Renewing the Self
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The Making of an Evangelical Tory: the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885) and the Evolving Character of Victorian Evangelicalism
The Making of an Evangelical Tory: The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885) and the Evolving Character of Victorian Evangelicalism David Andrew Barton Furse-Roberts A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy UNSW School of Humanities & Languages Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences November 2015 CONTENTS Page Abstract i Abbreviations ii Acknowledgements iii Introduction I Part I: Locating Anthony Ashley Cooper within the Anglican Evangelical tradition 1 1.1 Ashley’s expression of Evangelicalism 2 1.2 How the associations and leaders of Anglican Evangelicalism shaped the evolving 32 religious temperament of Ashley. 1.3 Conclusion: A son of the Clapham Sect or a brother of the Recordites? 64 Part II: A just estimate of rank and property: Locating Ashley’s place within the 67 tradition of paternalism 2.1 Identifying the character of Ashley’s paternalism 68 2.2 How Tory paternalist ideas influenced the emerging consciousness of Ashley in the 88 pre-Victorian era 2.3 The place of Ashley’s paternalism within the British Tory and Whig traditions 132 2.4 Conclusion: Paternalism in the ‘name of the people’ 144 Part III: Something admirably patrician in his estimation of Christianity: Ashley 147 and the emerging synthesis between Evangelicalism and Tory paternalism 3.1 Common ground forged between Tory paternalism and early Victorian Evangelicalism 148 3.2 Ashley and the factory reform movement: Project of Tory paternalism or 203 by-product of Evangelical social concern? 3.3 The coalescence of these two belief systems in the emerging political philosophy of 230 Ashley 3.4 Conclusion: Making Evangelicalism a patrician creed 237 Part IV: Ashley and the milieux of Victorian Evangelicalism 240 4.1 Locating Ashley’s place within the Victorian Evangelical Terrain 242 4.2 Thy kingdom come, thy will be done: The premillennial eschatology and 255 Evangelical activism of Ashley 4.3 Desire for the nations: Ashley and Victorian Evangelical attitudes to imperialism, 264 race and the ‘Jewish question’. -
The Meaning of Conservatism Free
FREE THE MEANING OF CONSERVATISM PDF Roger Scruton | 220 pages | 26 Nov 2012 | St. Augustine's Press | 9781587315039 | English | South Bend, Indiana, United States The Meaning of Conservatism | Roger Scruton | Palgrave Macmillan The Meaning of Conservatism. Roger Scruton. First published inThe Meaning of Conservatism is now recognized as a major contribution to political thought, and the liveliest and most provocative modern statement of the traditional "paleo-conservative" position. Roger Scruton challenges those who would regard themselves as conservatives, and also their opponents. Conservatism, he argues, has little in common with liberalism, and is only tenuously related to the market economy, to monetarism, to free enterprise, or to capitalism. The Meaning of Conservatism involves neither hostility toward the state, nor the desire to limit the state's obligation toward the citizen. Its conceptions of society, law, and citizenship regard the individual not The Meaning of Conservatism the premise but as the conclusion of politics. At the same time it is fundamentally opposed to the ethic of social justice, to equality of station, opportunity, income, and achievement, and to the attempt to bring major institutions of society - such as schools and universities - under government control. Authority and Allegiance. Constitution and the State. The Conservative Attitude. The Meaning of Conservatism | SpringerLink Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include traditionhierarchyand authorityas established in respective cultures, as well as property rights. Historically associated with right-wing politicsthe term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. -
Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
Resource25-2Cbb0418.Pdf (Walking in Indian Moccasins Canadian
_______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ Report Information from ProQuest July 28 2015 12:59 _______________________________________________________________ 28 July 2015 ProQuest Table of contents 1. Walking in Indian Moccasins: The Native Policies of Tommy Douglas and the CCF................................... 1 28 July 2015 ii ProQuest Document 1 of 1 Walking in Indian Moccasins: The Native Policies of Tommy Douglas and the CCF Author: Hall, Tony ProQuest document link Abstract (Abstract): Hall reviews "Walking in Indian Moccasins: The Native Policies of Tommy Doulas and the CCF" by F. Laurie Barron. Links: Check Library Availability Full text: Walking in Indian Moccasins: The Native Policies of Tommy Douglas and the CCF. F. LAURIE BARRON. Vancouver: UBC Press 1997. Pp. xix, 272, illus. $65.00 One of the big and powerful ideas to emerge from the intellectual history of English-speaking Canada concerns the broad overlap between the genesis of socialism and conservatism in the society emerging from the losing side of the American Revolution. A generation ago Gad Horowitz, George Grant, and Charles Taylor argued this case with particular vigour. Nowhere was their theory more vividly illustrated than in Saskatchewan after the Second World War, the political domain within which Tommy Douglas and the CCF took power in 1944 and the nurturing ground for John Diefenbaker, the fatally flawed Red Tory hero of Grant's sublime tragedy, Lament for a Nation. If the political culture of Saskatchewan provides fertile geography for one of English- speaking Canada's greatest political paradoxes, Aboriginal affairs provides one of the most illustrative areas of policy and principle linking the historical traditions embodied by Douglas and Diefenbaker. -
The Spirit of Transformational Politics: Human Nature, Communication, and Community
THE SPIRIT OF TRANSFORMATIONAL POLITICS: HUMAN NATURE, COMMUNICATION, AND COMMUNITY Mary Elizabeth Domenico A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Communication Studies. Chapel Hill 2017 Approved by: Christian Lundberg William Balthrop Elizabeth Grosz Randall Styers Eric King Watts @ 2017 Mary Elizabeth Domenico ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Mary E. Domenico: The Spirit of Transformational Politics: Human Nature, Communication, and Community Under the Direction of Christian Lundberg This project in communication ethics explores the interrelations among views of human nature, theories of communicative action, and conceptualizations of the constitutive forces of community in Western thought. The central argument, that doctrines of human nature that include extra-material human capacities open avenues for rethinking contemporary political agency, is developed through a genealogy of doctrines of human nature intended to display how ideas of the self are historically configured and influential in thinking about human capacities. I begin with ancient Greek theories of a robust human spirit as portrayed by Homer, Plato, and Aristotle. The second cluster of theorists depicts the degradation of human spirit in religious (Augustine), philosophical (Descartes), and modern scientific doctrines. The third cluster addresses the recuperation of human spirit in the theories of Spinoza, Bergson, and Nancy. These genealogical clusters represent three distinct ways of viewing human nature and capacities for political agency. I challenge theories that presume ideational rationality and discourse are constitutive of community and reformulate the foundation of ethical community based on human spiritual capacities for knowledge beyond the empirical, the creation of new ways of relating to one another, and materializing our ontological connectedness. -
Christianity and Modernity: Why the Liberal Democratic Regime Needs the Church
***Please note: This is a translation of the paper delivered at the conference in June 2009. The original version in Spanish has undergone subsequent revisions that are not reflected in this translation.*** CHRISTIANITY AND MODERNITY: WHY THE LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC REGIME NEEDS THE CHURCH The comprehension of tolerance in pluralistic societies with liberal constitutions requires that, when dealing with non-believers and those of different [religious] faiths, the believers must understand that the dissent they encounter will reasonably persist . liberal political culture expects that the non-believers also understand the same thing in their dealings with believers.1 Jürgen Habermas The Christian faith is not a system. It cannot be portrayed as a finished and complete intellectual construction. It is a road and the characteristic of a road is that it is only recognized as such if one enters it, and begins to follow it.2 Josef Ratzinger, THE PLACE OF THE CHURCH 1. “The evangelistic task of the Church in all times and all over the world necessarily reverberates in the life of human society. The Church cannot be confined their temples, as God cannot be confined to the conscience.”3 This assertion, made by Pope John Paul II in Asunción during his only visit to Paraguay in May 1988, reasserted not only the position of the Church in relation to politics, and the Paraguayan State, but also against its policy of exclusion and repression of that time. The historical-political context in mid-1988 was delicate: the national- populist regime of General Alfredo Stroessner had hardened greatly, trying to further stifle the yearning for greater freedom of the people, desires that the Catholic Church echoed by taking on a role as the “voice of the voiceless,” which upset the dictator and his henchmen, who criticized Ramos-Reyes its intervention in political affairs. -
Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements the Great Plains Connection
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Spring 1997 Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection Mildred A. Schwartz University of Illinois at Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Schwartz, Mildred A., "Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection" (1997). Great Plains Quarterly. 1943. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1943 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CROSS .. BORDER TIES AMONG PROTEST MOVEMENTS THE GREAT PLAINS CONNECTION MILDRED A. SCHWARTZ This paper examines the connections among supporters willing to take risks. Thus I hypoth political protest movements in twentieth cen esize that protest movements, free from con tury western Canada and the United States. straints of institutionalization, can readily cross Protest movements are social movements and national boundaries. related organizations, including political pro Contacts between protest movements in test parties, with the objective of deliberately Canada and the United States also stem from changing government programs and policies. similarities between the two countries. Shared Those changes may also entail altering the geography, a British heritage, democratic prac composition of the government or even its tices, and a multi-ethnic population often give form. Social movements involve collective rise to similar problems. l Similarities in the efforts to bring about change in ways that avoid northern tier of the United States to the ad or reject established belief systems or organiza joining sections of Canada's western provinces tions. -
The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland
Polish Political Science Yearbook vol. 45 (2016), pp. 85–98 DOI: 10.15804/ppsy2016007 PL ISSN 0208-7375 Tomasz Czapiewski University of Szczecin (Poland) The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland Abstract: The article describes and explains the phenomenon of the politi- cal myth of Margaret Thatcher – her anti-Scottish attitude and policies and its impact on the process of decomposition of the United Kingdom. The author indicates that the view of Margaret Thatcher’s dominance in Scotland is simpli- fied, stripped of complexity, ignoring significant information conflicting with the thesis, but that also plays an important role in current politics, legitimizing seces- sionist demands and strengthening the identity of the Scottish community. In the contemporary Scottish debate with its unequivocal defence policy of Thatcher is outside of the discourse, proving its sanctity status. Thatcher could see this special Scottish dimension within the United Kingdom, but treated it rather as a delay in the reforms needed in the country. There are many counterarguments to the validity of the Thatcher myth. Firstly, many negative processes that took place in the 80s were not initiated by Thatcher, only accelerated. Secondly, the Tory decline in popularity in the north began before the leadership of Thatcher and has lasted long after her dismissal. The Conservative Party was permanently seen in Scotland as openly English. Thirdly, there is a lot of accuracy in the opinion that the real division is not between Scotland and England, only between south- ern England and the rest of the country. Widespread opinion that Thatcher was hostile to Scotland is to a large extent untruthful. -
Chapter 14 Modernities, Sciences, and Democracy
Chapter 14 Modernities, Sciences, and Democracy Sandra Harding The “modern” in “modern science” is a relatively uninterrogated and untheorized concept within the sciences and in the philosophy, sociology, and history of science. This is so today at a time when other aspects of Western sciences have been fruit- fully explored in critical and illuminating ways (see Christensen and Hansen, Chap. 13; and Skovsmose, Chap. 15). In particular, the exceptionalism and triumphalism characteristic of Western attitudes toward our sciences have been explicitly criti- cized and purportedly abandoned by many of the scholars working in science studies fields. By exceptionalism is meant the belief that Western sciences alone among all human knowledge systems are capable of grasping reality in its own terms – that these alone have the resources to escape the human tendency to project onto nature cultural assumptions, fears, and desires. By triumphalism is meant the assumption that the history of science consists of a history of achievements – that this history has no significant downsides. According to this view, Hiroshima, environmental destruction, the alienation of labour, escalating global militarism, the increasing gap between the “haves” and the “have nots,” gender, race, and class inequalities – these and other undesirable social situations are all entirely consequences of social and political projects, to which the history of Western sciences makes no contribution. Such conventional Euro centric assumptions can no longer gather the support either in the West or elsewhere that they could once claim. In recent decades a huge amount of literature on modernity has emerged from the social sciences and humanities. Stimulated by the massive shifts in local and global social formations during the last half of the Twentieth Century, and by the post-modern response to such changes, social theorists, literary and other cultural critics, and, especially, historians have debated the uneven and complex origins, nature, and desirable futures of modernity, modernization, and modernism. -
'A Chief Standard Work': the Rise and Fall of David Hume's' History of England'. 1754-C. 1900
’A CHIEF STANDARD WORK’: THE RISE AND FALL OF DAVID HUME’S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1754-C.1900. UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PhD THESIS JAMES ANDREW GEORGE BAVERSTOCK UNIVERSITY COLLEGE [LONOIK. ProQuest Number: 10018558 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10018558 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract. This thesis examines the influence of David Hume’s History of England during the century of its greatest popularity. It explores how far the long-term fortunes of Hume’s text matched his original aims for the work. Hume’s success in creating a classic popular narrative is demonstrated, but is contrasted with the History's failure to promote the polite ’coalition of parties’ he wished for. Whilst showing that Hume’s popularity contributed to tempering some of the teleological excesses of the ’whig version’ of English history, it is stressed that his work signally failed in dampening ’Whig’/ ’Tory’ conflict. Rather than provide a new frame of reference for British politics, as Hume had intended, the History was absorbed into national political culture as a ’Tory’ text - with important consequences for Hume’s general reputation as a thinker. -
MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY NEO-THOMIST APPROACHES to MODERN PSYCHOLOGY Dissertation Submitted to the College of Arts and Sciences Of
MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY NEO-THOMIST APPROACHES TO MODERN PSYCHOLOGY Dissertation Submitted to The College of Arts and Sciences of the UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Theology By Matthew Glen Minix UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON Dayton, Ohio December 2016 MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY NEO-THOMIST APPROACHES TO MODERN PSYCHOLOGY Name: Minix, Matthew G. APPROVED BY: _____________________________________ Sandra A. Yocum, Ph.D. Dissertation Director _____________________________________ William L. Portier, Ph.D. Dissertation Reader. _____________________________________ Anthony Burke Smith, Ph.D. Dissertation Reader _____________________________________ John A. Inglis, Ph.D. Dissertation Reader _____________________________________ Jack J. Bauer, Ph.D. _____________________________________ Daniel Speed Thompson, Ph.D. Chair, Department of Religious Studies ii © Copyright by Matthew Glen Minix All rights reserved 2016 iii ABSTRACT MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY NEO-THOMIST APPROACHES TO MODERN PSYCHOLOGY Name: Minix, Matthew Glen University of Dayton Advisor: Dr. Sandra A. Yocum This dissertation considers a spectrum of five distinct approaches that mid-twentieth century neo-Thomist Catholic thinkers utilized when engaging with the tradition of modern scientific psychology: a critical approach, a reformulation approach, a synthetic approach, a particular [Jungian] approach, and a personalist approach. This work argues that mid-twentieth century neo-Thomists were essentially united in their concerns about the metaphysical principles of many modern psychologists as well as in their worries that these same modern psychologists had a tendency to overlook the transcendent dimension of human existence. This work shows that the first four neo-Thomist thinkers failed to bring the traditions of neo-Thomism and modern psychology together to the extent that they suggested purely theoretical ways of reconciling them. -
Enoch Powell: the Lonesome Leader
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by University of Huddersfield Repository University of Huddersfield Repository Wellings, Ben Enoch Powell: The lonesome leader Original Citation Wellings, Ben (2013) Enoch Powell: The lonesome leader. Humanities Research Journal, 19 (1). pp. 45-59. ISSN 1834-8491 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/18914/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ Enoch Powell: The lonesome leader Ben Wellings Introduction By all accounts Enoch Powell was not someone you would warm to, but his personal awkwardness was offset by his enduring popular appeal—a charisma that enabled support for his political causes to cross class boundaries and party affiliations. Despite his education and erudition—or perhaps because of it— he appealed to the working classes and Labour voters, and appeared as a man speaking truth unto power, unafraid to break the political taboos of the day and thereby appealing to individuals who similarly felt silenced by political developments.