabior. I am privileged to have benefited from his encouragement, good humor, and intellect. I must thank Deng Dekuek and M.G. Ajak for the title of this dissertation. I also thank Mamer Alier Riak, Maker Ayom Mabior, Aciek Anyeth Mabior, Ateny Pec Ariik, Jok Manyang Jok, Ateny Agot Ayom, Chol Benson, Ayuen Panchol Ajang, Mayen, Yar (Mary), Isaiah Ngok Ayom, Ayor Adehok Maluth, Atongdit Ajok, Angeer Ajak, Riak Deng Mabior, Mayom Pandak, vi Alier Michael, Ayuen Kuch Amiot, Dhieu Dau (David Cry) and MC Valient Jam (and the puotpuot community), Ayuen Magot Buol, Simon Akena, Hussain Mac Ayuel, Dau Deng Malual, Abraham Diu, Mabior Arok, Maker Chol Madol, David Diing Magot, Romeo Riak Ajang, Angang Ngong, Chol Michael, John Jol Buol, Chiengkou, Aboi, Gai Korwel Dhal, Mabil Jongkor Chol, Aciek Kual, Majer Mac, Deng Kuat, Majak Alith Majak, Kuk Alat Kuk Kor, Mawut Garang Ajak, Philip Awow Lek, Abany Ahok Gai, Lual Bol Yuot, Fatinadit Atier, Anoon Akol Chiengkou, Sam Ayuen, Paul Nhial, Osman Flus, Ateny Pec Ariik, Panchol Maciek Deng, Kuat Afar, and many, many others who have provided more kinds of support and encouragement than I can name. Their welcome and hospitality is why I always return. I thank MaryBeth Chrostowsky for her company, insight, and expertise in Bor Town. Brooke Bocast, Zoe Cormack, Christian Doll, Diane Garbow, Qingyan Ma, Abdel Karim Mohammad, and Juan Luis Rodriguez Aponte—all, knowingly or not, contributed to this project. I could not have completed this dissertation without the love, confidence, and support of my parents and brother. Finally, Reilly Wilson added to my education in more ways that I can acknowledge. For her, it is probably impossible for me to adequately express my love and gratitude. While none of these people is responsible for its errors or shortcomings, all share credit for whatever is good in this dissertation. vii NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY Dinka (Thuɔŋjäŋ) is Western Nilotic language of the Nilo-Saharan family with more than four and a half million speakers. Bor Dinka (Thuɔŋbor) is a distinct dialect within this group of mutually intelligible language varieties generally referred to by outsiders simply as Dinka.1 Whatever small ability in Bor Dinka I managed to acquire would not have been possible without the generosity of my teachers. I must specifically thank Madit Jol, Reverend Daniel Garang Ayuen, Ayuen Ajok, and Mamer Alier. I have generally followed the alphabet and spelling conventions developed by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL). Since SIL’s alphabet is based on the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), and I have not tried to transcribe tones, most of the characters I use to represent Bor Dinka speech do not require special clarification, with the exception of the “breathy vowels” (indicated by an umlaut: ä ë ɛ̈ ï ö ɔ̈ ), th and c, , dh, nh, and ny. Characters followed by h (th, dh, and nh) represent dentalized consonants. Ny is a palatal nasal [ɲ], as in canyon. C is a voiced palatal stop, pronounced like the ch in church. Glossary of a few common terms akuma Usually translated “government,” this term derives from an Arabic root referring to the bureaucratic sphere with its particular order and control. 1 “Dinka” is an exonym that has since become a widely used ethnic category referring comprehensively to Thuɔŋjäng-speakers. There is a great deal of regional and generational variation within Thuɔŋjäŋ. That many people refer to the language spoken near Bor with a different term both illustrates the false picture of homogeneity given by the term “Dinka” as well as how the historical importance of Bor Town as a regional center has registered enough to give a particular variety its name. viii In Southern Sudan, it refers to a bundle of practices related to government courts and punishment in contrast to rural domains of “home.” baai Usually translated “home” or “village,” this term is commonly used to refer to inhabited rural areas to imply a sense of community in contrast to the domain of akuma. boma Term for the smallest unit of local government under SPLM/GoSS administration dhien A cattle herding group or a cattle hearth. Jonglei State A term referring to a territorial division of southern Sudan and used in the vicinity of Bor Town (the capital of Jonglei State) to refer to the town plat.
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