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Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
Renewing the Self
Renewing the Self Renewing the Self: Contemporary Religious Perspectives Edited by Benjamin J. Wood Renewing the Self: Contemporary Religious Perspectives Edited by Benjamin J. Wood This book first published 2017 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2017 by Benjamin J. Wood and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-9885-6 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-9885-0 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................... vii Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Individuality and Sociality in Christian Social Thought Jonathan Chaplin Section A: Historical Orientations Chapter One ............................................................................................... 10 The Canadian Red Tory Tradition: Individualism, Selfhood, Community and the Good Ron Dart Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 30 Autonomous Selves or Loved Others: A Theo-Political Perspective on the Individual Roger Haydon Mitchell Chapter Three -
The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland
Polish Political Science Yearbook vol. 45 (2016), pp. 85–98 DOI: 10.15804/ppsy2016007 PL ISSN 0208-7375 Tomasz Czapiewski University of Szczecin (Poland) The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland Abstract: The article describes and explains the phenomenon of the politi- cal myth of Margaret Thatcher – her anti-Scottish attitude and policies and its impact on the process of decomposition of the United Kingdom. The author indicates that the view of Margaret Thatcher’s dominance in Scotland is simpli- fied, stripped of complexity, ignoring significant information conflicting with the thesis, but that also plays an important role in current politics, legitimizing seces- sionist demands and strengthening the identity of the Scottish community. In the contemporary Scottish debate with its unequivocal defence policy of Thatcher is outside of the discourse, proving its sanctity status. Thatcher could see this special Scottish dimension within the United Kingdom, but treated it rather as a delay in the reforms needed in the country. There are many counterarguments to the validity of the Thatcher myth. Firstly, many negative processes that took place in the 80s were not initiated by Thatcher, only accelerated. Secondly, the Tory decline in popularity in the north began before the leadership of Thatcher and has lasted long after her dismissal. The Conservative Party was permanently seen in Scotland as openly English. Thirdly, there is a lot of accuracy in the opinion that the real division is not between Scotland and England, only between south- ern England and the rest of the country. Widespread opinion that Thatcher was hostile to Scotland is to a large extent untruthful. -
Tory Modernisation 2.0 Tory Modernisation
Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg Guy and Shorthouse Ryan by Edited TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 MODERNISATION TORY edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 THE FUTURE OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 The future of the Conservative Party Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a re- trieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent, not-for-profit organisation which cam- paigns for the Conservative Party to implement liberal and progressive policies that draw on Conservative traditions of community, entre- preneurialism, responsibility, liberty and fairness. First published in Great Britain in 2013 by Bright Blue Campaign www.brightblue.org.uk ISBN: 978-1-911128-00-7 Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2013 Printed and bound by DG3 Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Contents Acknowledgements 1 Foreword 2 Rt Hon Francis Maude MP Introduction 5 Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg 1 Last chance saloon 12 The history and future of Tory modernisation Matthew d’Ancona 2 Beyond bare-earth Conservatism 25 The future of the British economy Rt Hon David Willetts MP 3 What’s wrong with the Tory party? 36 And why hasn’t -
University of Southampton Research Repository
University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Alastair Paynter (2018) “The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914”, University of Southampton, Department of History, PhD Thesis, pp. 1-187. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2018 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy THE EMERGENCE OF LIBERTARIAN CONSERVATISM IN BRITAIN, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter This thesis considers conservatism’s response to Collectivism during a period of crucial political and social change in the United Kingdom and the Anglosphere. The familiar political equipoise was disturbed by the widening of the franchise and the emergence of radical new threats in the form of New Liberalism and Socialism. Some conservatives responded to these changes by emphasising the importance of individual liberty and the preservation of the existing social structure and institutions. -
National Fate and Empire: George Grant and Canadian Foreign Policy
National Fate and Empire: George Grant and Canadian Foreign Policy by Scott Staring A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Scott Patrick Staring 2010 National Fate and Empire: George Grant and Canadian Foreign Policy Doctor of Philosophy, 2010 Scott Staring Department of Political Science University of Toronto Abstract This study examines the foreign policy views of the Canadian thinker, George Grant. It focuses on the years between Mackenzie King’s re-election in 1935 and the Liberal party’s return to power under Lester Pearson in 1963. During this period, Grant argued, Canada was transformed from a British dependent to a satellite of the United States, a process that he believed had been accelerated by the continentalist economic and security policies of successive Liberal governments. As a young man during World War II, Grant admired the United States of F. D. Roosevelt. But as he began to contemplate the threat that a postwar Pax Americana posed to the societies of the Old World, and, ultimately, to Canada, his misgivings grew. His attempts to understand the emerging order led him to a critical study of modern liberalism, which he believed provided the chief philosophical justification for America’s expansion. Unlike Marxists who saw liberalism as simply an ideology of ii individual greed, Grant claimed that it succeeded largely by appealing to our hopes for social progress. These hopes found their loftiest expression in the belief that liberalism’s internationalization would produce the conditions for the overcoming of war within and between nations. -
Progressive Politics
the Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson The Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson The Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson Department of Politics University of Sussex Brighton, United Kingdom ISBN 978-1-137-50661-0 ISBN 978-1-137-50664-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-50664-1 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016963256 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. -
Cameron and Welfare: Questioning the Liberal Conservatism Project
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/archives/25483 Cameron and Welfare: Questioning the liberal Conservatism project Pete Redford questions David Cameron’s commitment to socially liberal values. Despite his campaigning as a ‘liberal Conservative’, the prime minister has tacked noticeably to the right since becoming leader. His intention to restructure the welfare state underlines this point. When David Cameron became Conservative leader in 2005 he f ocused on modernising the party, breaking f rom the past and shaking the label of the ‘nasty party’. He declared himself a ‘liberal Conservative’, socially as well as economically liberal. Here I question the liberal conservative project in terms of social policy. In opposition to Blair – Cameron the liberal Conservative As the self proclaimed ‘heir-to-Blair’, Cameron set about decontaminating the Tory brand. In his f irst speech as party leader he declared that ‘There is such a thing as society’. Liberal Conservatism was to be equated with the creation of a cohesive and tolerant society, an enabling state, a f lourishing civil society, increased levels of individual responsibility and less inequality. Cameron spoke of responsibility, championing a modern compassionate Conservatism. This social responsibility was to be the ‘essence of liberal Conservatism’. Cameron’s Conservatives were to role f orward the f rontiers society and even committed to Labour’s spending plans. The new mission of Cameron’s new modern Tory party was to repair Britain’s broken society, not her economy, and protect key public services. In opposition to Brown and the recession – Cameron on the traditional right The inf amous ‘hug-a-hoodie’ speech f ed the image of the compassionate Conservative. -
Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George
Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George Grant and Russell Kirk H. D. Forbes University of Toronto Prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Concordia University 3 June 2010 Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George Grant and Russell Kirk Say what you choose, so long as it does not prevent you from seeing the facts. Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations Conservatism has similar sources but has had different histories and thus has a somewhat different character today in Canada and in the United States. One purpose of this essay is to shed some light on these confusing similarities and differences by comparing and contrasting two conservative writers, a Canadian, George Grant, and an American, Russell Kirk. The similarities between them – the comparisons – may be sufficient to make their differences – the contrasts – helpful for understanding larger patterns. My immediate purpose, however, is more modest: I aim to provide no more than a quick sketch of the main similarities and differences between Grant and Kirk, with particular attention to their reliance upon or dissent from the gold standard of genuine or classical conservatism as commonly understood, namely, Edmund Burke, leaving aside, except for some brief comments at the end, any consideration of the significance of the comparison for understanding the Canadian and American parties and movements that today are called conservative. My hope is that my more limited inquiry may suggest some further lines of investigation for others that I may have failed to see or to pursue. Similarities Both Grant and Kirk were born in 1918 in the Great Lakes region of North America; both studied history as undergraduates before World War II; both pursued graduate degrees in Britain – Grant at Oxford, Kirk at St. -
A Man for All Reasons: David Brudnoy Was a Real Compassionate Conservative by HARVEY A
A man for all reasons: David Brudnoy was a real compassionate conservative BY HARVEY A. SILVERGLATE DAVID BRUDNOY’S untimely death, on December 9, spurred a massive number of public reminiscences by friends, acquaintances, listeners, and just about everyone who ever crossed his path. The talk-show host, author, columnist, movie critic, teacher, and man about town was the perfect everything, each seemed to say. He did so many things well, in so many different spheres, and yet remained so human, with a special talent for humor and friendship. It was also often said that Brudnoy, "even though a conservative," was beloved and respected by the rich and poor, the well-educated and barely educated, the white-collar and blue-collar alike. MEETING OF MINDS: the author, right, with long-time friend David Brudnoy, It’s true that Brudnoy’s anomalous political philosophy who could connect as readily with liberals as with fellow conservatives. deviated considerably from both liberal and conservative dogma. His support of gay marriage and his opposition to obscenity laws separated him from many conservatives, while his criticisms of the "nanny state" conflicted with liberal doctrine. (He laughed appreciatively whenever I, a devoted liberal civil libertarian, reminded him of Barney Frank’s pungent observation that some conservatives believe that life begins at conception and ends at birth.) Indeed, a month before his death, he and I agreed to do a series of joint columns for the Boston Phoenix taking aim at the current-day idiocies that pollute both conservative and liberal political life. Yet the common view of Brudnoy is that liberals and conservatives managed to tolerate him despite his politics, by virtue of his magnetic and endearing personal qualities. -
Origins of Conservative Political Thought Dr. Jeffrey Dixon
POLI 5303: Origins of Conservative Political Thought Section 115 (Summer 2018) 6 PM – 8:30 PM Mon/Wed Founder’s Hall 213 Dr. Jeffrey Dixon Office: Founder’s Hall 217A Email: [email protected] Phone: (254) 501-5871 (email preferred) Office Hours: 5:00-5:45 PM Mon/Wed, 4:35- 5:45 PM Tues/Thurs, or by appointment Catalog Description This course covers the philosophical origins of conservative political thought, focusing on its traditional, statist, and libertarian variants. Course Overview This course critically examines the foundations of modern conservative thought. At least three variants of conservatism can be traced back hundreds (if not thousands) of years. Traditionalist conservatism, which seeks to preserve and in some cases restore the wisdom of the past and to resist modernizing influences, can be traced back at least as far as Aristotle. Realist (or statist) conservatism focuses on the maintenance of security – law and order at home and a hard line on international affairs – and can be traced back at least as far as Kautilya. During the Enlightenment, a new variant of conservatism emerged – libertarian conservatism, which traces its roots to John Locke. We will critically evaluate these strands of conservatism and compare them to other modern conservative philosophies, often termed “neoconservatism.” As a general rule, most of your out-of-class time devoted to this course should be spent reading the material and taking notes or writing questions about what you read. Philosophy isn’t casual reading material; you actually have to be engaged and careful as you work your way through the texts. -
Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada
Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Working Paper No. 2021/1 January 2021 The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration www.ryerson.ca/rcis www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration Working Paper No. 2021/1 Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Ryerson University Series Editors: Anna Triandafyllidou and Usha George The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration at Ryerson University. Working Papers present scholarly research of all disciplines on issues related to immigration and settlement. The purpose is to stimulate discussion and collect feedback. The views expressed by the author(s) do not necessarily reflect those of the RCIS or the CERC. For further information, visit www.ryerson.ca/rcis and www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration. ISSN: 1929-9915 Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 Canada License J. Carlaw Abstract Canada’s Conservative Party and former government’s (2006-2015) attempts to define and at times shift Canadian identity and notions of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism to the right have been part of a significant political project featuring a uniquely creative and Canadian form of authoritarian populist politics in these realms. Their 2006 minority and 2011 majority election victories represented the culmination of a long march to power begun with the 1987 founding of the Reform Party of Canada. While they have at times purged themselves of some of the most blatant, anti-immigration elements of the discourses of their predecessor parties, continuities in its Canadian brand of authoritarian populist politics have continued in new forms since the founding of the new Conservative Party in 2003.