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Anglo-American Conservative Ideology After the Cold War Bruce Anglo-American Conservative Ideology After The Cold War Bruce Pilbeam PhD Department of Politics, University of Sheffield October 2000 Summary of Thesis This thesis sets out and exammes the distinctive features of Anglo-American conservative ideology after the Cold War, in terms of its continuities with and differences from conservative doctrines of the past. The basic proposition explored is that despite conservatism's victory over socialism it too has been disoriented by the ending of the Cold War, and is possibly even exhausted as an ideology of contemporary relevance. Suggestions that conservatives have been left in a position of ideological hegemony are therefore questioned. A number of reasons are considered for supporting this belief: that the loss of their Cold War opponents has deprived conservatives of any distinctive purpose; that free market agendas are discredited by the critiques of ideologies such as communitarianism and environmentalism; and that traditional beliefs and values have been undermined by developments such as the spread of moral relativism. Moreover, the possibility is considered that the end of the Cold War has exacerbated tensions between varieties of conservatives - for example, free market and 'traditionalist' thinkers - because of the lack of common unifying purposes. The main body of the thesis is presented in two parts. Part I considers how the key traditional elements and themes of conservative ideology relate to the circumstances of the post-Cold War world, whilst Part 11 examines in detail its responses to a number of specific contemporary challenges. The purpose of this division is to facilitate a reflection upon the status of the ideas traditionally central to conservatism, together with an assessment of conservatives' abilities to engage with contemporary ideological developments. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Andrew Gamble for all his encouragement and advice throughout the research and writing of this thesis. I am similarly grateful to Mike Kenny for his support. I would also like to acknowledge the provision of a studentship award for this research by the ESRC. Finally, I wish to thank Gaynor Peach for her patience and understanding. 11 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 1 Part 1: The Conservative Tradition 2. The State and Liberty 54 3. Civil Society and Community 94 4. Culture and Morality 131 Part 11: Contemporary Challenges 5. The Challenge of Globalization 187 6. The Challenge of Postmodernism 216 7. The Challenge of the Environment 250 Conclusion 298 List of Interviewees 307 Bibliography 308 111 Chapter 1 Introduction The aim of this thesis is to set out and examine the distinctive features of Anglo­ American conservative ideology after the Cold War, in terms of its continuities with and differences from conservative doctrines of the past. The main rationale for this examination is - as will be discussed - the inadequacies of the secondary literature in relation to contemporary conservatism. The basic proposition to be explored is that despite conservatism's victory over socialism, it too has been disoriented by the ending of the Cold War, and is possibly even exhausted as an ideology of contemporary relevance. However, before it is possible to address the substantive concerns of the inquiry, a number of preliminary questions regarding the framework within which it is to be conducted need to be considered. Specifically, two sets of issues must be examined in this introductory chapter: first, the methods employed and the theoretical assumptions underpinning the research; and second, the contextual background of the post-Cold War world. In addressing these issues, what will also be provided is an overview of the existing literature - on conservatism in general and its contemporary forms in particular -and a presentation of the specific hypotheses to be explored. Yet one issue that is best clarified at the outset is specifying more precisely what constitutes the subject matter of the thesis. Perhaps most important, it is necessary to emphasize what the thesis is not about: it is not, except tangentially, about the fortunes of conservative political parties (that is, the Conservative or Republican Party), or of those campaigning organizations (such as the Christian Coalition) frequently associated with conservatism. Rather, its concern is restricted to an understanding of conservatism as an intellectual force. Nonetheless, one of the characteristic features of conservative ideology is that it is not merely - or even largely - an academic construct: from Edmund Burke onwards, 1 politicians have clearly played a significant role in the development of conservative thought, as have numerous writers and essayists operating outside of academia. Moreover, specifically in relation to the present context, whilst the influence of intellectual figures (such as Michael Oakeshott, F. A Hayek and Leo Strauss) upon conservative thinking undoubtedly remains strong, today only a very few of those responsible for defining conservative ideology are academics. As one commentator surveying the condition of American conservatism at the close of the 1990s rightly observes: 'The characteristic figures of conservative intellectual culture are no longer professors and intellectuals. The characteristic figures are lawyers and journalists.' 1 As will be seen, 'non-intellectual' figures are similarly central in the definition of contemporary British conservative ideology. Acknowledging this truth, the net is therefore to be cast widely in terms of the writings to be examined, including those not only of intellectual conservatives, but also of politicians, journalists and think-tanks, insofar as these concern more than simply policy issues. Of course, one problem in adopting a broad perspective is that determining whom it is legitimate to include within the purview of consideration becomes in itself a significant challenge - as another observer notes, it 'is often very difficult to say whether or not a person is conservative' _2 For reasons to be discussed below, self-descriptions are not always adequate. This being the case, it will be unavoidable to apply some amount of judgement as to what constitutes the boundaries of conservative ideology. However, the principles informing this determination will also be made apparent within this chapter. A further related issue is a terminological one. Discussion within the thesis is to include consideration not only of 'traditionalist' forms of conservatism but also free market doctrines - yet this then raises the question of whether 'conservative' is the correct umbrella label. One way to avoid difficulties or contrived circumlocutions is instead to employ the term 'the New Right'. However, this is itself problematic, for two reasons. First, because the term has different meanings within British and American politics: whereas in the former the New Right is used to refer to the whole 1 T. Lindberg (1999) 'Conservatism at Century's End', Policy Review, No. 94, p. 4. 2 J. Kekes (1997) 'What Is Conservatism?', Philosophy, No. 72, p. 351. 2 spectrum of right-wing ideologies that became resurgent in the 1970s and 1980s, within the latter it refers specifically to those campaigning organizations concerned with moral and religious issues. 3 Second, because it would implicitly suggest a basic continuity in terms of ideas and concerns between conservative ideology of the 1990s and that of the preceding decades, which it is a central aim of this thesis to question. Thus, whilst the term the New Right will inevitably feature within the thesis - understood in the broader British sense - it will be treated as pertaining essentially to the 1970s and 1980s. Other alternatives that might be utilized are the more general labels of 'Right' or 'right-wing'. However, again the contemporary context militates against their appropriateness, in that it is also to be argued that Left and Right are far from unproblematic designators of positions within today's ideological spectrum. Thus although no single term is wholly satisfactory, 'conservative' will have to suffice. At the very least, this may be justified by reference to common American usage, in which the 'conservative movement' is typically taken to include libertarians alongside traditionalists. 4 A more principled justification for considering the two sets of thinkers together will be set out below. Theory and Methods Four main sets of theoretical and methodological considerations need to be examined: the research methods employed~ the understanding of conservatism adopted~ the nature of the comparative Anglo-American approach; and the differentiation of strands of conservative thought. 3 For example, M. Hayes (1994) The New Right in Britain (London: Pluto Press) uses it in the former sense, whilst G. Peele (1984) Revival and Reaction: The Right in Contemporary America (Oxford: Clarendon Press) uses it in the latter. 4 As does G. Nash (1996) The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1945 (2nd edn.) (Wilmington, DE: Intercollegiate Studies Institute). 3 i) Research Methods Two mam methods were employed in the research: textual analysis and in-depth interviewing, each possessing attendant advantages and disadvantages. A text may be understood as any written source, either published or unpublished. 5 In the case of this thesis, it was the former which were examined, principally books, pamphlets, and journal and newspaper articles. The main reason for examining written documents is obvious: since the major part of human
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