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The Meaning of Conservatism Free
FREE THE MEANING OF CONSERVATISM PDF Roger Scruton | 220 pages | 26 Nov 2012 | St. Augustine's Press | 9781587315039 | English | South Bend, Indiana, United States The Meaning of Conservatism | Roger Scruton | Palgrave Macmillan The Meaning of Conservatism. Roger Scruton. First published inThe Meaning of Conservatism is now recognized as a major contribution to political thought, and the liveliest and most provocative modern statement of the traditional "paleo-conservative" position. Roger Scruton challenges those who would regard themselves as conservatives, and also their opponents. Conservatism, he argues, has little in common with liberalism, and is only tenuously related to the market economy, to monetarism, to free enterprise, or to capitalism. The Meaning of Conservatism involves neither hostility toward the state, nor the desire to limit the state's obligation toward the citizen. Its conceptions of society, law, and citizenship regard the individual not The Meaning of Conservatism the premise but as the conclusion of politics. At the same time it is fundamentally opposed to the ethic of social justice, to equality of station, opportunity, income, and achievement, and to the attempt to bring major institutions of society - such as schools and universities - under government control. Authority and Allegiance. Constitution and the State. The Conservative Attitude. The Meaning of Conservatism | SpringerLink Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include traditionhierarchyand authorityas established in respective cultures, as well as property rights. Historically associated with right-wing politicsthe term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. -
University of Southampton Research Repository
University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Alastair Paynter (2018) “The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914”, University of Southampton, Department of History, PhD Thesis, pp. 1-187. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2018 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy THE EMERGENCE OF LIBERTARIAN CONSERVATISM IN BRITAIN, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter This thesis considers conservatism’s response to Collectivism during a period of crucial political and social change in the United Kingdom and the Anglosphere. The familiar political equipoise was disturbed by the widening of the franchise and the emergence of radical new threats in the form of New Liberalism and Socialism. Some conservatives responded to these changes by emphasising the importance of individual liberty and the preservation of the existing social structure and institutions. -
Thecoalition
The Coalition Voters, Parties and Institutions Welcome to this interactive pdf version of The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Please note that in order to view this pdf as intended and to take full advantage of the interactive functions, we strongly recommend you open this document in Adobe Acrobat. Adobe Acrobat Reader is free to download and you can do so from the Adobe website (click to open webpage). Navigation • Each page includes a navigation bar with buttons to view the previous and next pages, along with a button to return to the contents page at any time • You can click on any of the titles on the contents page to take you directly to each article Figures • To examine any of the figures in more detail, you can click on the + button beside each figure to open a magnified view. You can also click on the diagram itself. To return to the full page view, click on the - button Weblinks and email addresses • All web links and email addresses are live links - you can click on them to open a website or new email <>contents The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Edited by: Hussein Kassim Charles Clarke Catherine Haddon <>contents Published 2012 Commissioned by School of Political, Social and International Studies University of East Anglia Norwich Design by Woolf Designs (www.woolfdesigns.co.uk) <>contents Introduction 03 The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Introduction The formation of the Conservative-Liberal In his opening paper, Bob Worcester discusses Democratic administration in May 2010 was a public opinion and support for the parties in major political event. -
Britain's European Question and an In/Out Referendum
To be or not to be in Europe: is that the question? Britain’s European question and an in/out referendum TIM OLIVER* ‘It is time to settle this European question in British politics.’ David Cameron, 23 January 2013.1 Britain’s European question It came as no surprise to those who follow the issue of the European Union in British politics that David Cameron’s January 2013 speech on Europe excited a great deal of comment. The EU is among the most divisive issues in British politics. Cameron himself drew on this to justify his committing the Conservative Party, should it win the general election in 2015, to seek a renegotiated position for the UK within the EU which would then be put to the British people in an in/out referendum. Growing public frustrations at UK–EU relations were, he argued, the result of both a longstanding failure to consult the British people about their country’s place in the EU, and a changing EU that was undermining the current relationship between Britain and the Union. As a result, he argued, ‘the democratic consent for the EU in Britain is now wafer-thin’. Cameron’s speech was met with both criticism and praise from Eurosceptics and pro-Europeans alike.2 In a speech at Chatham House backing Cameron’s plan, the former Conservative prime minister Sir John Major best captured some of the hopes for a referendum: ‘The relationship with Europe has poisoned British politics for too long, distracted parliament from other issues and come close to destroying the Conservative Party. -
The Television Election?
Parliamentary Affairs, Vol. 63 No. 4, 2010, 802–817 The Media and the 2010 Campaign: the Television Election? BY DOMINIC WRING AND STEPHEN WARD ABSTRACT Downloaded from The 2010 election was one of the most competitive campaigns of recent decades. The first televised leaders’ debates along with the rise of online social networking led to renewed speculation about the potential influence of the media in cam- paigns. By contrast the press appeared to revert to pre mid-1990s form with strong support for the Conservatives and personal attacks on their opponents. This article concentrates on three main areas: the influence of the leaders debates on the cam- http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/ paign and outcome of the election; whether and how press endorsements made much difference; and finally, the hype surrounding the notion of an internet elec- tion and whether e-campaigning made any difference to the campaign. at University of North Dakota on July 12, 2015 IT IS something of a cliche´ to say that the media play a major role in modern general elections but this was particularly the case during the 2010 campaign. From the broadcasting perspective, interest focused on what influence the first televised leaders debates might have on the for- tunes of the parties and the campaign generally—how far would this result in a further presidentialisation of campaigning and would any particular party/leader benefit? In relation to the oldest news medium—the press—interest centred on whether endorsement of the Conservatives by the Sun would make any difference and, more gener- ally, whether newspapers were of declining significance in a multi- media age? At the outset of the election, much speculation centred on the Internet, notably how prominent and important would social net- working tools, such as Twitter and Facebook, be in the course of the campaign. -
Politics, Policy and the Internet:Charity 5/2/08 15:39 Page 1
Politics, policy and the internet:Charity 5/2/08 15:39 Page 1 CENTRE FOR POLICY STUDIES “In January 2007, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama launched their bids for the most powerful position in the world. But there was no bunting or cheering crowds. Instead, both candidates for the US Presidency made their announcements in a manner inconceivable just a few years ago: they released videos on their websites.” Politics, Policy and Television and radio transformed the way politics operated in the twentieth century. And, predicts the Internet Robert Colvile, the internet could do the same in the twenty-first. Yet the main British political parties are failing to exploit its potential. The BNP website has the ROBERT COLVILE same market share as all of the other major political parties combined. The internet will bring a far greater openness to politics, helping the activist and the citizen hold politicians to account. The web could also re-empower MPs, by linking them far more directly to the concerns of their constituents. And for policy development, the internet will revolutionise the way policy-making works. The most subtle, but perhaps most powerful, change, may be to the public’s mindset. As we grow used to the instant availability of information online, we will no longer tolerate delay and obfuscation in getting similar information from government. The individual, and not the state, will be the master in the digital age. Price: £5.00 Politics, Policy and the Internet ROBERT COLVILE CENTRE FOR POLICY STUDIES 57 Tufton Street, London SW1P 3QL 2008 THE AUTHOR ROBERT COLVILE is a features editor and leader writer at The Daily Telegraph, where he also writes extensively about technology. -
Give and Take: How Conservatives Think About Welfare
How conservatives think about w elfare Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby GIVE AND TAKE How conservatives think about welfare Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent think tank and pressure group for liberal conservatism. Bright Blue takes complete responsibility for the views expressed in this publication, and these do not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsors. Director: Ryan Shorthouse Chair: Matthew d’Ancona Members of the board: Diane Banks, Philip Clarke, Alexandra Jezeph, Rachel Johnson First published in Great Britain in 2014 by Bright Blue Campaign ISBN: 978-1-911128-02-1 www.brightblue.org.uk Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2014 Contents About the authors 4 Acknowledgements 5 Executive summary 6 1 Introduction 19 2 Methodology 29 3 How conservatives think about benefit claimants 34 4 How conservatives think about the purpose of welfare 53 5 How conservatives think about the sources of welfare 66 6 Variation amongst conservatives 81 7 Policies to improve the welfare system 96 Annex one: Roundtable attendee list 112 Annex two: Polling questions 113 Annex three: Questions and metrics used for social and economic conservative classification 121 About the authors Ryan Shorthouse Ryan is the Founder and Director of Bright Blue. -
A Man for All Reasons: David Brudnoy Was a Real Compassionate Conservative by HARVEY A
A man for all reasons: David Brudnoy was a real compassionate conservative BY HARVEY A. SILVERGLATE DAVID BRUDNOY’S untimely death, on December 9, spurred a massive number of public reminiscences by friends, acquaintances, listeners, and just about everyone who ever crossed his path. The talk-show host, author, columnist, movie critic, teacher, and man about town was the perfect everything, each seemed to say. He did so many things well, in so many different spheres, and yet remained so human, with a special talent for humor and friendship. It was also often said that Brudnoy, "even though a conservative," was beloved and respected by the rich and poor, the well-educated and barely educated, the white-collar and blue-collar alike. MEETING OF MINDS: the author, right, with long-time friend David Brudnoy, It’s true that Brudnoy’s anomalous political philosophy who could connect as readily with liberals as with fellow conservatives. deviated considerably from both liberal and conservative dogma. His support of gay marriage and his opposition to obscenity laws separated him from many conservatives, while his criticisms of the "nanny state" conflicted with liberal doctrine. (He laughed appreciatively whenever I, a devoted liberal civil libertarian, reminded him of Barney Frank’s pungent observation that some conservatives believe that life begins at conception and ends at birth.) Indeed, a month before his death, he and I agreed to do a series of joint columns for the Boston Phoenix taking aim at the current-day idiocies that pollute both conservative and liberal political life. Yet the common view of Brudnoy is that liberals and conservatives managed to tolerate him despite his politics, by virtue of his magnetic and endearing personal qualities. -
Origins of Conservative Political Thought Dr. Jeffrey Dixon
POLI 5303: Origins of Conservative Political Thought Section 115 (Summer 2018) 6 PM – 8:30 PM Mon/Wed Founder’s Hall 213 Dr. Jeffrey Dixon Office: Founder’s Hall 217A Email: [email protected] Phone: (254) 501-5871 (email preferred) Office Hours: 5:00-5:45 PM Mon/Wed, 4:35- 5:45 PM Tues/Thurs, or by appointment Catalog Description This course covers the philosophical origins of conservative political thought, focusing on its traditional, statist, and libertarian variants. Course Overview This course critically examines the foundations of modern conservative thought. At least three variants of conservatism can be traced back hundreds (if not thousands) of years. Traditionalist conservatism, which seeks to preserve and in some cases restore the wisdom of the past and to resist modernizing influences, can be traced back at least as far as Aristotle. Realist (or statist) conservatism focuses on the maintenance of security – law and order at home and a hard line on international affairs – and can be traced back at least as far as Kautilya. During the Enlightenment, a new variant of conservatism emerged – libertarian conservatism, which traces its roots to John Locke. We will critically evaluate these strands of conservatism and compare them to other modern conservative philosophies, often termed “neoconservatism.” As a general rule, most of your out-of-class time devoted to this course should be spent reading the material and taking notes or writing questions about what you read. Philosophy isn’t casual reading material; you actually have to be engaged and careful as you work your way through the texts. -
Religious Right
Is there a ‘Religious Right’ Emerging in Britain? Is there a ‘Religious Right’ Emerging in Britian? Andy Walton in Britian? Andy Emerging Right’ ‘Religious a Is there Recent years have seen an increasing number of This report gives a reliable overview of evidence claims that a US-style Religious Right either exists or concerning the purported rise of the Christian is rapidly emerging in Britain. This report examines Right in Britian. Drawing on new research, it profiles Is there a ‘Religious Right’ whether or not the claims are accurate. several new Christian groups. By placing them in context, it shows why rumours that an American- Superficially, it argues, the case looks quite strong: style movement is crossing the Atlantic are greatly there is evidence of greater co-ordination among exaggerated. Christian groups with a strong socially-conservative Emerging in Britain? commitment, in particular relating to human Linda Woodhead, Professor of Sociology of sexuality, marriage, family life, and religious freedom, Religion, Lancaster University about which they are vocal and often willing to resort to legal action. This is a familiar picture within US This is a measured and thoughtful piece of research, politics. contributing to a topic where there is too much heat Andy Walton and too little light in contemporary debate. It assesses However, on closer inspection, research and analysis the presence – or, rather, the current absence – of a suggest that it is highly misleading to describe this coherent ‘Religious Right’ in British politics through with phenomenon as a US-style Religious Right. For a a detailed comparison with the characteristics of the number of reasons – economic, social, ecclesiastical movement in the US. -
To Download the Report As a .Pdf
progressivethethe progressiveSPRING 2010 conscienceconscience OF CLASHTHEGENERATIONS David WILLETTS Rafael BEHR Matthew TAYLOR Tim MONTGOMERIE OF CLASHTHE GENERATIONS David WILLETTS Rafael BEHR Matthew TAYLOR Tim MONTGOMERIE SPRING 2010 brightbright blue blue image ian muttoo Contributors Contents Anushka Asthana is the Policy Editor of The Observer Page 6 THE PROGCON ESSAY Rafael Behr is Chief Leader Writer for The Observer David Willetts calls on the babyboomers to act Damian Collins is the Conservative Parliamentary Candidate for Folkestone and Hythe and founding director of the Conservative Arts and Creative Page 8 THE INTERVIEW David Willetts Industries Network Danny Kruger reflects on his journey from Team Cameron to theatre with Tim Gill writes on childhood. His book No Fear: Growing up in a risk averse ex-offenders society was published in 2007 Pages 11-22 OPINION Nick Hillman is the Conservative Parliamentary Candidate for Cambridge and author of Quelling the Pensions Storm Matt Warman ponders over the post-bureaucratic age Rafael Behr on decentralisation and collective identity Danny Kruger is a former speechwriter to David Cameron and co-founder of Lucy Stone wants a greener future for our children OnlyConnect Rabbi Dr Jonathan Romain on faith schools Anushka Asthana applauds the modern man Matthew Taylor Penny Mansfield is Director of One Plus One, the relationship research Tim Gill returns to his childhood image: David Devin charity Page 14 THE POLITICS COLUMN Fiona Melville and David Skelton run Platform 10, a blog which -
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary Online Appendix Yann Algan Sergei Guriev Sciences Po and CEPR EBRD, Sciences Po and CEPR Elias Papaioannou Evgenia Passari London Business School and CEPR Université Paris-Dauphine Abstract This supplementary online appendix consists of three parts. First, we provide summary statistics, additional sensitivity checks and further evidence. Second, we provide details and sources on the data covering regional output and unemployment, trust, beliefs, attitudes and voting statistics. Third, we provide the classification of non-mainstream political parties’ political orientation (far-right, radical-left, populist, Eurosceptic and separatist) for all countries. 1 1. Summary Statistics, Additional Sensitivity Checks, and Further Evidence 1.1 Summary Statistics Appendix Table 1 reports the summary statistics at the individual level for all variables that we use from the ESS distinguishing between the pre-crisis period (2000-08) and the post-crisis period (2009-14). Panel A looks at all questions on general trust, trust in national and supranational institutions, party identification, ideological position on the left-right scale and beliefs on the European unification issue whereas in panel B we focus on attitudes to immigration. 1.2 Additional Sensitivity Checks Appendix Table 2 looks at the relationship between employment rates and voting for anti- establishment parties. Panel A reports panel OLS estimates with region fixed effects. Panel B reports difference-in-differences estimates. In contrast to Table 4, the specifications now include a dummy that takes on the value of one for core countries (Austria, France, Norway, Sweden) and zero for the periphery countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Ireland, Slovakia).